Skip to main content

Full text of "Degenerate art : the fate of the avant-garde in Nazi Germany"

See other formats

The Fate 

of the Avant- Garde 

in Nazi Germany 



'Degenerate Art" 

The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany 

No sooner had the Nazis seized control of Germany in 1933 
than they launched their relentless attacks on the avant-garde 
and their desecration of modernist art. 

By the fall of 1937 they had stripped 16,000 avant-garde 
works from the nation's museums and sent 650 to Munich for 
a massive exhibition, Etttartete Kunst (degenerate art, as they 
called this work) Among the artists thus castigated were 
towering figures of the art world: Max Beckmann, Marc 
Chagall, Otto Dix, George Grosz, Wassily Kandinsky Paul 
Klee, Oskar Kokoschka, Wilhelm Lehmbruck, and founders 
of German Expressionism: Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Franz 
Marc, Emil Nolde, and Karl Schmidt- Rottluff Provocative 
installation techniques were employed, some even reminis- 
cent of famous avant-garde shows of the past. 

Visitors jammed the galleries Nearly 3 million viewers 
are estimated to have seen Entarkte Kumt during its four-year 
tour of Germany and Austria 

By means of photographic documentation, archival 
records, motion-picture footage, the recollections of visi- 
tors, and published accounts, this infamous exhibition has 
been reconstructed (to the extent still possible) by the Los 
Angeles County Museum of Art. In this book, prepared in 
conjunction with the exhibition, Stephanie Barron, curator 
of twentieth-century art at the museum, has assembled more 
than 150 surviving masterworks from the original show Bar- 
ron's illuminating introductory essay establishes the cultural 
context for the brutal attack waged by the Nazis against the 
avant-garde In their essays Peter Guenther, Mario-Andreas 
von Liittichau, and Christoph Zuschlag discuss the prepara- 
tion, installation, and travel of the 1937 show George Mosse 
analyzes the National Socialist conception of beauty in art. 
Annegret Janda reveals aspects of the little-known resistance 
to the Nazis' campaign by museum officials in Berlin, while 
Andreas Hiineke and Barron document events surrounding 
the seizure and subsequent sale of many of the most valuable 
artworks. Michael Meyer and William Moritz examine the 
National Socialist attitudes toward music and film These 
vivid, exhaustively researched essays cannot help but suggest 
a parallel with our own times, in which artistic freedom is 
under attack by ideologues 

Generously illustrated with many photos never before 
published, this volume also contains biographical information 
on each artist pertinent to the Nazi persecution of the avant- 
garde, a register of names and institutions, an illustrated 

(continued on backjlap) 

'■■■■■.■.'.-■■■ 4 ■ 

■■.••■-'. -.»„■ 





r^i ■ g|( 


IBBMlTi it H 

k$B&c •/.'*'.. *;.*..•:♦ 

H?K9 »•« 



■ ■ 

SSBP8i&BP alSPai^l^ ££S$yi3ff§» WsM&S^Wsmk. 

,':•■■•--".■■■■■■■■■■■■:■■■•■ ! ■■ ' SsM 

i ■•■■■"• ■ 

The Fate of the Avant-Cardc in Nazi Germany 

Up'"!!* l " ,, ho* ,wl ' 


Degenerate Art 


The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany 

Stephanie Barron with contributions 


Peter Cueutber 
Andreas Hiineke 
Annegret Janda 

Mario-Andreas von Liitticbau 
Michael Meyer 
William Moritz 
George L. Mosse 
Christopb Zuscblag 


( upublished by the Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, 5905 Wilshire Boulevard, Los Angeles, California 
90036, and Harry N Abrams, Inc , Publishers, New 
York, 100 Fifth Avenue, New York, New York 1001! 

Copyright © 1991 by Museum Associates, Los Angeles 
County Museum of Art All rights reserved No part of 
the contents of this book may be reproduced without 
the written permission of the publisher 

This book was published in conjunction with the 
exhibition "Dtgmaalt Art" The Rite of the Aoant-Gardl in 
Nazi Germany, which was organized by the Los Angeles 
County Museum of Art and funded in part by grants 
from the National Endowment for the Humanities and 
the National Endowment for the Arts It received addi- 
tional assistance from the Federal Republic of Germany 
and an indemnity from the Federal Council on the 
Arts and the Humanities Lufthansa German Airlines 
provided major support for the transportation of 
the exhibition 

Exnifiilion itinerary 

Los Angeles County Museum of Art 
February I7-May 12 1991 

The Art Institute of Chicago 
June 22-September 8, 1991 

The essay by Mario-Andreas von Luttichau and the wall 
texts and exhibition brochure for Enlartrlt Kunst were 
translated by David Britt The essays by Andreas 
Huneke, Annegret landa, George L Mosse, and 
Christoph Zuschlag were translated by Stewart 

Edited by Susan Caroselli 

Designed by Jim Drobka 

Production assistance by Jeffrey Cohen and 

Eileen Delson 

Typeset in Weiss by Andresen Typographies, Tucson, 

Arizona, and in City Bold by Mondo Typo, Inc , Culver 

City California 

Printed by Typecraft, Inc , Pasadena, California 

Bound by Roswell Bookbinding, Phoenix, Arizona 

Cover View of a section of the south wall of Room 3 in 
the exhibition EttUtrlttr Kunst, Munich, 1937 

Title page Section of the north wall of Room 5 

Right View of Room 3, the sculptures are Eugen 
Hoffmann's Adam mi Eva (Adam and Eve), at left, and 
Karel Niestraths Dir Huni)rii)r iThe starving 

Library o/ Con^rrss Gil.ilo<)in</-m-Pii(ilic<ilnm Data 

Degenerate Art the fate of the avant-garde in Nazi 

Germany / [edited by] Stephanie Barron , with 

contributions by Peter Guenther [et al I 

424 pp 

Published in conjunction with the exhibition to 
be held at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 
Feb 17-May 12, 1991, and at the Art Institute of 
Chicago, June 22-Sept 8, 199! 

Includes bibliographical references and index 

ISBN 0-8109-3653-4 (Abrams) 

ISBN 0-87587-158-5 (LACMA pbk ) 

I Art, German — Exhibitions 2 Art, Modern — 
20th century — Germany — Exhibitions 3 National 
socialism and art — Exhibitions 4 Germany — 
Cultural policy — Exhibitions I Barron, Stephanie 
II Guenther, Peter W III Los Angeles County 
Museum of Art IV Art Institute of Chicago 
N6868D3388 1991 
70943'074773l I— dc20 90-22147 (Abrams) 

90-22256 (LACMA pbk) 


e Foreword 

9 1937 Modern Art and Politics in Prewar Germany 

Stephanie Barron 

25 Beauty without Sensuality/ The Exhibition Entartttt Kunsi 

George L Mow 

33 Three Days in Munich, luly 1937 

Peter Guetither 

45 Entartttt Kunst, Munich 1937 A Reconstruction 

Mario-Andreas von Liittichau 

83 An "Educational Exhibition" The Precursors of £«iurlflf Kunst and Its Individual Venues 

Cbristopb Zuschlag 

105 The Fight for Modern Art The Berlin Nationalgalerie after 1933 

Atmtgrei Janda 

121 On the Trail of Missing Masterpieces Modern Art from German Galleries 

Andreas Hunelte 

135 The Galene Fischer Auction 

Stephanie Barron 

171 A Musical Facade for the Third Reich 

Michael Meyer 

185 Film Censorship during the Nazi Era 

Wdham Montz 

193 The Works of Art in Entartttl Kunst, Munich 1937 

Artists' biographies by Daamar Grimm, Pftcr Guenther. Pamela Kort 

356 Facsimile of the Ent.irlcte Kuhs! Exhibition Brochure 

391 Chronology 

402 Register of Frequently Cited Names and Organizations 

404 Exhibition Ephemera 

405 Entartete Kunsi The Literature 

406 Selected Bibliography 
412 Acknowledgments 
416 List of Lenders 

419 Index 


During the 1910s and 1920s public and private enthusiasm for 
contemporary art flourished in Germany in an unprecedented way 
A museum devoted to modern art was founded in Halle, and other 
museums in Berlin, Essen, and Frankfurt set aside special sections 
devoted to contemporary art In the 1930s, however, with the rise of 
National Socialism all this came to a devastating halt Museum direc- 
tors and curators were dismissed, and sixteen thousand paintings, 
sculptures, prints, and drawings were removed from public collec- 
tions in a series of swift actions Artists who were until that time 
accorded respect, on the faculty of leading academies and univer- 
sities, and the subjects of important exhibitions and monographs 
were forced to flee their native Germany, radically alter their style, 
or cease creating art altogether The most ambitious assault by the 
National Socialists on the avant-garde occurred in 1937 with the 
opening of the Entartete Kiwst (Degenerate art) exhibition in Munich 

Our exhibition and catalogue "Detlinerate Art" The Fate of the 
Avant-Garde m Nazi Germany examine the events surrounding that 
condemnation of modern art Although this project has been in the 
planning stage for five years, its topic has recently attained greater 
timeliness Museums in this country have relied for a quarter of a 
century on government grants through the agencies of the National 
Endowment for the Arts, the National Endowment for the Human- 
ities, the Federal Council on the Arts and the Humanities, and the 
Institute for Museum Services This assistance has, among many 
other things, enabled public institutions to continue to present 
important exhibitions to an ever-growing public and to attract pri- 
vate and corporate funding As the 1990s begin, museum exhibitions 
are in a precarious position If government support for the arts is 
jeopardized, the ability of all museums to organize exhibitions will 
be affected and the museum as an educational institution will be 
seriously diminished 

( ink with two very generous subventions Irom the National 
Endowment tor the Arts and the National Endowment tor the 
Humanities have we been able to mount this exhibition organize its 
related events and produce this catalogue I his exhibition focuses 
on events that are powerful disturbing, and sometimes difficult to 

understand It is especially gratifying to us that the Endowments 

recognized the importance oi the issues and made it possible tor us 
to pursue the projec i 

Degenerate Art" Tin Fate oj the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany was 

connived and organized In Stephanie Barron, curator ol twentieth 
century ait at the I os Angeles I ounty Museum ot Art It represents 

Ms Barron's thud majoi undertaking in the history of modern 

German art following the acclaimed Gcrmin Ex/irrssioiml Sculpture in 
1983 84 ->n^{ German Expressionism I9i5-i925 T)>r Second Generation in 

fJKK-H^ I hese accomplishments have contributed substantially to 
the museums reputation as an important centei lor the study of 

German art We are grateful to Ms Barron tor her outstanding 
work on this ambitious project 

In the i muse ol preparing the exhibition the museum and 
Ms Barron have been fortunate in receiving excellent cooperation 
from museums and private collections in North and South America 
and Europe We are indebted to our lenders, who are listed on 
page 4lo lor without their generosity this project would have 
remained a dream 

Most foreign loans have been covered by an indemnity from the 
Federal Council on the Arts and the Humanities Additional assis- 
tance was received from the cultural authorities of the government of 
the Federal Republic of Germany, Dr Leopold Siefker, former Con- 
sul General of the Federal Republic of Germany in Los Angeles, was 
most gracious in securing this funding The Goethe-lnstitut Los 
Angeles and the Nathan Cummings Foundation each provided 
special funding for the extensive educational programs — including 
films, lectures, concerts, symposia, and a cabaret — that accompany 
the exhibition Without this significant help an exhibition and pub- 
lication of this magnitude would have truly been impossible to 
realize Lufthansa German Airlines graciously provided major assis- 
tance for the transportation of the works of art, Joe Zucker, Public 
Relations Manager — USA West for Lufthansa, has once again proved 
most responsive to our request for funding 

\ newly reunified < lermany faces extraordinary challenges 
inevitably among them is a reexamination ol the events ol the Third 

Reich We profoundly hope that tin i (hibil ind catalogue we are 

proud to present at OUI tWO institutions will contribute tO the COn 

tinning reevaluation "I the cultural heritage ol < iermany and the 
vigilance and reaffirmation that are an essential component ol the 

health ol oui own nations intellectual and artistn traditions 

1 he interest and enthusiasm on both sides ot the Atlantic that 
have greeted this project since its inception have been enormously 
gratifying "Degenerate Art" The Fatt of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany 
documents one of the most appalling moments in out < entury's 
cultural history but it is also a reminder that art and creativity 
will survive censorship and oppression 

Earl A Powell III 


Los Angeles County Museum oj Art 

James N Wood 


The Art Institute oj Chicago 

Figure ! 

Cover of the exhibition guide for Enlarlett Kuiisl, 1937, image Otto Freundlich, Dfr 

mut Menscb (The new man), 1912, plaster cast, height 139 cm (54 V, in ), location unkn 

S T E P H A N I I H A k K < > N 


Modern Art and Politics in Prewar Germany 

In 1937 the National Socialists staged the 
most virulent attack ever mounted against 
modern art with the opening on Inly 19 in 
Munich tit the- Enlartett Kunst (Degenerate 
lit exhibition, in which were brought 
together more than 650 important paintings, sculptures, prints, and 
books that had until a tew weeks earlier been in the possession of 
thirty-two German public museum collections The works were 
assembled for the purpose of clarifying for the German public by 
defamation and derision exactly what type of modern art was unac- 
ceptable to the keich and thus "un-German " During the four 
months Enlartett Kunst was on view in Munich it attracted more than 
two million visitors over the next three years it traveled through- 
out Germany and Austria and was seen by nearly one million more 
On most days twenty thousand visitors passed through the exhibi- 
tion which was free of charge, records state that on one Sunday — 
August 2 1937 — thirty-six thousand people saw it ' The popularity 
of f iiliirlftr Kunst has never been matched by any other exhibition 
of modern art According to newspaper accounts, five times as many 
people visited Etiltirldr Kunst as saw the Cross? Deutsche Kunstausstelluna 
(Great German art exhibition I, an equally large presentation of 
Nazi-approved art that had opened on the preceding day to inaugu- 
rate Munich's Haus der Deutschen Kunst (House of German arti, 
the hrst olhcial building erected by the National Socialists 

The thoroughness of the National Socialists' politicization of 
aesthetic issues remains unparalleled in modern history as does the 
remarkable set of circumstances that led to the complete revocation 
of Germany's previous identification of its cultural heroes, not only 
in the visual arts but also in literature, music, and film When the 
National Socialists assumed power in 1933, one of their first acts 
was an attack on contemporary authors, widespread book-burnings 
in which thousands of volumes were destroyed in public view 
announced the new policy toward the arts The Entartett Kunst exhi- 
bition was only the tip of the iceberg in 1937 more than sixteen 
thousand examples of modern art were confiscated as "degenerate" 
by a committee empowered by Joseph Goebbels, Adolf Hitler's 
second-in-command and since March of 1933 Reichsminister 
fur Volksaufklarung und Propaganda (Reich minister for public 
enlightenment and propaganda While some of the impounded art earmarked for Entartett Kunst in Munich hundreds ol works were 
sold lot haul currency to foreign buyers Many ol the dregs, as 
Goebbels called them, were probably destroyed in a spectacular 
blaze in front of the central tire department in ficrlin in 1939 

The National Socialists reiected and censured virtually every- 
thing that had existed on the German modern art scene prior to 
1933 Whether abstract or representational, the innocuously beautiful 
landscapes and portraits by August Macke, the impressionistic - 
ally colored paintings by the popular Brucke artists Ernst Ludwig 
Kirchner, Emil Nolde, and Karl Schmidt-Rottlutl, the biting social 
criticism of Max Beckmann, Otto Dix, and George Grosz, or 
the efforts of the Bauhaus artists to forge a new link between art 
and industry — all were equally condemned The Gesetz zur 
Wiederherstellung des Berutsbeamtentums I Professional civil service 
restoration act) of April 7, 1933, enabled Nazi officials to dismiss 
non-Aryan government employees from their jobs In that year 
alone more than twenty museum directors and curators, all of 
whom worked for state institutions, were fired 

Artists were forced to join official groups, and any "undesir 
ables" were dismissed from teaching posts in the academies and 
artistic organizations No matter what their political attitudes, artists 
who worked in abstract, Cubist, Expressionist, Surrealist, or other 
modern styles came under attack Nolde, who was actually an early 
member of the National Socialist party saw his own work declared 
"degenerate " Willi Baumeister and Beckmann were dismissed from 
their positions at the Frankfurt Stadelschule (Municipal school), 
Dix, Paul Klee, and Max Pechstein were fired from the academies 
in Dresden, Dusseldorf, and Berlin, respectively The Preussische 
Akademie I Prussian academy in Berlin lost many important artists, 
including Ernst Barlach, Rudolf Belling, Dix, Ludwig Gies, Karl 
Hofer, Kirchner, Oskar Kokoschka, Kathe Kollwitz, Max Lieber- 
mann, Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, Pechstein, and Bruno Taut Most 
of the artists who were persecuted were not Jewish, on the contrary, 
of those mentioned above only Liebermann was Jewish, and of the 
112 artists included in Entartete Kunst only 6 were lews Any artists 
who were mentioned or whose work was illustrated in any of the 
well-publicized books on contemporary art by Ludwig lusti or C arl 
Einstein or in avant-garde periodicals such as Dus KunstWiill The 
art paper i, Dir Aktion (Action), or Drr Sturm (The storm) were easy 

targets for the National Socialists In 1979 Berthold Hinz produced 
evidence that Einstein's Die Kunsl ties 20 Jahrbunderts (The art of the 
twentieth century) was in fact used as a guide by many of the 
National Socialists in denning who and what was modern, and 
consequently "un-German" and to be vilified ' With the swift 
imprint of the censor's stamp they outlawed an entire generation 
of modernism 

While the focus of "Degenerate Art" The Fate of the Avant-Garde 
in Nazi Germany is on events in the visual arts, these can be seen as 
indicative of prohibitions in the wider spectrum of the cultural arena 
It is worthwhile to look at the various areas that came under the 
jurisdiction of the Reichsministerium fur Volksaufklarung und Propa- 
ganda In November 1933 Coebbels established Reichskammern (Reich 
chambers) of film, music, radio broadcasting, press, theater, and 
writers, in addition to the fine arts (fig 2) Each of the heads of 
these chambers had under him (there were no women) seven depart- 
ments incorporating further subdivisions The Reichskammer der 
bildenden Kunste (Reich chamber of visual arts), for example, was 
divided into departments of I ) administration, 2) press and propa- 
ganda, 3) architecture, landscape architecture, and interior design, 
4) painting, sculpture, and graphic arts, 5) commercial illustration 
and design, 6) art promotion, artists' associations, and craft associa- 
tions, and 7) art publishing, sales, and auctioneering 

What becomes apparent is the microscopic attention the Nazi 
hierarchy accorded the observation and regulation of all aspects of 
cultural life in the Reich The government established procedures 
whereby it decided what and who was acceptable or undesirable 
Exclusion was tantamount to permanent disbarment One can only 
wonder at the disproportionate amount of bureaucratic organiza- 
tion, paperwork, rules, and regulations that was aimed at an area 
of society that was economically politically and militaristically 
unthreatening Obviously the National Socialists perceived the cul- 
tural life of the citizens of the Reich to be extremely important and 
worthy of such intensive concern This elevation of art to such a 
major role in a totalitarian society was without historical precedent, 
other than in the Soviet Union Hellmut Lehmann-Haupt wrote in 
the early 1950s, "Such complete monopolization of the entire creative 
potential of a people, of every aesthetic instinct, such subjugation of 
every current of its productivity and its capacity for artistic experi- 
ence to the purposes of the leaders of collective society does not 
exist before the present century" 4 Although Hitler had a personal 
interest and involvement with art, due to his unsuccessful career as 
a painter in Vienna, Lehmann-Haupt argues convincingly that the 
preoccupation of the National Socialists with culture far transcended 
Hitler's own frustrated flirtation with art s 

Die Reichskulturkammei 

^>1 Landeiiiuitufwairer 
( LandOTfellenleitei'desCeicrHminfVuP ") 
mitdenlandeileitunqen und landesieitem 

Figure 2 

Organizational chart of the Reichskulturkammer (Reich cha 

ing its division into chambers of radio broadcasting, film, rr 

nber of c 


literature, and journalism 

Degeneracy and Nazi ideology in Ihe 1920s and 1930s 
["he Grosst Deutsche Kunstausstelluni) and EntarteU Kunsl did not 
occui as isolated incidents [Tie issues raised, the Fusion ol political 
and aesthetic themes, and the use ol the term mlarltl to designate 
supposedly inferioi racial sexual and moral types had been in the 
air tor several years (Ewtortrt, which lias traditionally been translated 
as degenerate 01 decadent is essentially a biological term defin 
ing a plant or animal that has so changed that it no longer belongs 
to its spe« ies By extension it teters to art that is unclasstliablc or 
so far bevond the confines of what is accepted that it is in essence 
"non-art ") 

I lie events leading up to 1937 had their roots in German cul- 
tural history long before the National Socialist party was formed 
The year 187*1 marked both the emergence ol the German empire 
and the publication ol ( harles Darwin's The Descent of Man, a book 
later used to justify German racism As a unified country C.ermany 
became prone to an intense nationalism that manifested itself quite 
often as a belief in the natural superiority of the Aryan people The 
myth of the blond, blue-eyed Nordic hero as the embodiment of 
the Future of Western civilization was promoted in the writings of 
several European authors of the early twentieth century including 
Count Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Hans Cunther, 
and Alfred Rosenberg In the decade between 1910 and 1920 the 
concept of racism had achieved popularity in the middle class By 
the 1920s certain authors argued that racial characteristics and art 
were linked and attempted to "prove" that the style of a work of art 
was determined by the race of the artist '' 

This period in German history also saw the efflorescence of 
modern art, literature, film, and music created by individuals who 
would be labeled "degenerate" in the 1930s German art virtually 
exploded in a series of events in Berlin, Dresden, and Munich The 
emergence of the artists' groups Die Brucke (The bridge) and Der 
Blaue Reiter (The blue rider), the publication of important radical 
periodicals to which artists contributed, and the intense response by 
artists and writers to the cataclysmic events of the First World War 
characterized the first phase of German Expressionism These artists 
and writers were also drawn to the exotic the carvings and wall 
hangings of African and Oceanic peoples that the Brucke artists saw 
in the Dresden Volkerkunde-Museum (Ethnographic museum), for 
example, or the art of the insane that served as inspiration for the 
poetry and prose of such esteemed authors as Hugo Ball, Alfred 
Dublin, and Wieland Herzfelde In the wake of the war avant-garde 
German art came increasingly into conflict with the nationalistic 
realism that was more easily understood by the average German 
The country had experienced a humiliating defeat and had been 
assessed for huge war reparations that grievously taxed its already 
shaky economy Movements such as Expressionism, Cubism, and 
Dada were often viewed as intellectual, elitist, and foreign by the 
demoralized nation and linked to the economic collapse, which was 
blamed on a supposed international conspiracy of Communists and 

lews Many avani garde .mists continued then involvement in Soi ial 

ism during the turbulent Weimar era and made their sentiments 

known through their art I Ins identification ol tin mon abstract art 
movements with internationalism and progressive politii 

highly visible targets for the aggressive nationalism that gave bulb in 
the National Socialist party even as institutions sui li a thi Bauhaus 
;< I I moved into the cultural mainstream and German museums 

exhibited more ami nunc- avant garde work 

Concurrent with important artistic developments, pseud 
tifit treatises such as Max Nordau's Enlartuitt) I Regeneration ol IK92 
were enioving renewed popularity 7 Nordau, himself a lew wrote a 
ponderous tcxl vilifying the Pre Raphaclitcs Symbolism Henrik 
Ibsen, and Emile Zola, among others as he sought to prove the 
superiority ol traditional German culture In IH9S George Bernard 
Shaw had written a brilliant and scathing review of Nordau's book,' 
one of several responses provoked internationally Unfortunately 
the criticism had little impact on the architects of Nazi ideology 
Enliirhmil and other racist works took the widely accepted view that 
nineteenth-century realistic genre painting represented the culmina- 
tion of a long tradition of true Aryan art Even before they obtained 
a majority in the Reichstag I Parliament i, disgruntled theorists and 
polemicists had written and spoken of how "good German art" was 
being overrun by "degenerates, lews, and other insidious influences 
The avant-garde artist was equated to the insane, who in turn was 
synonymous with the lew the nineteenth-century founders ol 
German psychiatry felt that the lew was inherently degenerate and 
more susceptible than the non-lew to insanity g As Sander Gilman 
has pointed out, the classifications of "degenerate" and "healthy" 
appeared for the first time in the late nineteenth century, by the late 
1930s they were fairly standard in discussions about the avant-garde 
and the traditional '" 

Opposition to the wave of avant-garde activities in German 
museums had begun in the 1920s with the founding of the Deutsche 
Kunstgesellschaft (German art association), which had as its goals a 
"common action against the corruption of art" and the promotion of 
an "art that was pure German, with the German soul reflecting art " 
They attacked exhibitions of the works of Beckmann, Grosz, and 
other proponents of "Kulturbolschewismus" I art-Bolshevism) In 1927 
Rosenberg, the chief architect of Nazi cultural policy founded the 
Kampfbund fur deutsche Kultur (Combat league for German cul- 
ture), which had the same goals as the Deutsche Kunstgesellschaft 
It was at first an underground organization, but with the rise of 
National Socialism it worked openly with the party leadership In 
1930 Rosenberg wrote Der Mythus lies 20 ]ahrhunieris Erne Wertung der 
secliscb-geistigen Gestaltatkampfe (The myth of the twentieth century 
An evaluation of the spiritual-intellectual confrontations of our age), 
in which he denounced Expressionism and other modern art forms 
"Creativity was broken because it had oriented itself, ideologically 
and artistically toward a foreign standard and thus was no longer 
attuned to the demands of life"" 

In 1929 the state of Thuringia elected Wilhelm Frick, a mem- 
ber of the Nazi party as representative to the Reichstag Frick was 
named Innenminister (Minister of the interior) for Thuringia His 
actions gave a foretaste of what the Nazi seizure of power would 
mean he began by replacing most department heads, issuing new 
cultural policies, and even encouraging the dismissal of Walter 
Gropius and the entire twenty-nine-member faculty of the Bauhaus 
in Weimar, which was located within his jurisdiction 

Frick appointed Paul Schultze-Naumburg, an architect and 
racial theorist, to replace Gropius In 1925 Schultze-Naumburg had 
published an attack on the Bauhaus, Das ABC des Bauens (The ABCs of 
building), and in 1928 he wrote Kunst und Russe (Art and race), which 
would have a far-reaching influence in the Nazi scheme against mod- 
ernism Exploiting the popularity of Nordau's treatise, Schultze- 
Naumburg attacked modern art as "entartet" He juxtaposed exam- 
ples of modern art and photographs of deformed or diseased people 
to suggest that they were the models for the elongated faces of 
Amedeo Modigliani, the angular physiognomies of Schmidt-Rottluff, 
and the florid faces of Dix (figs 3-4) He railed particularly against 
the Expressionists, who he felt represented the inferior aspect of 
modern German culture 

Heidelberg had become a center for the study of art produced 
by schizophrenics as a means of access to the central problems of 
mental illness In 1922 psychiatrist Hans Prinzhorn had published his 
study Bildnerei der Geisteskranken (Image-making by the mentally ill), 
which was based on material he had assembled he examined more 
than 5,000 works by 450 patients to demonstrate that the art of the 
insane exhibited certain specific qualities n The study received 
serious attention far beyond the medical profession Although we 
have no evidence that Hitler, the failed artist, read or even knew of 
Prinzhorn's book, the attention devoted to it was so widespread that 
it is more likely than not to have reached him Thus, it is not surpris- 
ing that Schultze-Naumburg's methodology of comparing the works 
of insane artists to avant-garde art was seized upon as a further 
way to "prove" the "degeneracy" of modern art The technique of 
comparison for the purpose of denigration and condemnation thus 
became a basic tool of the Nazi campaign In 1933 in Erlangen one of 
the many precursors of Entartete Kunst included thirty-two paintings 
by contemporary artists shown with works by children and the 
mentally ill " The same technique was used on several pages in 
the illustrated brochure published to accompany Entartete Kunst 
as it traveled around Germany (pp 383, 385, 387, 389) 

There emerged in 1934 some confusion about the "official" atti- 
tude toward the Expressionists, artists such as Barlach and Nolde in 
particular Some factions saw this art as truly German and Nordic, 
with roots in the Gothic era Goebbels initially sided with these pro- 
ponents, in fact, he surrounded himself with examples of Barlach's 
sculpture and Nolde's painting; he saw the spirit and chaos of 
Expressionism as analogous to the spirit of Nazi youth At extreme 
odds with him was Rosenberg, who sought to promote vblkisch 

art (art of and for the German people) over any type of modern 
aesthetic Goebbels and Rosenberg took opposing sides in their 
speeches and writings, neither yet sure of the Fuhrer's opinion l4 
When Hitler appointed Rosenberg early in 1934 to supervise all 
"intellectual and ideological training," he gave him a rank equal to 
Goebbels's in his role as president of the Reichskulturkammer (Reich 
chamber of culture) The ideological tug-of-war continued well into 
the year, until the controversy required Hitler's intervention In Sep- 
tember, at the party rally in Nuremberg, Hitler spoke of the dangers 
of artistic sabotage by the Cubists, Futurists, Dadaists, and others 
who were threatening artistic growth, but he also cautioned against 
excessively retrograde German art Thus, neither Expressionism nor 
the conservative volkiscb art received his blessing Nazi-approved art 
would be based exclusively on German racial tradition Henceforth, 
all forms of modernism, including art criticism, were outlawed 

The unusual methodology employed by the Nazis in the Entartete 
Kunst exhibition entailed the gathering of works of art for the specific 
purpose of defamation Never before had there been such an effort, 
perhaps only Soviet Russia in the years following the revolution of 
1917 offers a parallel for the efflorescence of modernism and its 
immediate repudiation by the government in power The late- 
nineteenth-century French Salons des Refuses, in which art outside 
the academic tradition could be seen, were state-sanctioned oppor- 
tunities for the avant-garde to emerge By contrast, the Nazis exhib- 
ited works contrary to their "approved" art in order to condemn 
them There was no chance for an alternative voice to be heard 

Rgures J— 4 

KixtaposttkMi ol works ol degenerate' an by kail Sihmidt Ruitlutt and Amcdeo 
Modigliani and photographs ol facial deformities, from Paul Sthultze-Naumbur^, 
Kmal mi K.m<, 1928 

As early as 1933 the seeds had been sown for the approach used 
in the Munich exhibition four years later In that year the Deulscber 
Kutistbtricbt (German art report), under Goebbels's jurisdiction, pub- 
lished a hve-point manifesto stating "what German artists expect 
from the new government " Much of the content of the manifesto 
was generated by artists outside the mainstream avant-garde who felt 
that the art world had passed them by They sought revenge on a 
modern art that was becoming increasingly identified with Germany 
in the international art world The manifesto laid the groundwork 
for the events in 1937 

• All works of a cosmopolitan or Bolshevist nature should be 
removed from German museums and collections, but first they 
should be exhibited to the public, who should be informed ol 
the details of their acquisition, and then burned 

•All museum directors who "wasted" public monies by purchas- 
ing "un-German" art should be tired immediately 

•No artist with Marxist or Bolshevist connections should be 
mentioned henceforth 

• No boxlike buildings should be built [an assault on Bauhaus 

•All public sculptures not "approved" by the German public 
should be immediately removed [this applied especially to 
Barlach and Wilhelm Lehmbruck] 

The attack on the museums 

Prioi i" the outbreak "i the First World Wai museums an dealers, 
and pci n idn als in ( iermany wen- greatly attuned t • » avant-garde 
activities in I urope and were avid advocates for the most recent 
developments Museum curators and directors had responded 

eagerly to Impressionism and Cost Impressionism In IH'I7 the 
Nationalgalerie in Berlin became the hrst museum in the world to 
acquire ,i painting bv Caul Cezanne, and the Museum lolkwang in 
I ssen was among the earliest public supporter 1 , ol the work of Caul 
( iauguin and Vincent van Gogh Herwarth Walden, with his gallery 
and publication Dcr Sliirm, was a staunch supporter ol I xprcssmnism. 
Cubism, Futurism, and the Russian avant-garde 

In 1949 Caul Ortwin Rave who had become a curator at the 
Berlin Nationalgalerie in the 1930s, wrote the hrst book describing 
the artistic situation under the Nazi regime Kunstdiktatw mi /Jrrltot 
Rcicfc (Art dictatorship in the Third Reich), which contained his eye- 
witness account of the EHlurtfle Kunst exhibition ,; What emerges 
from his description of the activities of German museums from 1919 
through 1939 is a picture of a country filled with museums actively 
committed to modern art, to its acquisition and display Alexander 
Doerner in Hannover, Gustav Hartlaub and Fritz Wichert in Mann- 
heim, Carl Georg Heise in Liibeck, Ludwig lusti in Berlin, Alfred 
Lichtwark in Hamburg, Karl Ernst Osthaus in Hagen, Max 
Sauerlandt in Halle and later in Hamburg, Alois Schardt in Halle, 
Georg Swarzenski in Frankfurt, and Hugo von Tschudi in Berlin and 
later in Munich were among the museum directors who proselytized 
for contemporary art They were responsible for acquiring, often 
directly from the artists, major works by Barlach, Beckmann, Lyonel 
Feminger, Erich Heckel, Kirchner, Lehmbruck, Macke, Franz Marc, 
Nolde, Cechstein, Christian Rohlfs, and Schmidt-Rottluff, as well as 
artists of the earlier generation, Lovis Corinth, Liebermann, and Max 
Slevogt They were not only committed to contemporary German 
art but also acquired in significant quantity important works by 
foreign Impressionists and Cost-Impressionists Cezanne, Gauguin, 
van Gogh, Edouard Manet, Claude Monet, Auguste Renoir, and Caul 
Signac and the art of contemporary foreigners such as James Ensor, 
Wassily Kandinsky El Lissitsky Henri Matisse, Ciet Mondrian, and 
Cablo Cicasso 

The exhibitions they organized, which frequently traveled, 
helped to define artistic trends and were important signs to foreign 
museums and dealers of the healthy state of contemporary art in 
Germany Important international exhibitions in Cologne in 1912, 
Dresden in 1919, and Dtisseldorf and Hannover in 1928 exposed new 
German art to a wider public Contemporary German art was shown 
in Florence, London, New York, Caris, Cittsburgh, and Stockholm 
In 1931 Alfred Barr, Ir, traveled in Germany to prepare his Modern 
German Painting and Sculpture for the fledgling Museum of Modern Art 
in New York He was so impressed by what he saw in the museums 
that he made a point in his catalogue of citing the contemporary 
collecting policies of German public institutions 

Figure 5 

Grosst antibolschtwislisck Aussltllmj I Great anti-Rolshevist exhibition), Nuremberg, 1937 


I! 11 It". B 

n ff 

Figure 6 

The exhibition Da twitfc Jude (The eternal Jew), Munich, 1937, over the title are the words, "very political show 

Howevei much modem German art is admirtd or misunderstood abroad it 
i* crrtaiitfv supported publicly and /viiwlrry in Germiwy irilfi extraordi 
nary jrnrri'Miv AIiimiiih Jirniors h,n>e il>< couragt foresight and kiwwl- 
tagt to buy ivories »y Ibi most advanced artists long before publh opinion 
forces them to do so Somi Mb I reman Museums, as tbt lists in this 
catalogue suggest are a mosl positive factor both in supporting artists 
ami in educating Mm public to an understanding 0/ ibeir icorfe '" 
Alter visiting a New York gallery showing ol works of modern 
C .erman art in 1939 the reviewer lor the Nne York World-Telegram 
umte ( Ine's first reat tion on seeing them is ol amazement that 
such early examples ol work by men who were later to become world 
Famous should have been purchased by museums in ( iermany so 
many years ago 

The Nationalgalerie in Berlin housed the most representative 
collection ol contemporary German art On October 30, 1936, 
immediately following the close of the Summer Olympics, Goebbels 
ordered the gallervs contemporary rooms to be closed to the public 
From Annegret landa's essay in this volume we learn how this most 
visible lorum lor modern art was a battleground in which a succes- 
sion ol museum directors engaged in a struggle to reorganize and 
protect the collection, to preserve some aesthetic dignity and even 
to continue to acquire contemporary art with dwindling funds Alter 
coming to power the National Socialists began a systematic cam- 
paign to confiscate modernist works from public museum collections 
Hitler saw an attack on modernism as an opportunity to use the 
average German's distrust of avant-garde art to further his political 
objectives against lews, Communists, and non-Aryans The charge 
of "degeneracy" was leveled at avant-garde practitioners of music, 
literature, him, and visual art, and their works were confiscated to 
purity' German culture In 1933 the earliest exhibitions of "degener- 
ate " art were organized to show the German people the products of 
the "cultural collapse" of Germany that would be purged from the 
Third Reich Confiscated works were assembled into Schreckenskam- 
mfni der Kunst (chambers of horror of art) whose organizers decried 
the (act that public monies had been wasted on these modern "hor- 
rors" and implied that many of the works had been foisted on the 
museums by a cabal of Jewish art dealers These precursors to the 
Enl.irlflf Kiotst exhibition in Munich in 1937 sprang up throughout 
Germany, often featuring works from the local museums (see 
Christoph Zuschlag's essay in this catalogue) Entartete Kumt was 
not the only anti-modernist exhibition to occur in 1937 The Institut 
fur Deutsche Kultur- und Wirtschaftspropaganda (Institute for 
German cultural and economic propaganda), a section of Goeb- 
bels's ministry, organized the Gnsst antibolschewistische Aussttllung 
(Great anti-Bolshevist exhibition, fig 5), which ran in Nuremberg 
from September 5 to September 29 and then traveled to several 
other venues, and orchestrated the tour of the NSDAP's exhibition 
Der ru'iijr lude (The eternal lew, fig 6) from Munich to Vienna, Ber- 
lin, Bremen, Dresden, and Magdeburg from late 1937 to mid-1939 

The Kunsthalle Mannheim: An example 

I he situation in Mannheim was typical of that ol many other Ger- 
man museums out ol the spotlight ol Berlin one could just as easily 
have chosen the Landesmuscum in Hannover, the Kunstsammlungcn 
in Dresden, the Museum lolkwang in lissen, or the Staatliche 

Galerie Moritzburg in Halle '* 

Between 1909 and 1923 Fritz Wichert, the director ol the 
Kunsthalle Mannheim, purchased several key examples of French 
and German Impressionism and German Impressionism, including 
paintings bv Alexander Archipenko, Beckmann, Corinth, Kirchncr 
and Liebermann Sally Falk's donations ol works by l.ehmbruck 
and I 1 nest o de I ioi i provided the nui leus for a growing col lee Hon 

ol sculpture ' ' 

Wic hert's successor was ( .ust.iv I lartlaub, whose tenure 
extended from 1923 until 1934, when he- was Forced to resign I le 
was responsible for most ol the exhibitions and major acquisitions ol 
Expressionist and modern art that made Mannheim .1 c inn 1 foi thosi 
who wanted to see current art in ( Iermany figs 7—8 1 I he hies ol 
the Kunsthalle yield an interesting picture ol the volume and velocity 
ol these purchases and exhibitions and ol Hartlaub s voracious inter 
est in contemporary art, including the I auves Die Brucke, Der Blauc 
Reiter, Neue Sachlichkeit I New objectivity), and other examples of 
German and non-German avant-garde art 

1924-25 Exhibition Dfitlscfctr Werkbund "Die Form" 
Acquisition Grosz, Grosstadt 

1925-26 Exhibitions Edvard Munch ; Neue Sachlichkeit 

Acquisitions Marc Chagall, Blaues Haus, Dix, Die Witwe, 
Grosz, Max Hermann -Neisse, Kirchner, Stilleben 

1927-28 Exhibitions James Ensor, Wege und Richtunaen der Abstraction 
Acquisitions Baumeister, Tischgesellschaft, Robert 
Delaunay St Severing Ensor, Masks and Death, Oskar 
Schlemmer, Frauentreppe 

1928-29 Exhibition Max Beckmann 

Acquisitions Beckmann, Picrrrtlf und Clown, Das 
Liebespaar, Chagall, Rabhmcr, Andre Derain, Landscape 

1929-30 Acquisition Heinrich Hoerle, Melancholic 

1930-31 Exhibitions Bauhaus, Neues von Cestern 
Acquisition lankel Adler, Zu'ti Madchen 

1931-32 Exhibitions Oskar Kokoschka , Georg Minne 

1932-33 only graphics 

1933-34 nothing major 

1934—35 only graphics 

As early as the mid-!920s museums had felt the cold wind of 
censorship In 1925 Hartlaubs Neue Sachlichkeit exhibition traveled to 
the Chemnitz Kunsthiitte, where the director, Dr Schreiber- 
Wiegand; asked Hartlaub to make some changes in the catalogue 
We are most grateful to you for your permission to use your introiiMclion 
to the catalogue, but with regard to our special art-political conditions, 


Figure 7 

Gallery in the Kunsthalle Mannheim during the defamatory exhibition Kullur- 
fcolscfcnmstiscfcf Bilder (Images of cultural Bolshevism), 1933, work later in Entarlitt 
KuhsI 1 Schlemmer, Fraumtrippt, 2. Beckmann, Cfcristus mi in Bxbnchtrin, 3. Hoerle, 
Melancholy 4, Adler, Abutter iimi Tocfcler, 5. Baumeister, Jmhjtse\hc\iajl 

I have one request Since in the attacks oh our collecting activities these 
[works] are regarded as "Bolshevism in art, " might we change a few 
words in three paragraphs? On page I could we simply leave out the word 
"Katastrophenzeit" [catastrophic time], and maybe on the next page 
cypress the sentence a little less controversially? I would like to avoid any 
problems [I] ask jor your friendly understanding of our local situation. 
You yourself know how everything now is affected by political conditions 
and [those who] want to kill everything that does not please them This 
includes Expressionism, of course, especially my purchases of pictures by 
Schmidt-Rottluff, Kirchner, and Meckel™ 

Hartlaub obliged so that the exhibition and catalogue could 
proceed as planned By the early 1930s, however, his own freedom 
was increasingly hampered During the last year of his directorship 
Mannheim was the scene of public protests against some of his 
acquisitions, including Chagall's Rabbmer (Rabbi, fig 118), which 
was the subject of a window display in the town incorporating the 
sign, "Taxpayer, you should know how your money was spent " In 
1934 Hartlaub became the first museum director to be fired by the 
National Socialists Other directors who soon joined the ranks of 
those dismissed by the Nazis included Heise in Liibeck, Justi in 
Berlin, Sauerlandt, then director of the Hamburg Museum fur Kunst 
und Cewerbe, Schreiber-Wiegand in Chemnitz, and Swarzenski in 

On two separate occasions, July 8 and August 28, 1937, the 
Kunsthalle Mannheim was visited by the special committee 
empowered by Coebbels to confiscate examples of "degenerate" art 
from German museums Mannheim was one of their most successful 
stops they seized over six hundred works by artists such as non- 
Germans Chagall, Delaunay Derain, Ensor, and Edvard Munch 
and Germans Beckmann, Corinth, Grosz, Lehmbruck, Nolde, and 
Schlemmer Most of these masterworks are lost, a few, fortunately 
have been reacquired by the Kunsthalle, and others are dispersed in 
public and private collections 













AUS DEN JAH REN 1905-27 

Figure 8 

Poster for an exhibition of paintings and graphic works by Max Beckmann, Kunsthalle 

Mannheim, 1928 

The Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung, 1937 

( )n Octobei IS 1933 at the ground breaking ceremony for tin- I laus 

dei I taitschen Kunst I litler said he was laying the "foundations foi 

this new temple- it\ honot ol the goddess ol u I In n, hitei t Paul 

[roost insisted From the beginning that the building was to be a 
representative structure leu the new German art hue to the expen 

sive materials used and the monumental scale ol the looms the 

building attracted enormous attention Hitler announced that it was 

the Mrst new building worthy to take its place among the immortal 
achievements ol the C ierman artistic heritage •' 'It was also m this 
speech that he delivered the ultimatum that the National Socialists 
would give the people lour years time to adjust to the cultural 

policies ol the new government i 

The year 1937 represents hoth a nadir and zenith foi the 
National Socialists in terms ot their campaign against modern art 
Hitler evidently concurred with Troost that the Haus dcr Deutschen 
Kunst should display contemporary art, in fact, he planned to use 
an exhibition ol approved German art as a chance to further shape 
cultural policy" To find the art to fill the spacious new halls the 
National Socialists staged an open competition chaired by Adolf 
Ziegler, president of the Reichskammer der bildenden Kiinste The 
competition was open to all German artists, and approximately fif- 
teen thousand works were submitted Much to the frustration ol the 
organizers they were provided with no clear guidelines for the selec- 
tion of works to be included in the exhibition Goebbels and Hitler 
himself participated in the selection (figs 9—10), and Goebbels noted 
in his dtary "The sculpture is going well, but the painting is a real 
catastrophe at the moment They have hung works that make us 
shudder The Fuhrer is in a rage" 3 ' Hitler added some artists 
who had previously been rejected and threw out the work of several 
who had been indged acceptable He abhorred "unfinished work," 
which subsequently became a criterion in the selection process 
Eventually nine hundred works were chosen from which the final 
selection would be made 

On July \ti in Munich, Hitler presided over the opening, held 
with great pomp and ceremony, of the Haus der Deutschen Kunst 
and its inaugural exhibition of approved art The Grosse Deutsche 
Kunstausstellung (fig II ) brought together over six hundred paintings 
and sculptures that were intended to demonstrate the triumph of 
German art in the Third Reich Hitler announced 

from hou' on we are going lo wage a merciless u'<ir o/ destruction against 
the liisl renuumng elements o/ cufluriil disintegration SbouU there be 
someone among [the artists] who still believes in bis higher destiny — -well 
now, he has had four years' time lo prove himself These four years are suf- 
ficient for us. too, to reach a definite judgment From now on — of that you 
can be certain- — <ill those mutually supporting and thereby sustaining 
digues of chatterers, dilettantes, and art forgers will be picked up and 
liquidated for all we care, those prehistoric Stone-Age culture-barbarians 
and art-stutterers can return to trie caves of their ancestors and there can 
apply their primitive international scrnlcbin^s. 34 

Figures 9-10 

I leinrich I loffmann's candid photographs ol Adult Hitler and Adult Ziegler choosing 

sculpture tor inclusion in the (.mscr Deutsche KutisUiu^hllunj (.real German art exhibt 
tionl, Munich 1937 

hgure II 

1 loffmann's photograph of a gallers' in the (,r t ivcr Driltscfcc KuwW.iu^tWIuttj losei 
Thorak's sculpture Kamemdscbaft Comradeship fig 2~ can he seen against the 
far wall 

The Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellunff was the first of eight annual 
exhibitions, from 1937 to 1944, mounted in the Haus der Deutschen 
Kunst in the Nazis' attempt to present the best of German artistic 
creation, a continuation of the exhibitions that had formerly taken 
place in the Munich Claspalast (Class palace), which had burned to 
the ground in 1931 There was a tradition in several German cities of 
staging annual open competitive exhibitions for local artists in which 
all the works of art were for sale, they were characterized by the 
display of distinctly conservative and traditional art, which enter- 
tained a consistently loyal public In this respect the Grosse Deutsche 
Kunstausstcllungcn were no different, except that they were larger, less 
parochial, and actively sponsored by the government Installation 
photos and film footage indicate that the art was arranged by cate- 
gory — landscapes, portraits, nudes, military subjects — in the way 
commodities would be sold in separate areas in a market The sales 
opportunities were fairly promising, and this alone may have con- 
vinced some artists to embrace National Socialist policies, since 
without their approval it was virtually impossible to sell contempo- 
rary art in Germany Many of the purchases were used to decorate 
public buildings and offices Several of the buyers were among the 
Nazi elite, who purchased the works for their official residences 2i 

At the time of each opening there occurred an elaborate 
pageant on the "Tag der Deutschen Kunst" (German art day) 
Participants wore historical costumes and created floats featuring 
models of well-known works of art that were driven through the 
streets of Munich The opening ceremonies attracted anywhere from 
400,000 to 800,000 visitors In his inaugural speech in 1937 Hitler 
announced that, "When we celebrated the laying of the cornerstone 
for this building four years ago, we were all aware that we had to lay 
not only the cornerstone for a new home but also the foundations for 
a new and genuine German art We had to bring about a turning 
point in the evolution of all our German cultural activities ." The 
1937 pageant was centered around the theme, "Zweitausend lahre 
Deutsche Kultur" (Two thousand years of German culture) Hun- 
dreds of thousands of spectators watched the spectacle of a parade of 
more than three thousand costumed participants and four hundred 
animals Immediately following this overblown performance thou- 
sands of uniformed soldiers marched through the streets, as if to 
provide the ultimate marvel The official National Socialist news- 
paper, the Vijlkischer Beobacbter, described the events in glowing 
words "Today we sat as spectators in the theater of our own time 
and saw greatness" (July 19, 1937) 

In the Grosse DeHfscbe Kunstausstellung the Nazis sought to pro- 
mote mediocre genre painting as mainstream art, the most recent 
achievement in a continuum of centuries of German art It was 
meant to wipe out any hint of the modernism, Expressionism, Dada, 
New Objectivity Futurism, and Cubism that had permeated the 
museums, galleries, journals, and press since 1910 The National 
Socialists sought to rewrite art history to omit what we know as 
the avant-garde from the history of modern art 

Figure 12 

Collage of "Expressionist art of the [Communist] school," from Wolfgang Willnch, 
Saubirung ia Kumllmptk, 1937, work later in EnlarliH Kuml 1, Nolde, Cfcrishu \mi in 
Sunirrm, other work 2. Nolde, 3. Schmidt-Rottluff, 4. Mueller, 5. Hofer, 6. Pechstein, 
7. Klee, 8- Rohlfs, 9. Kirchner, 10. Beckmann 

The situation was slightly different for sculpture Guidelines 
were more difficult to observe, artists' motives more difficult to judge 
Sculptors were apt to discover that some examples of their work 
were championed by the National Socialists and others lumped with 
"degenerate" art One artist's work was inadvertently included in 
both the Grosse Deutsche Ktmstausstellung and Entartete Kunst Belling's 
Boxer Max Schmeling was on view in the Haus der Deutschen Kunst, 
while his DreMang (Triad) and Kopf (Head) were branded "degener- 
ate" next door Georg Kolbe and Gerhard Marcks had some of their 
earlier Expressionist works confiscated from German museums, yet 
their contemporary images found favor with the Nazi elite, and they 
continued to work openly (although two of Marcks's works were in 
Eiifurtete Kunst) Even Arno Breker, the Nazis' sculptor of choice, saw 
one of his early sculptures confiscated More conservative sculpture 
in the tradition of Aristide Maillol and Auguste Rodin had a signifi- 
cant following before the Nazis came to power and continued to be 
appreciated under Hitler's regime 

i igure 13 

i ollaged degenerate art from the Stadtmuseum Dresden, from Willrich Saiibmuij 
.It-. fGmstlaipdi work later in Entarlttt Kimsl 1 Dix Kritgskriippil 3 . Vull Scbivdigm 
Fm« 4 Segall Dn taiga Wmdtm 5 Schwitters Mmbild (sideways) 6 kokoschka, 
DieHtiim other work 2 Eugen Hoffmann 

The campaign against modern art in museums 

Goebbels issued a decree on June 30, 1937 giving Ziegler and a five- 
man commission the authority to visit all maior German museums 
and select works for an exhibition of "degenerate" that was to open 
in Munich at the same time as the Crosse Deulscbe Kunstiiusslrtlun^ 

Oh (foe express authority of the Fuhrer I hereby empower the president o/ 
(be Reichskimmer der bildenden Kiinste, Professor Zieiflcr of Munich, to 
select and secure jor an exhibition works of Cernum degenerate art since 
(910, both painting and sculpture, u'foicl) lire now ih collections owned 
by the derman Reich, individuttl regions, or local communities You are 
requested to (jive Prof Zieifler your full support during his examination 
and selection of these works 26 

The directive went on to define works of "degenerate" art as 
those that either "insult German feeling, or destroy or confuse natu- 
ral form, or simply reveal an absence of adequate manual and artistic 
skill ■" To have the Crosse Deutsche Kunstausstdlutu) and Endirlele Kutisl on 
view simultaneously would underscore the triumph of official art over 
"degenerate" art This was to be a far more ambitious action than 
any of the small exhibitions mounted since 1933 

ZiegleVs commission was made up "I individuals who, as critics 

of modernism, were well suited to thru t.isk, among them were 

( mini Klaus von Haudissin, an SS olluri who during Ins Intel tenure 

as director ol the Museum Folkwang in I ssen had already i leared 

the museum ol "offensive" examples ol modern art, and Wolfgang 
Willrich, author of Sauberum) des Kunsttempeh (Cleansing of the temple 
ol art), a racist pamphlet whose methods of excoriation ol modern 
art digs 12-13) played an important role in the concept and content 
ol the Endirlefe KuhsI exhibition The other members were commis- 
sioner for artistic design Hans Schweitzer, art theoretician Robert 
Scholz, and art teacher and polemicist Walter Hansen 

According to Rave, in the first two weeks of July about seven 
hundred works were shipped to Munich from thirty-two museums in 
twenty-eight cities Museums in Berlin, Bielefeld, Bremen, Breslau, 
Chemnitz, Cologne, Dresden, Diisseldorf, Erfurt, Essen, Frankfurt, 
Hamburg, Hannover, Jena, Karlsruhe, Kiel, Konigsberg, Leipzig, 
Lubeck, Mannheim, Munich, Saarbrucken, Stettin, Stuttgart, Ulm, 
Weimar, Wiesbaden, and Wuppertal were purged of their holdings 
of Expressionism, Futurism, Constructivism, Dada, and New Objec- 
tivity At the Kunsthalle Mannheim, for example, the commission 
selected eighteen paintings, five sculptures, and thirty-five graphic 
works, which were shipped immediately to Munich 

The commission revisited most of the museums later in the 
summer and selected additional works, so that a total of approx- 
imately sixteen thousand paintings, sculptures, drawings, and prints 
by fourteen hundred artists were confiscated and shipped to Berlin 
to await final disposal The commission overstepped its authority and 
seized works created prior to 1910, as well as those by non-German 
artists The plundering continued until 1938 and was finally "legal- 
ized" retroactively under a law of May 31, 1938, that stated that 
"products of degenerate art that have been secured in museums or in 
collections open to the public before this law went in to effect 
may be appropriated by the Reich without compensation " 

The works not included in Entartete KuhsI and those from the 
second round of confiscations were sent to Berlin and stored in a 
warehouse on Kopenicker Strasse where they were inventoried 
Those of "international value" that could be sold outside Germany 
for substantial sums were later weeded out and sent to another 
storage facility at Schloss Niederschonhausen Goebbels created 
another commission, for the "disposal of confiscated works of degen- 
erate art," which was to decide which works were to be sold for 
foreign currency and at what prices This group included Ziegler, 
Schweitzer, and Scholz, with the addition of Franz Hofmann, Carl 
Meder, Karl Haberstock, and Max Taeuber The work of this com- 
mission and its effect are discussed later in this volume in essays by 
Andreas Huneke and myself 

K A R R O N 

"Entartete Kunst" 

On July 19, 1937 Ziegler opened the Entartete Kunst exhibition 
across the park from the Gross? Deutsche KunstaussteUunt) , in a building 
formerly occupied by the Institute of Archeology The exhibition 
rooms had been cleared, and temporary partitions were erected on 
which the objects were crowded together in a chaotic arrangement 
(figs 14-16), which is not surprising when one considers that the art 
was confiscated, shipped to Munich, and installed in less than two 
weeks The paintings, some of which had had their frames removed, 
were vaguely organized into thematic groupings, the first time 
Expressionist works were presented in this way While the first rooms 
were tightly grouped according to themes — religion, Jewish artists, 
the vilification of women — the rest of the exhibition was a composite 
of subjects and styles that were anathema to the National Socialists, 
including abstraction, antimilitarism, and art that seemed to be (or 
at least to be related to) the work of the mentally ill (The specific 
organization of the works in Munich is discussed in this volume by 
Mario-Andreas von Liittichau, who has painstakingly recreated the 
installation and inventory of the exhibition ) Directly on the wall 
under many of the works were hand-lettered labels indicating how 
much money had been spent by each museum to acquire this "art" 
The fact that the radical postwar inflation of the 1920s had led to 
grossly exaggerated figures — in November 1920 a dollar was worth 
4 2 billion marks! — was conveniently not mentioned Quotations and 
slogans by proscribed critics and museum directors and condemna- 
tory statements by Hitler and other party members were scrawled 
across the walls Since every work of art included in Entartete Kunst 
had been taken from a public collection, the event was meant not 
only to denigrate the artists but also to condemn the actions of the 
institutions, directors, curators, and dealers involved with the 
acquisition of modern art 

Entartete Kunst was to have been on view through the end of 
September, but the astonishing attendance prompted the organizers 
to extend the run until the end of November Plans were also made 
to circulate the exhibition to other German cities, with Berlin as the 
first stop The leaders of the various Gins (regions into which Ger- 
many had been divided by the National Socialists for administrative 
reasons) vied for the opportunity to present the exhibition, but only 
the most important were accorded the chance Entartete Kunst in 
varying configurations ultimately traveled to thirteen German 
and Austrian cities through April of 1941 (The tour is discussed 
and documented in Zuschlag's essay) Shortly before the show 
closed in Munich, Ziegler's office appointed Hartmut Pistauer as 
the exhibition coordinator It was his job to make the arrangements 
for each venue, supervise the installation, and greet any important 
party visitors at the opening (fig 17) on behalf of the Propaganda- 
ministerium (Ministry of propaganda) 27 

Figure 14 

Detail ol the Dada ' 

and Schwitters 

all in Room 3 of Eutartitt Kunst, Munich, 1937, work by Klee 

Figure is 

View ol a portion o) the south wall in Room 5, work by Heckmann, luhr kirchn 

Mueller Nolde Rohlfc and Schmidt Rottlufl 

,,p 'ni^ w ^., 

Figure 16 

View of a portion of the south wall of Room 3, work hy Baum, Helling, 
Campendonk, Dexel. Felixmuller Hugen Hoffmann, Klee, and Nolde 


Figure 17 

Hartmut Pistauer (in dark suit, center) leads Nazi party 

officials through the Dusseldorf venue of EnUtrkk Kumt, 

1938, work by Cies and Nolde can be seen in the 


When Entartete Kiwst opened in Munich, no catalogue was avail- 
able Shortly before the exhibition closed in November, a thirty-two 
page booklet was published to accompany the touring presentation 
This Ausstelluncfsfuhrer (exhibition guide) stated the aims of the exhibi- 
tion and reproduced excerpts from Hitler's speeches condemning the 
art and the artists that produced it (a facsimile and translation by 
David Britt are presented in this volume) Some of the same quotations 
that were used on the walls in Munich found their way into the 
booklet, and Schultze-Naumburg's technique of juxtaposition was 
prominently featured images of art by the mentally ill from the 
Pnnzhorn Collection were placed next to photographs of works 
by Rudolf Haizmann, Eugen Hoffmann, Klee, and Kokoschka, with 
captions such as, 'Which of these three drawings is the work of 
an inmate of a lunatic asylum v ' Although not all the works illustrated 
in the booklet were included in Entartete Kumt, all were by artists 
who were represented in the exhibition The cover featured Der iifiic 
Mensch (The new man), a famous sculpture (later destroyed) by the 
Jewish artist Otto Freundlich, with the words Entartete "Kumt" partly 
obscuring the image (fig 1) By printing Kumt to look as if it had 
been rudely scrawled in red crayon and by enclosing it in quotation 
marks, the National Socialists clearly made the point that although 
they considered this material degenerate, they certainly did not 
consider it art 

One of the inevitable questions about the Eiilurlelc Kumt exhibi- 
tion concerns its purpose Why did the National Socialists go to 
such an effort to mount, publicize, and circulate it? What did they 
hope to gain 1 One explanation at least offers itself If the Nazis had 
merely confiscated and destroyed the art, it would have been the cul- 
tural equivalent of creating a martyr By staging Eiitarlftf Kumt they 
were able to appeal to the majority of the German people who must 
have considered most modern art incomprehensible and elitist To all 
modernists, not just those represented in Enlarkk Kumt, the Nazis 
sent the message that such art would no longer be tolerated in 
Germany an official position that, thanks to the cleverly manipu- 
lated complicity of the German people, had the force of a popular 

One thing that emerges from any examination of the cultural 
activities in Germany under the National Socialists is that, despite 
every attempt to provide rigorous definitions of "healthy" and 
"degenerate" art and to remove all traces of the latter from public 
view, the actions against modern visual arts (as well as those against 
literature, music, and him) were enormously problematic and contra- 
tradictory Ultimately, however, the brilliant flowering of modernism 
in Germany that had begun in the early years of the century 
came to a halt in 1937 with the opening of Entiirletf Kunst and the 
Crosse Deutsche Kunstausstellunif Artists, writers, filmmakers, poets, 
musicians, critics, and intellectuals of all disciplines were forced to 
take drastic action, either to emigrate or to resort to a deadening 
"inner immigration " Much of the confiscated art was destroyed or 
has vanished, and many of the most powerfully creative artists of 
Germany's golden era were broken in spirit, forced to flee, or killed 
But the art, the documents, and the memories that have survived 
enable us to reconstruct the era and ensure that, in the end, the 
National Socialists failed — the modern art of Germany was not 
and will never be eradicated Collectively, the works of art and the 
pieced-together fragments of history remind us that art may be 
enjoyed or abhorred but it is a force whose potency should never 
be underestimated 

It is ironic that some of the issues raised by an examination of 
these events should have such resonance today in America News- 
paper articles on public support for the arts and the situation facing 
the National Endowment for the Arts emphasize an uncomfortable 
parallel between these issues and those raised by the 1937 exhibition, 
between the enemies of artistic freedom today and those responsible 
for organizing the Eutiirtete Kumt exhibition Perhaps after a serious 
look at events that unfolded over half a century ago in Germany we 
may apply what we learn to our own predicament, in which for the 
first time in the postwar era the arts and freedom of artistic expres- 
sion in America are facing a serious challenge ■ 


1 Hlldegard Brennei Dii K IpolilikJe Nat fsozulismns (Reinbek Rowohll 

1963 H"i 

2 While .ill accounts from the Immediate postwai era confirm tins event Rrsi 

reported b) Paul Ortwin Rave in 1949 t liihalur n> Drilten Rricl Hamburg 

CebrQdei Mann n recent works by authors im luding ( leorg Bussmann .ind 

1 1 khardt Klcssman have questioned whethei there was In Fact such a wholesale 
destruction ol works ol .in sec Bussmann, "Degenerate Art' A Look at .i Useful 
Myth in Cmw Art in ifce xnb Century Painting and Satlpturt toos ms (exh s.n 
London Royal Academy of Arts 1985 113-24 and Klessmann, "Barlach in der Bai 
barei FraHfc/tirlrr Al^rmnnr ZrituH4 December 13 1983, literary supplement In Sofie 
lohns rcsentk published account ol her and her husbands art exchanges with Berlin 
in the late 1930s she challenged the Nazis contention that approximately live thou- 
sand works were burned on Man h 20 1939 and suggested that only the frames may 
have been destroyed in the tire see ( arl.i Vhult.' I lotlmann, ed Die Sammlum) S'ojir 
unj Fmanurl Form Finr Dolcumrnlatu'H Munich Hirmcr, 1990', 27 

3 Carl Einstein, Die Kunsl Jes 20 labrbunderts (Berlin Propylaen, 1926, 2d ed 1928, 
3d ed 1931 Leipzig Reclam, 1988), Berthold Hinz, Arl in llx Third Reich (New York 
Random House 1979 24 

4 I lellmut Lehmann Haupt, Art unaVr ,i Dictatorship • New York Oxford University 
Press, 1954' 3 

5 Ibid 45-40 

6 In 1909 luhus Langbehn published Rembrandt als FrzieFer (Rembrandt as teacher) 
and in 1928 his Durrr als Fulirrr 'Durcr as leaderl, completed by Momme Nissen, was 
issued posthumously, these two immensely popular books made strong appeals to 
German nationalism in art 

7 For a particularly helpful analysis of Nordaus book see George L Mosse's intro- 
duction to the 1968 English edition l Max Nordau, Draeneration I New York Howard 
Fertig. 1968)) 

8 George Bernard Shaw "The Sanity ol Art An Exposure ol the Current Non- 
sense about Artists Being Degenerate" in Minor Critical Essays (London C onstable and 
Company, 1932, St Clair Shores Mich Scholarly Press, 1976), 281-332 

9 See Theodor Kirchhoff, Handbook oj Insanity /or Practitioners and Students I New 
York W.lliam Wood, 1893), and Richard M Goodman, Genetic Disorders among tht 
Jewish Ptoplt (Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979), 421-31 The term cor- 
rwzionr (corruption i had been used by the seventeenth-century Italian critic Giovanni 
Pietro Bellori in an attack on Vasari and Michelangelo 

10 Sander Gilman, "Madness and Representation Hans Prinzhorn's Study of 
Madness and Art in Its Historical Context," in The PrmzForn Collection (exh cat, 
Champaigne, III Krannert Art Museum, (9841, 7-14, idem, "The Mad Man as Artist 
Medicine, History and Degenerate Art," Journal oj Contemporary History 20 (1985) 

11 Alfred Rosenberg, Race and Race History" and Older Essays, ed Robert Pois 
(New York Harper and Row, 1970), 154 

12 Hans Prmzhorn, BiUnern Jer Ceislrskrankrn Em Beitrag zur Psychology und Psycho- 
fatbouxjie der Gestaltunj 'Berlin lulius Springer, 19221, published in English as Artistry oj 
tht Mentally III A Contribution to the Psychology and Psycbopathology oj Configuration , trans 
Eric von Brockdorff (New York Springer, 1972) 

13 See Table I in Christoph Zuschlag's essay in this volume 

14 Hlldegard Brenner, Barbara Miller Lane, and George L Mosse have described 
the conflict and power struggle between Rosenberg and Goebbels over modern art, 
particularly German Expressionism and Italian Futurism, see Lane, Architecture and 
Polrlrcs in Germany lois-es (Cambridge Harvard University Press, 1968), Brenner, 
"Art in the Political Struggle of 1933-34," in Hajo Holborn, ed , From Republic to Reicb 
The Making of Inr Nazi Resolution I New York Pantheon, 1972), 395-434, and Mosse, 
Nazi Cullure Intellectual, Cultural, ana" Social Life in ike Third Reich (New York Schocken 
Books, 1981) 

15 Paul Ortwtn Rave, KunslJikfalur im Dntlen Reicfe, rev ed , ed Uwe M Schneede 
(Berlin Argon, 19871, 103-4 

16 Alfred Barr, lr, MoJern German Painlino- and Sculpture (exh cat, New York 
Museum of Modern Art, 1933), 7—8 Barr also indicated which German museums 
collected examples by each artist 

17 "European Works at Buchholz," Neu> York WorU-Telearam, September 30, 1939 

in Hans-JUrgen Buderei Iniarittt Kunst" BtsxUagnabnu-AkUontn in da 
K'unsinalle ManiiFnm j'*i? Kunst i Documentation no larmheim 

Stadtlsche Kunsthalle Mannheim 198 I am grateful to Di Manfred Fath 

ol the Kunsthalle Mannheim, lor permission to examine museum flics related to thl 

degt M, rate" art action 

1 1 >i recent publication On the special situation in other museums mei 
see the following Essen Paul Vogl ed., Dofannailr zur Gtscbicbtt i\ Museum fcdkwang 
mi-tits (Essen Museum Folkwang 1983), Halle Andreas HGneke . 
Aklion 'Fnlarlele Kmiki" 1937 m Halle 'Halle Staalliche Galene Montzhurg 1987 
Hannover Bescblagnabmt-Aktion im LanaVsmusrum //annotvr itt7 'exh cat, Hannover 
Landcsmuseum Hannover 1983 

In addition to the acknowledgments I have made elsewhere in these notes, I 
would like to thank Markus Kc-rsting ol the Stadtlsche- Gak ' ' II provid 

ing data on the purchases ol Gcorg Swarzenski and to Hans Gopfert of the Staatliche 
Kunstsammlung Dresden lor details on the collecting and exhibitions there in the 
1920s and 1910s Contemporary articles in the journals Museum Jer (,rarnu',irt and Iht 
Kunst fur Alle also provided much background information 

19 Buderer, "Fnlarlele Kunsl." 8 

20 Ibid, II 

21 Hinz, Arl oj ibe Third Reich, 163 

22 Rave, Kunsljiltlalur, 54 

23 Die Tagebucber non loseph Goebbels Samllicfce Fradmenle. ed Like Irohlich Munich 
G K Saur, 1987), pt I, vol 3, 166 

24 Adolf Hitler, speech at the opening of the Haus der Deutschen Kunst, Munich, 
July 18, 1937, cited and translated in Lehmann Haupt, Arl unjer a Dictatorship, 76-77 

25 Jonathan Petropoulos, "Art as Politics The Nazi Elite's Quest for the Political 
and Material Control of Art" (Ph D diss, Harvard University 1990) 

26 loseph Goebbels, decree sent to all major museums, lune 30, 1937, a copy is 
preserved in the archives of the Bayensche Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Munich, Akt 
712a, 12 71937, Nr 1983, cited in Mario- Andreas von Luttichau, "Deutsche Kunst 
und Entartete Kunst' Die Munchner Ausstellungen 1937," in Peter- Klaus Schuster 
ed, Die 'KunstslaJl" Muncfcen |«J7 Nalionalsozialismus und Entartete Kunst Munich Pres- 
tel, 1987), 92 

27 I am indebted to Christoph Zuschlag who first brought Pistauer and his role in 
Fnlarlele Kunsl to my attention 

Figure 18 

Arno Breker, Bmitscbaft (Readiness), 1937, bronze, 

formerly at the Zeppelmfeld, Nuremberg 

t . I < ) k I . I I MDSSI 

Beauty without Sensuality 

The Exhibition Eiiliuidc Kunsi 

The National Socialist standards lor art 
were based upon the idealized figures and 
sentimental landscapes that had informed 
nineteenth-century popular taste and upon 
the neoclassical themes that were Adolf 
Hitlers favorites National Socialism annexed neoromantic and 
neoclassical art defining it as racially pure, an art that could easily 
be understood and whose depictions of men and women exempli- 
fied the Germanic race This was the official art that dominated the 
annual Grossr Deutsche Kunstaussttllung (Great German art exhibition) 
in Munich, beginning in 1937, for which the paintings and sculptures 
were often selected by Hitler himself 

There was deeper purpose to the acceptance of such art it 
symbolized a certain standard of beauty that might serve to cement 
the unity of the nation by projecting a moral standard to which 
everyone should aspire Respectability was to inform personal and 
public morality which true art must support The men and women 
in Nazi painting and sculpture thus embodied the proper morality 
and sexual behavior Beauty without sensuality was demanded of 
artists and sculptors, a beauty that had to reflect the generally 
accepted moral standards that the Nazis championed as their own 
For it was the strength and appeal of National Socialism that it did 
not invent anything new in its effort at self-representation but 
simply appropriated long-standing popular tradition and taste 

The Enl.irtflc Kunst exhibition was staged in 1937 as a foil to the 
Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstcllunc) Painting and sculpture that supposedly 
reflected life in the Weimar Republic 1 1919-33) were displayed as 
concrete evidence that the Nazis had saved German society from 
Weimar's onslaught upon all the moral values people held dear 
marriage, the family chastity and a steady, harmonious life 
Weimar culture was "Bolshevist'' culture, manipulated by the lews, 
as the guide to the exhibition and the inscriptions on the gallery 
walls stated repeatedly The destruction of respectability and 
the destruction of society and the nation were linked 

The exhibition must not be seen simply as Nazi propaganda, tor 
it plaved upon basic moral attitudes that inform all modern societies 
The concept of respectability has lasted, after all, even today art is 
condemned if it transgresses the normative morality in too shocking 
a fashion That EnLirtete Kunst exists in a continuum is demonstrated 

bv the controversy in IW) over Robert Mapplcthorpes homocrotic 
photographs, which wete thought to offend against public decency 
Beauty with sensuality presented a danger to society because of what 
it symbolized, namely a revolt against respectability as a principle of 
unity and order — thus the destruction of the immutable values upon 
which society supposedly rested It we are to understand the true 
significance ot the Eittitrtclc Kuiisl exhibition, we must examine the rel- 
evant history in order to see how the forces of respectability coped 
with their "enemies" and what was at stake, for the exhibition itself 
was like the tip of an iceberg, and that iceberg has not yet melted 

Hitler pointed out at the 1934 Nazi party rally in Nuremberg 
that "anyone who seeks the new for its own sake strays all too easily 
into the realm of folly" a remark that was printed in the EnUulete 
Kunst exhibition guide What was at issue was art as the expression of 
supposedly unchanging values in a society in search of such values 
The modern age seemed to threaten the coherence of life itself The 
accelerated pace of industrial and technological change in the nine- 
teenth and twentieth centuries produced a certain disorientation, a 
"simultaneity of experience" with which people had to cope By the 
mid-nineteenth century there were already complaints that railroad 
travel had destroyed nature, as the landscape performed a wild 
dance before the trains' windows lust so, the invention of the tele- 
phone, the motorcar, and the cinema introduced a new velocity of 
time that menaced the unhurried pace of life in an earlier age Such 
concerns were reflected in a heightened quest tor order in the face 
of instability 

Respectability ensured security order, and the maintenance of 
values, taming the chaos that seemed always to threaten society, it 
reflected peoples attitudes toward themselves and toward all that 
was "different " The enemies of respectability it was said, could not 
control themselves they were creatures of instinct, with unbridled 
passions Such accusations were scarcely to be found before the age 
of the French Revolution, but from then on they became common 
whether it was Englishmen at the time of the Napoleonic wars claim- 
ing that the French were sending dancers to England to undermine 
the islanders' morality or whether it was First World War propa- 
ganda seeking by means of words and pictures to impute to the 
enemy every kind ot so-called sexual perversion, respectability 
was made a political issue from the very beginning 

Figure 19 

Urban scene from the film Dir Tunml 'The 

During the course of the nineteenth century an increasingly 
clear distinction was drawn between "normal" and "immoral" 
behavior, "normal" and "abnormal" sexuality It was doctors, above 
all, using categories of health and sickness, who threw their weight 
behind society's constantly threatened moral norms, lending them 
legitimacy and thus denning the stereotypes of abnormality 

Those whom society treated as outsiders were now credited 
with all those characteristics that ran counter to society's image of 
itself The mentally ill, Jews, homosexuals, and habitual criminals 
were all said to be physically unbalanced Nervousness had been 
designated a serious illness — one that unleashed the passions — by 
the famous French neurologist Jean-Martin Charcot in the 1880s It 
was now seen as the chief threat to mainstream bourgeois morality 
which emphasized steadiness and restraint Sharing the iconography 
of illness in general — exhaustion, contortions, and grimaces — 
nervousness was thought to symbolize the opposite of normative 
standards of beauty The Enlarlete Kimsl exhibition was built upon 
such views of the outsider, using modern art to construct a "chamber 
of horrors " 

Looked at closely nervousness itself was seen as a product of 
modernity The outsiders were always city-dwellers (fig 19), further 
proof that they scorned the tranquillity of eternal values for them, 
time never stood still One of the most despicable Nazi propagan- 
dists, Johann von Leers, expressed it in this way no doubt speaking 
for many others in doing so the city was the refuge of immorality 
and crime, and it was here that the "Jewish conspiracy" tried to gain 
control over German hearts and minds in order to drive them insane 
with frenzy and lust For all its exaggeration and racial hatred, this 
view was still indebted to the nineteenth-century notion of respec- 
tability with its emphasis on controlling the passions and on the 
consequences of losing that control There is a continuity here 
that we constantly encounter the National Socialists' attitude 
toward sexuality cannot be separated from the general history 
of respectability 

Degeneration was, in its modern sense, a medical term used 
during the second half of the nineteenth century to identify the 
condition of those who had departed from the "normal" because of 
shattered nerves, inherited abnormalities, or behavioral or sexual 
excess Degenerates could be identified by their bodily deformities, 
red eyes, feebleness, and exhaustion Such conditions signaled the 
start of a process that would inevitably lead to destruction What 
haunted society from the Jin di aide onward was the fear that not 
only humans but nations as well could degenerate, a process thought 
to have begun already because of the falling birth rates in France 
and other countries Those who refused to conform to the moral 
dictates of society were labeled "degenerate," and as they themselves 
were doomed to destruction they might destroy society as well 

The physician Max Nordau in his book Entartung (Degenera- 
tion) of 1892 did much to popularize the term in its application to 
modern literature and art modern artists, whether Impressionists or 
Expressionists, were incapable of reproducing nature because they 
had lost the faculty of accurate observation and painted instead dis- 
torted and irregular forms mirroring their own nervous deformities 
and stunted growth In Hitler's view the artists in the 1937 exhibition 
symbolized degeneracy "And what do you create?" the exhibition 
guide quotes Hitler as asking "Misshapen cripples and cretins, 
women who can arouse only revulsion as the expression of 
all that molds and sets its stamp on the present age " Against a 
background of attempts to define the boundaries of bourgeois 
morality, Hitler's pronouncement resurrects the nineteenth- and 
early twentieth-century iconography of the outsider as described 
by physicians such as Nordau Moreover, it had the effect of advanc- 
ing a certain concept of beauty as a readily understood symbol 
of society's values 

The ideal of beauty played a dominant role as a symbol of 
morality, extending far beyond the realm of art beauty helped to 
maintain control over the passions Friedrich Schiller, for example, 
in his series of letters Uber die aesthetiscbe Erziehung des Menschen 
(On the aesthetic education of mankind) of 1795 wrote that beauty 

ennobled the otherwise merely instinctive sexual act, transcending it 
bj virtue ol its eternal values Hut what is "beauty"? I"his question 
penetrated to the vei y heai I ol sot iety s morals In neoromantii 01 
neoclassical art beauty became the sell portrait ol so< iety the view 
it likcJ to have ol itsell 

How deeply respectability and us concept "I beauty were 
embedded in society c .m be inferred from the ways in which the 
concept was presented long before National Socialism At tin- 
beginning ol the nineteenth century it was religion, especially 
Protestantism that took upon itsell the task oi promoting respei 
lability whereas by the end ol the century that role had been 
assigned to the people themselves The stricter attitude toward 
sodomy which was made a criminal offense in many countries in 
jin dt sirclf Europe, appealed no longer to religious but to supposed 
popular sentiment 1 he clear and unambiguous distinction between 
the socially normal and the so-called deviant — a distinction that was 
now supported medically and iconographically as well as by religion 
and education — had been internalized ( Propagandaminister loseph 
Goebbels knew he was risking very little when, in 1936, he banned 
art criticism on the grounds that the general public should make up 
its own mind, that vear more paintings offered at the annual exhibi- 
tion of German art were sold than at almost all earlier exhibitions ) 

The achievement of beauty without sensuality presented a 
special challenge in the representation of the ideal male, who, 
inspired by Greek models, was often represented in the nude (fig 
20) The evolution of bourgeois morality was contemporaneous with 
the rediscovery of classical sculpture .1 I Winckelmann, describing 
Greek male statuary as the paradigm of beauty for all time in his 
GfscbioW ia Kutist iffs Allertlmms (History of the art of antiquity) of 
1774, made this art acceptable to the middle classes by raising nudity 
to an abstract plane and turning it into a stylistic principle Such 
beauty was perceived as somehow sexless, a conviction shared by 
others at a later date, aided by the belief that the almost transparent 
whiteness of these figures raised them above the personal and sen- 
sual At roughly the same time Winckelmann wrote his famous 
book, johann Wolfgang von Goethe wrote, "Apollo Helvedere, why 
do you show yourself to us in all your nudity, making us ashamed 
of our own nakedness v ' Male symbolism could not be stripped of 
all phvsicalitv, the beauty of the Greek youths — lithe and supple, 
muscular and harmonious bodies — lay in their nakedness It was 
precisely the corporeality of the sculpture that expressed strength 
and harmony order and dynamism, in other words, the ideal qual- 
ities of both burgher and nation (fig 21) For the Nazis such men 
symbolized the true German upon whose commitment the Third 
Reich depended 

From the moment when bourgeois morality was first estab- 
lished, the ideals of male and female beauty differed radically, a 
circumstance that largely determined the political role of women as 
a national symbol The male was regarded as dynamic, promising 
to bring about a timeless order and cure an ailing world, Fnedrich 

Figure 20 

SfirrrlMdrr Spear-bearer), copy of the DorypMm by Polyclitus (c 450—420 BC 
monument to the (alien oi the First World War, bronze, formerly at the University 
of Munich 

Theodor Vischer, the nineteenth century's foremost German writer 
on aesthetics, assigned to beauty and manliness the task of prevent- 
ing chaos Women, by contrast, were turned into passive figures 
such as Cermania or Queen Luise of Prussia (1776-1810), who was 
stylized as the "Prussian Madonna " While the male was often 
depicted nude, the woman was almost always fully clothed, at least 
to the extent that she functioned as a national symbol And yet, for 
all their differences, public representations of men and women had 
one important point in common they transcended sensuality 

The nakedness of the male stereotype displayed on so many 
Nazi buildings and monuments, however, never lost its unsettling 
and latently threatening effect In this context it is not without 
significance that nudism was banned immediately after the Nazis 
came to power (it was said to deaden women's natural shame) On 
much the same level was a warning issued by the Reichsministerium 
des Innern (Reich ministry of the interior) in 1935 to the effect 
that nude bathing by people of the same sex could be seen as the 
first step toward the violation of Paragraph 175, which punished 
homosexual acts 

In its attempt to strip nakedness of its sensuality the Third 
Reich drew a sharp distinction between private life and public repre- 
sentation Arno Breker's nude male sculptures (fig 18) continued to 
be in official demand, and statues of seminude men and women still 
decorated public spaces But it was an abstract, smooth, almost 
transparent nakedness and a frozen posture achieved by recourse 
to Winckelmann's purified concept of beauty 

The Nazis encouraged physical training, and here the problem 
of nudity arose once more Hans Suren in his Gymnastik tier Deulschm 
(German gymnastics) of 1938, a book that went through several 
editions during the Third Reich, exemplified the effort to divest the 
nude body of its sensuous appeal in this particular setting He advo- 
cated nearly complete nudity in the pursuit of sport or while roaming 
though the countryside, but the male body had to be carefully pre- 
pared before it could be offered to public scrutiny the skin had to 
be hairless, smooth, and bronzed The body had become an abstract 
symbol of Aryan beauty as it was in Leni Riefenstahl's film of the 
1936 Olympic Games Sensuality was transcended by an alignment 
with Greek form figures that could be worshipped but neither 
desired nor loved 

And the Nazi view of women' Goebbels insisted that girls 
should be strong, healthy and good to look at, which meant that, as 
he put it, in contrast to the male, the muscles of their arms and legs 
should not be visible (The importance of iconography can be judged 
by the extent to which the Nazis described physical detail ) But how 
could this ideal of womankind be reconciled with the naked sports- 
woman, for the latter did indeed exist The simple answer was that 
the female athlete's body was often approximated to that of the male 
Without emphasizing the obvious feminine contours, it was thus, in 
principle, identical to that of the male youth in nakedness without 

Ma. t 

Figure 21 

Richard Scheibe, figure from an unidentirk-d ' 

location unknown 

Figure 22 

Adult Zicglcr Akl I Nude i, 1939, oil on canvas, 86 x 145 cm ( l¥h x 57'A in ), 

Bayerischc Staatsgcmaldesammlungen, Munich (on deposit) 

Wink- on the one hand, Coebbels launched his .macks <>n 

spoils girls'' on the other, the Hund Deutscher Madel I I ag I 

i .( mi. in girls was liberating the mass ol young girls foi the lirst 

time m their history from some home and family restraints, an act 
of emancipation achieved through sports and country walks The 
National Socialist view ol women was clearly not free ol in< ongruity 
Perhaps the reason lot this is that National Socialism was based on a 
consciously male society that often behaved in a contradictory way 
toward women Male homosexuality lor example, was ruthlessly 
persecuted, but the same was not true of lesbianism, which was 
ignored .is a punishable crime 

In the depiction of women the main concern was, once again, 
to separate private from public representation In the private sphere- 
women could be completely naked and sensual, for how else can 
we interpret the paintings by Hitlers tavontc artist, Adolf Ziegler 
(fig 22) — paintings that hung not only in the Fiihrer's private apart- 
ments but also in the Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung? Zieglers fleshy 
and often full-bosomed nudes, who left nothing to the imagination, 
hung side by side with typical chaste German maidens with blond 
plaits Public representation was political representation, however, 
and here the aim was to integrate the masses into the Third Reich 
with the aid of stereotypes that would treat the beautiful as a reflec- 
tion of the eternal and immutable, revealing it as something pure 
and removed from all materialism and sensuality 

The ideal of manly beauty must be seen in contrast to the 
weak, exhausted, unmuscular figure of the outsider The youthfulness 
of the male stereotype symbolized the dynamic of bourgeois society 
and of the nation as well, outsider figures, by contrast, were gener- 
ally old We find very few young lews represented in nineteenth 
century German drama, for example they were almost without 
exception old and lonely 

Society expressed its morality in terms of generally accepted 
ideals of beauty while proiecting its fears and ideas of ugliness onto 
the very groups the National Socialists were eventually determined 
to exterminate Jews, homosexuals, habitual criminals, and the men- 
tally disturbed Even before the Nazis' electoral victory in 1930, 
Alfred Rosenberg, the Nazi ideologist, had written in his book about 
the Weimar Republic, Der Sumpf (The swamp) "Democracy has 
apparently been stabilized Yet with its pederasty lesbianism, and 
procuration it has been defeated all along the line " 

The open homosexuality of Ernst Rohm, the powerful chief of 
the SA (Sturmabteilung, storm troops I, and other SA leaders was 
indicative of the ambivalent attitude toward bourgeois respectability 
on the part of some members of the early National Socialist move- 
ment This is true of Hitler himself, who defended Rohm against 
attack by declaring that the latter's private life was his own affair 
as long as he used some discretion When, in 1934, Hitler ordered 
the murder of Rohm and other leaders of the SA who were known 
homosexuals, it had in fact little to do with their sexual inclinations 
the SA was by then threatening Hitler's own power and destroying 

his relationship with the regular army Be that as it may the oppor- 
tunity was seized to underline the role of the party and the regime 
as the defenders of respectability Mock trials were held in which 
Catholic priests were accused of homosexuality and the family 
was given a central role in National Socialist propaganda 

The foundations for such developments had been laid imme- 
diately after Hitler took power on January 30, 1933 As early as 
February 23 all so-called pornographic literature had been banned 
and prostitution drastically curbed It is no wonder that organizations 
such as the Deutsch-Evangelische Sittlichkeitsbewegung (German 
evangelical morality league) welcomed Hitler's seizure of power, 
since it apparently brought an end to the moral chaos of the postwar 
period, and this was by no means the only organization of its kind 
that supported the Nazis in their self-styled role as the saviors of 
bourgeois morality (Was it only Albert Speer's mother who voted 
for the Nazis because their youngsters marching though the streets 
of Berlin looked so neat') Hitler himself boasted that with his advent 
the "nervous nineteenth century" had finally come to an end But a 
threat to respectability remained 

The Nazi party sought to build upon wartime experiences 
by first presenting itself as a continuation of the male camaraderie 
that had existed in the trenches Even when it broadened its base 
of appeal, it never lost the character of a Mannerbund, a league of 
men, an institution that had a long tradition in Germany Important 
subgroups of the party such as the SA or the SS (Schutzstaffel, 
elite guard) were proud of being male organizations that excluded 
"unmanly" men But such conscious male bonding seemed to raise 
the danger of homoeroticism or even homosexuality a possibility 
that frightened some of the leadership 

The driving force behind the purge of all that might pose a 
threat to respectability was Heinnch Himmler, the leader of the SS, 
who more clearly than anyone else articulated the sexual policies of 
the Third Reich and thus revealed its underlying fears (These same 
fears were also behind the organization of Entarteti Kunst, which 
was an attempt to demonstrate the consequences of the rejection of 
social and sexual norms ) Himmler's obsessional regard for respec- 
tability and his fear of all sensuality encouraged him to magnify the 
homoerotic and homosexual potentialities of the Mannerbund, includ- 
ing his own SS, which often represented itself symbolically as an 
idealized seminude male If he emphasized the contrast between 
homosexuality and manliness, it was because of his fear that the one 
could easily turn into the other At the same time he affirmed that 
the Third Reich was a state based upon the comradeship of men and 
that indeed "for centuries, yea, millennia, the Germans have been 
ruled as a Mcinnerstaat" [state of men] 

But that state was now threatened with self-destruction as a 
result of homosexuality as Himmler made clear in November 1937 in 
a speech delivered to the SS leadership in Bad Tolz He regarded 
homosexuality as a sickness that poisoned both body and mind (he 
even suggested prostitution — otherwise strictly prohibited — as a 
remedy), but he now went a stage further and drew on the imagery 
of the "natural" and "unnatural " In the good old days of the Teutonic 
tribes, Himmler told his Bad Tolz audience, homosexuals were 
drowned in the swamps "This was no punishment, but simply the 
extinction of abnormal life" Nature rectified her own mistake, and 
Himmler lamented that this kind of extinction was no longer possi- 
ble For him, deviants from the sexual norm were not only outsiders, 
they were also racial enemies The desire for their deaths, presented 
here as the goal of the struggle for purity and respectability points 
the way to the Holocaust 

It must be stressed that doctors such as Charcot who described 
Jews as particularly subject to nervous diseases had never for a 
moment thought of killing them for Charcot, anyone who was ill 
could be cured It was racism that determined Himmler's offensive 
against outsiders, but it was also the wish to protect respectability 
no matter what the price 

All this is the indispensable background to the Entartele Kunst 
exhibition It was designed to be out of the ordinary a survey of all 
that was indecent and ugly all that represented an assault on bour- 
geois morality through the latter's concept of beauty Works by 
modern artists were treated not as evidence of individual creativity 
but as representative of something undesirable, they were accorded 
no individual value, only a symbolic status This, of course, made a 
mockery of those artists who vaunted their individuality above all 
else It was the reaction of a society that felt itself to be under a 
constant threat, a society moreover, that was bonded together by 
respectability and the security that it radiated Morality and its sym- 
bols, of which beauty was the positive and nervousness the negative, 
were an issue of the first order in an age when society believed itself 
on the very brink of chaos as a result of the pace of change and the 
Great War In this context the concept of "degenerate art" merely 
added to the general sense of anxiety 

And yet foreign newspapers reported in 1937 that far more peo- 
ple had visited EnlarMe Kunst than the parallel exhibition devoted to 
officially approved German art According to the Manchester Guardian 
there were five times as many visitors to Entartete Kunst each day 
while the New York Times reported that there had been 396,000 visi- 
tors, as opposed to 120,000 at the Crosse Deutsche KunstaussteUuntj , 
within the space of a week What is the explanation' It is a question 
that is difficult to answer, but it is unlikely that an interest in modern 
art played any part The Nazis themselves encouraged people to visit 
the exhibition Had the latent temptation to act unconventionally — 
a temptation almost encouraged by the Reich's antibourgeois 
rhetoric — become acute once more" 1 

Respectability and .ill that it implied remained an essential par) 
ol the regime and in the exhibition guide .ill those outsiders who 
had threatened society's conformist prim iples since the beginning ol 
the last century were blamed foi the degeneration of art ["he paint 
mgs on display wen- presented as the work "I madmen disfigured by 
sexual excesses they represented Marxist and lewish attacks on all 
that was ( rerman I he text ol die guide summed up a tradition that 
drew an iik reasmgh sharp dishni lion between respectability — 

that is normality — and abnormality between the healthy and the 

mi k and between the natural and the unnatural Hv cmbrai inn the 

respectable people could resist the chaos ol the age embodied by 
'degenerate art and accept a "slice of eternity" into their lives What 
was sacrificed in the process was sensuality passion, and to a great 

extent individuality itselt 

I he analysis ot "beauty without sensuality" undertaken here can 
be seen as a critique oi bourgeois morality and, finally of the never- 
ending attempt to distinguish between this morality viewed as the 
norm and what was seen as "abnormal " Hut we must never forget 
that for most people respectability was and is much more than 
merely a form of behavior or an ideal of beauty, for many perhaps 
even tor the vast majority, it offers cogent proof of the cohesiveness 
of society, a cohesiveness necessary for all systems of government, 
not lust tor National Socialism Hence, the favorable response 
encountered by the premise of the Entarlflr Kuml exhibition, even in 
places where we would least expect it the London New Statesman, for 
example, a left-wing journal, wrote that the exhibition was the best 
thing Mr Hitler had done so tar 

The smooth functioning of a generally accepted morality was 
just as important for the cohesion of society as the more often cited 
economic and social factors At the same time it was something that 
people understood, something that impinged on their daily lives in a 
wholly concrete and comprehensive way The ideal of beauty as the 
exemplification of society's norms was influenced not only by senti- 
mentalism and romanticism, it had a social function as well The 
aesthetics of politics, of daily life, had involved a degree of social 
control ever since bourgeois morality first came into being Not only 
the works of art but much ot the popular literature was tilled with 
passion and love that were supposedly devoid of sensuality For 
example, Agnes Cunther's novel Die Heihcfe uni \hr Nan iThe saint and 
her fool, 1913 i, a runaway best-seller during the Weimar Republic, 
was a sentimental love story in which sensuality was equated with 
sickness The representational art and the literature of the time fell 
readily into a tradition that the National Socialists merely took to 
its extreme 

\n.l tod. iv II my analysis in only say thai the 

same social needs still exist out modem tolerant e toward the 
individual and sensuality ts more .in extension ol what is permi 
than an actual breach in the principle of respectability I h( re may 
be additional proof ol this in the lact that alter periods ot sexual tol- 
■ ram e the limits are always reimposed We are seeing this rhythm 

repeated today in episodes like that of the Mapplethorpe exhibition 

and in the continued etlort in the United States to i ontiol iti. 
content ol publicly funded art 

Marcel Proust gave perhaps the finest expression to that 
reciprocal relationship between conformism and tolerance that we 
can see all around us Swann the lewish hero of A la recherche du temps 
perdu, is welcomed among the aristocratic and snobbish Cuermantes 
as an exotic plant until he becomes a Dreyfusard, defending the cap- 
tain against his reactionary accusers, at which point they see him 
as a threat to their political and social position This seems to me 
to symbolize the reality ot a situation in which we continue to find 
ourselves bourgeois morality, once a newcomer in our midst, now 
appears so much a part of the way we see ourselves so essential to 
our society that we can scarcely imagine a different kind ot morality 
with the result that we have forgotten that, like everything else in 
this world, it is the result ot historical evolution ■ 


This is a revised version of the author's article "Schonheit ohne Sinnhchkeit 
Nationalsoziahsmus und Sexualitat," Znlmituhn/l, special ed , 1987, 96-1119 Sec 
also his Nationalism and Sexuality Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modern 
Europe (Madison University ol Wisconsin I'ress, |9HH 

Figure 23 

Visitors in Room 3 of Entartctt Kunsl. Munich, 1937 


Three Days in Munich, July 1937 

Three days in Munich in July of 1937 as a 
seventeen-year-old a visit to the Grosse 
Deutsckt Kunstaussttllunt) (Great German art 
exhibition), which had lust opened (I had 
missed the official inauguration by three 
days and two visits to the Eiil.irlrtc Kunsl exhibition left unforget- 
table impressions Untortunately letters to my family were destroyed 
during the war and in the bombing ol Dresden, they would have 
been ol great help in resurrecting the memories of an impressionable 
teenager, which naturally have been tempered and even augmented 
by knowledge acquired later Yet some of the experiences of those 
three days are as frightfully real as if no time had elapsed 

I should explain that my father, Alfred Giinther, was a news- 
paper critic — what was called a feuilletonist — in Dresden He had 
written on art and literature for years and knew many contemporary 
artists and writers, who were frequent visitors in our home In 1935 
he had been expelled from the Reichsschnfttumskammer (Reich 
chamber of literature), the organization to which all writers were 
obliged to belong, and lost his job because his second wife, the 
outstanding photographer Genia Jonas, was Jewish 

I had grown up exposed to modern art In my room hung 
reproductions of works by Franz Marc {Blaue Pjerd I [Blue horse I] 
of 1911, fig 24) and Vincent van Gogh (one of the versions of Sun- 
flowers) My interest in Paul Gauguin had been kindled by such 
books as Launds Bruun's Van Zantcn's glucklicbt Zat (Van Zanten's 
happy times), a sentimental novel about Gauguin's life in the South 
Seas — certainly not an artistic, historical, or literary masterpiece 1 
I had gone to exhibitions with my father or my mother and looked 
at — more than read — the various art journals and books available 
in our home I thought most people lived as I did 

Some credit for my interest in the arts must also go to the 
Reemtsma cigarette company A coupon in each package could be 
exchanged for quite well-printed color reproductions of important 
works of art, to be pasted beside short introductory texts in albums 
of Gothic, Renaissance, and Baroque art I also had an album on 
modern art that had made me at least partially conversant with the 
Fauves, Futurists, and Expressionists Some of my classmates col- 
lected coupons from the Trommler cigarette company, which gave 
away color reproductions of all the uniforms of the army and Nazi 

Figure 24 

Franz Marc, Blaul Pfai I (Blue horse I] 1911, oil on canvas, 112 x 84 5 cm 

(44* x 33% in I, Stadtische Calcne im Lenbachhaus Munich 

organizations I exchanged Trommler for Reemtsma coupons (a 
number of my classmates found my interests strange, to say the 
least), and my "art collection" grew quickly 

In 1937 I made my trip — a vacation in which Munich was only 
one stop — in excited anticipation Newspapers and radio had given 
extensive reports of the greatest of modern art exhibitions, the Crosse 
Deutsche Kunstausslellung , in the newly completed Haus der Deutschen 
Kunst (House of German art), and of the opening activities, includ- 
ing a speech by Adolf Hitler This speech, which was published 
verbatim in the newspapers, had troubled me Much of it was a con- 
demnation of modern art, artists, art dealers, gallery owners, and 
museum directors, as well as critics There was very little to indicate 
what true modern German art ought to be and how it would differ 
from that which was so strongly condemned I looked forward to an 
exciting three days, but it did not occur to me what an enormous 
impact this visit would have on me 

When I arrived in Munich some of the decorations installed 
for the opening pageant, "Zweitausend lahre Deutsche Kultur" 
(Two thousand years of German culture, fig 25), were still in place, 
although the dismantling was in progress The Pnnzregenten- 
strasse had been lined with 160 pylons, each nearly forty feet high, 
crowned with the eagle and swastika From the railroad station to 
the center of the city 243 flags had flown at intervals of twenty-five 
feet from flagpoles nearly thirty-five feet high A number of these 
flagpoles and pylons were still standing and gave the city a very fes- 
tive appearance as I walked toward the new Haus der Deutschen 
Kunst Viewing the building's long row of columns stretching along 
the street, I suspected that there was not much room behind this 
facade, which was clearly meant to be the dominating feature Its 
imposing height and cold symmetry created a monumentality that 
dwarfed the visitors, an impression that accompanied me into the 
galleries themselves (Much later I learned that the Bavarians called it 
the "Bratwurstelgalene," because the colonnade resembled sausages 
hanging side by side in the window of a butcher shop ) 

The entrance hall was impressive in size but disappointing 
The marble, the abundance of red Hags, the laurel trees in large pots, 
the bust and pictures of Hitler were not unique Basically the decor 
repeated on a slightly grander scale that used for all Nazi festivals 
and special occasions in theaters, opera houses, museums, and even 
schools I do remember that I was impressed by the silence every- 
body whispered It was obviously due to the semiecclesiastical 
atmosphere created by the size of the rooms, their decor, the impres- 
sive lighting, and the careful placement of the exhibits (fig 26) 

Which of the works most impressed a seventeen-year-old' 
Quite a number stayed in my memory undoubtedly because I 
expected so much I find it amusing that I remember especially well 
a few quite small pieces of sculpture, unimportant in themselves but 
appealing to me because they counteracted the gigantism and the 
large number of works that seemed "bland " There was a small 

Figure 25 

Parade and pageant, "Zweitausend lahre Deutsche Kultur" {Two thousand ye 
of German culture), Munich, "Tag der Deutschen Kunst" (German art day), 
July 18, 1937 

bronze group of wild ducks by Max Esser, for instance, which I liked 
because of its unpretentiousness, and there was a bronze figure by 
Hermann Geibel of a young girl playing a recorder, which looked 
to me like an idealized version of an admired girlfriend The huge 
figures by Arno Breker and Josef Thorak (fig 27) and other statues 
that dominated the galleries, however, held no appeal for me on the 
contrary I found them rather frightening I thought that they were 
intentionally attempting to imitate famous Greek sculptures I knew 
from books, but they lacked the grandeur and quiet balance that 1 
considered to be the hallmarks of that art These were simply large, 
primarily male, nudes People around me marveled at the craftsman- 
ship, technical achievement, and — what was repeatedly praised — 
realism of these figures (although certainly none of us looked like 
any of these giants) The visitors whom I overheard seemed not to 
recognize by the titles given to the statues — Kameradscbajt (Com- 
radeship), Sieg (Victory) — that they were meant to be symbols 

Yet the over-life-sized works fit well into the scale of the large 
galleries, and even sculptures by Georg Kolbe, Fritz Klimsch, and 
Richard Scheibe, some of whose works I knew from illustrations, 
seemed to gain in dimension in these surroundings and made an 
impression that was quite different from what I had expected 
Sometimes the impression was a negative one I had always loved 
the beautiful Tdnzerm (Dancer) of 1912 by Kolbe, a photograph 
of which I had hanging in my room, but his Junger Streiler (Young 
fighter) of 1935 in this exhibition lacked grace and resembled 
the numerous other idealized males 


•A*k B .^ 

I igUIt 26 

Gallery in the (.ros-r Drulsil<r Kunsinusstrllunt) l Great German art exhibition I, Haus der 
Deutschen Kunst Munich 1937 Adolf Ziegler's triptych Die vier Elemente (The four 
elements is on the tar wall 

Figure 27 

losel lliorak Kameraiscbajt ( .imr.idr-.hip plastei 
location unknown, exhibited in the GroSU Drufscfa 
Kutistaussttllung see fig n 

1 recall a number of paintings (although my memory may have 
been aided by reproductions I saw later) Understandably in one so 
voting, 1 remember well the innumerable nudes idealized, erotic, 
but cold, like an amateur's photograph None was appealing to this 
seventeen-year-old not the Bauerliche Venus (Rustic Venus) by Sepp 
Hilz or the insipid and tasteless Vier Elementc (lour elements) by Adolf 
Zieglcr or the pseudo-romantic Das Erwachm (The awakening) by 
Richard Klein all of which had been reproduced in various journals 
It was not that I had been brought up a prude on the contrary, my 
mother was very much in favor of anything healthy and natural Art 
books containing depictions of nudes had surrounded me since child- 
hood The nudes in the Grosst Deutsche Kunstausstellunt), however, were 
something else The painters were obviously good craftsmen, but I 
remember writing home that they were certainly not artists I must 
admit that I was disturbed by the amount of nudity, although the 
titles were always "elevating" These undressed ideals of female 
beauty — looking so similar, they could all have been sisters — 
reminded me too much of the nineteenth-century French salon 
paintings in the large art volumes (which in earlier years I had not 
been permitted to see) in my grandparents' home 

Another thing I remember about this huge show was that many 
of the paintings looked like photographs There was, for example, 
the translation to canvas of a famous photograph of Hitler and Presi- 
dent Paul von Hindenburg, Der Tag mn Potsdam (Potsdam Day), by 
Richard Lindmar, which, I later read in the newspaper, took three 
years to paint I became aware from the whispered comments 
around me that people admired works of this type because they 
depicted "so realistically" what was beautiful and good, which 

included quite a number of portraits of Hitler and prominent Nazis 
and soldiers in various uniforms I found disturbing the images of 
farmers (although Bauer in Nazi jargon meant something more than 
"farmer" it carried a near-mystical connotation of man's relationship 
to the earth) I knew quite well what agricultural and village life was 
like, as students we had been sent to various farms for several weeks 
at a time to help with the harvests From these enjoyable experi- 
ences I knew that depictions of farmers as inhabitants of a heroic 
paradise — lulius Paul lunghanns's Niederrheimsches Weidehdd I Lower 
Rhenish pastoral) or Fritz Mackensen's Golitsiiimst (Sunday service) 
of 1895, for example — were quite removed from reality As for the 
other works of art, there were many landscapes, some still lifes and 
small bronze sculptures, and a large number of realistic watercolors 
and graphic works, most of which left little impression on me except 
for their quantity In short, my walk through the Grosse Deutsche 
KunslaussteUuna was ultimately disappointing and tiring It was cer- 
tainly not what I had hoped for or even expected Was this really 
the new German art that Hitler had welcomed in his speecFr 

Only after I left the Haus der Deutschen Kunst did I see tucked 
into the catalogue of the Grosse Deutsche Kunsiausstellung a small red 
card announcing the AusslellunQ "Entartete Kunst 1 didn't know what 
it was and so postponed my visit till the next day I stayed at the 
lugendherberge (youth hostel), if I'm not mistaken, because I 
remember a few conversations there with others of my age Some 
couldn't have cared less about the exhibitions, a few others had seen 
the Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstelluntt , and some hadn't liked it 'although 
among the latter there were a few rather graphic references to the 
many nudes) None had gone to see the Entartete Kunst exhibition 


I spent the evening looking through the Munchiter Neueste 
Nachrkhten and the official Nazi newspaper, the Vdlkiscbe Beobachter, 
reading about the pageant I had missed There had been floats with 
reproductions of the sculptures from the great Bamberg and Naum- 
burg cathedrals, others with enormous figures of Treui (Fidelty) and 
Glaube (Faith), and still others presenting periods of Germanic his- 
tory from the Vikings to contemporary times, the latter represented 
by units from the army and various Nazi organizations Hundreds of 
men and women dressed in different period costumes marched along- 
side the floats It was a grand spectacle that emphasized the glory 
of German accomplishment throughout history Included was — to 
my surprise — the huge head of the Greek goddess Athena, carried 
by people dressed as "Old Germans," but there were also figures 
of the Germanic gods and goddesses with the eagle Hresvelda The 
other young people with whom I talked who had seen the pageant 
were all very impressed by this show of German history For the 
large number of spectators who had lined the marching route, it was 
a glorified and idealized review of the past in forms that duplicated 
much that was on view in the Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellunc) 

How different was my next day's confrontation with EntarMt 
KunsV Specific details have faded, but the shock, dismay and sadness 
I experienced during my visit are as vivid as if it happened just a 
short while ago The announcement inserted in the catalogue of the 
Crossf Deutsche Kunstausstellung had stated, "fur Jugendliche verboten 1 " 
(young people prohibited), but nobody asked my age While I had 
had to pay an entrance fee at the Haus der Deutschen Kunst, this 
exhibition was free of charge I was aware from the first that there 
were more people here than there had been at the Grosse Deutsche 
Kunstausstellunc; the previous day (much later I learned that £»l<irlclf 
KmhsI had 2,000,000 visitors to the other exhibition's 420,000) The 
atmosphere was also quite different People talked, some loudly and 
made comments to one another, even to strangers I cannot now 
remember if anyone was there in an official capacity as a "guide," 
nor do I recall if the few visitors in Nazi uniform were the ones who 
made the loud comments At the time I had the impression that the 
various remarks were spontaneous 

The rooms were quite narrow, as were the openings from one 
room to another, and the ceilings much lower than in the Haus 
der Deutschen Kunst In some areas people pressed up against one 
another to see the badly lighted works, the atmosphere was dense 
(fig 23) From the types of works selected, their hideous hanging 
and placement, the graffiti -like inscriptions on the walls, the nota- 
tions of price, and the use of truncated quotes by museum directors 
and art historians it was very obvious to me that this exhibition 
was not intended to introduce people to modern art but to inflame 
them against these works It was a blatant attempt to discredit 
everything on view 

1 cannot recall how 1 entered the exhibition, but I do remember 
well the impact of the frightening Kruzi/ixws (Crucified Christ) by 
Ludwig Gies, which filled the wall beside the entrance on the upper 
level (fig 28) To me, as shocking as the first impression was, this 
modern work echoed the pathos of Mathias Griinewald's great 
sixteenth-century Isenhem Altar in Colmar What had brought tears 
to my eyes in Colmar could easily have caused a similar reaction 
here, but the way in which the work was displayed caused it to lose 
its impact On the wall beside the sculpture was a very positive cri- 
tique identifying it as an important document of modern religious 
expression, the text was partly obliterated, however, by a large ques- 
tion mark There was also a shorter note explaining that the work 
had hung as a war memorial in the cathedral of Lubeck and con- 
demning this defamation of the dead soldiers of the First World War 
Did no one recognize, I wondered, that here war was likened to 
Christ's Passion and that the inhumanity of war was paralleled by the 
inhumanity of the Crucifixion^ 1 At the same time I could easily 
understand that many visitors, if not most, would react negatively 
either because they could not accept the unconventional figure of 
Christ or because they felt that war memorials ought to present only 
the idealized heroism of those who had died 

In the first room 1 was overwhelmed by the brilliant colors of 
several paintings by Emil Nolde, including the nine panels of his 
Leben Chnsti (Life of Christ, figs 321-29) Again it was obvious to 
me that the artist, by his choice of these flaming colors and the defor- 
mation of the figures, had tried to remove the events of Christ's life 
from the standard, accepted depictions and force the viewer to gain 
a new insight into these events Nolde's works displayed the same 
intensity as the Kruzifixus at the entrance I remembered my own 
confirmation and realized that my good, sensible pastor might not 
have liked these representations but at least would have recognized 
the artist's attempt to break away from the sweetness and sentimen- 
tality that had been adopted for so much Christian art There was 
a text on the wall that included the phrase, "Verhohnung des 
Gotteslebens" (mockery of the Divine) I remember some very 
angry words by visitors in this room, the mildest of which was 
"blasphemy" Again, I could understand these reactions, especially 
since the people around me appeared not to be the type who 
would normally have gone to museums or exhibitions of modern 
art (although some of these works had been painted as long as 
twenty-five years ago) and therefore must have been shocked I 
could not understand, however, why Ernst Barlach's Chnstus und 
Johannes (Christ and John, fig 158) should have been included in 
this exhibition This small, quiet, deeply moving bronze group 
could not have offended anybody I had a photograph of it in my 
room and had always supposed it to be Christ and the doubting 
Saint Thomas or the prodigal son's return 

Figure 28 

Ludwig Gies Kruzifixus (Crucified Christ ( 1921 ^ wood, formerly in Lubeck Cathedral, 

probably destroyed, shown here on the landing in Room I of Entartctt Kunsl 

The following rooms were equally disturbing Paintings were 
hung very closely together, some above others, some even over the 
doorways The strong colors of the paintings, the interfering texts, 
the large wall panels with quotations from speeches by Hitler and 
Joseph Goebbels all created a chaotic impression I felt an over- 
whelming sense of claustrophobia The large number of people 
pushing and ridiculing and proclaiming their dislike for the works 
of art created the impression of a staged performance intended to 
promote an atmosphere of aggressiveness and anger Over and 
over again people read aloud the purchase prices and laughed, 
shook their heads, or demanded "their" money back 

I recall vividly one room in which abstract art was displayed 
There were no titles, but 1 knew that some were works by Wassily 
Kandinsky because my father had talked with me about the absence 
of recognizable objects in his and other modern paintings I also 
recall the reactions of the people around me they considered the 
works silly (dumm) because there was nothing to be seen, and the 
remark, "The artists are making fun of us," was frequently heard 

A part of the exhibition I remember especially well was a wall 
displaying Dada art (figs 43, 67) I didn't know anything about this 
movement, but the art looked to me like a lot of fun, and I wondered 
why it made the viewers so angry Directly beside the Dada wall was 
a beautiful picture by Lyonel Feininger (fig 29) and a large abstrac- 
tion by Kandinsky I was upset because these two works simply did 
not go with the Dada group Would the many people who were 
incensed by the Dada artists see the difference, or would they simply 
walk past, considering these paintings just two more abominations? 

Another bewildering issue was raised by paintings by Lovis 
Corinth, some of which I had seen previously in reproductions (fig 
3D Labels beside them derided the works because they were painted 
after the artist had had a stroke I could not understand why this 
would make the paintings "bad," especially since I could not see any- 
thing in them that made this remark meaningful It was an argument, 
however, that appeared acceptable to many visitors around me 

It became increasingly clear to me that most people had come 
to see the exhibition with the intention of disliking everything, an 
intention that the installation was cleverly designed to encourage 
Many who had probably never seen Expressionist works frequently 
remarked that these so-called artists could neither draw nor paint, 
and that therefore there must have been a "conspiracy" of art 
dealers, museum directors, and critics to bamboozle the public The 
organizers of EnUutete Kunst thus promoted the idea that these works 
were not only badly executed and incomprehensible but evil, that 
they had been foisted on the public by people who hated anything 
good and decent and German, like works by Albrecht Durer or 
those on view in the Crosse Dfiilscbe Ktmstausstellung This atmosphere 
frightened me, 1 remained very quiet and even avoided looking at 
those who made loud, angry remarks Indeed, I never heard anyone 
speak up for the works or the artists represented or attempt to 
challenge the condemnations 

Figure 29 

Lyonel Feininger, Hopjgarlm, 1920, oil on canvas, 655 x 82 5 cm (25V, x 32'/i in 
The Minneapolis Institute of Arts, gift of friends and family in memory of Cath, 
Roberts Seybold Entartrtt Kunst. Room 3, NS inventory no 15980 

Figure 30 

Otto Mueller, Zi^euufmi (Gypsy woman), tempera on canvas, 1005 x 75 cm 
(397m x 29'A in ), Westfalisches Landesmuseum fur Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, 
Munster Enl.irldt Kunst, Room 3, NS inventory no 15969 

Figure 31 

Lovis Corinth, Eccr Homo, 1925, oil on canvas, 189 x I4S cm 174'/. x 58'/. in I, 

Kunstmuseum Basel Enlurlrlr Kumt, Room 6, NS inventory no 1615 1 

In retrospect, this was not surprising Having lived for the last 
four years under Nazi rule, I myself had learned not to challenge 
"official" opinions or ask too much or too frequently One did not 
question the teachers who continually praised Hitler's accomplish- 
ments, especially those who wore the Nazi party swastika in their 
lapels And there were further distinctions to be made between 
those who had joined the party before 1933 and those whom we 
called Miirzgtfallene (victims of March) the latter had enrolled, 
often just to retain their jobs, in March of 1933, the last time new 
members were accepted Having to prove their new loyalty they 
were frequently more radical than other party members in promot- 
ing Nazi ideology 

Some of the art exhibited in Entariett Kunst had personal associa- 
tions for me Truly poignant were the paintings dealing with the war 
There were works by Otto Dix, who had taught at the Akademie 
in Dresden and had painted a portrait of my father in 1919 The 
Knegskruppel (War cripples) were frightening in his caricatured, biting 
representation Never before had veterans been depicted in this way 
it was the complete antithesis of those heroic representations that 
filled the rooms in the Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstelluni) And yet I 
remembered from my childhood men whose legs had been ampu- 
tated or with other visible deformities sitting in the streets selling 
shoelaces and matches My mother frequently gave me a coin to 
put into the caps they had placed in front of them Regardless of the 
bitter distortions in Dix's work, regardless of the exaggeration, the 
scene was truthful Now, however, the picture was interpreted as an 
insult instead of an indictment of war Equally forceful was the large 
picture Der Schutzenclraben (The trench), a horrid scene of human 
cadavers caught in barbed wire The whole brutality and inhumanity 
of war was visible in this painting In front of these works I heard 
threats uttered against the painter 

Another group of works that made a lasting impression on me 
was in the section featuring images of women I was surprised that 
some of the brown gypsy girls by Otto Mueller were included as 
"degenerate" art (fig 30) I had always loved the color lithograph we 
had at home These nudes were far less erotic than some of the pic- 
tures in the other exhibition, I didn't understand why these were to 
be rejected Later, I saw some of Mueller's lovely watercolors on the 
lower floor, and I simply could not grasp what could be wrong with 
these depictions I do recall, however, that the scorn I had heard 
expressed in other sections of the exhibition was muted in front 
of these works 

There were other paintings and graphic works by artists whom 
my father knew and whom I may have met at one time or another 
(Although I don't remember any names, I do recall my mother telling 
me that she frequently washed the pants and shirts of some of these 
visitors who were too poor to have their laundry done ) My father 
had known Oskar Kokoschka when he was recuperating from his 
war wounds and later teaching in Dresden, and at that time he had 
acquired a few of his lithographs, which might perhaps have been 

Figure 32 

Oskar Kokoschka, Dst Wanderer m Gewiiter (Traveler in a thunderstorm), plate 3 from 
the portfolio Ewtgkat — iu Donneruvrt Bacbkantate (O eternity — thou thundering 
word, Bach cantatal, 1914, published 1916, lithograph, 43 x 298 cm (167. x ll'A in.), 
Los Angeles County Museum of Art, The Robert Core Rifkind Center for German 
Expressionist Studies, M 82 288 168c EnUrlete Kuml, Room Cl, NS inventory 
nos 16274-79 

from the beautiful and moving portfolio O Ewigktit — du Donnerwort, 
Bacbkantate (O eternity — thou thundering word, Bach cantata, figs. 
32—36), also in Entartete Kunst My father had told me the story of the 
famous painting Die Windsbraut (The tempest, fig 37), which I saw 
for the first time in this exhibition it represented Kokoschka with 
Alma Mahler, based upon Dante's imagery of the doomed lovers 
Paolo and Francesca I thought it a most beautiful depiction and 
could not understand why it would be hung there to be exposed 
to derision 

Among the graphic works displayed on the ground floor of the 
exhibition were prints from published portfolios — one of which my 
father owned — from the famous Bauhaus school in Weimar Some 
of the artists who taught at the Bauhaus had made frequent trips 
to Dresden and sometimes visited our home All of them were 
now declared to be "un-German" as well as "degenerate " One was 
Gerhard Marcks, the sculptor, who I always thought was one of the 
truly "classical" artists His plaster model of the archangel Gabriel 
and a small bronze of a boy (fig 294), both exhibited in Etifiirlftr 
Kunst, were accessible and lovely forms lacking the distortion that 
was so bitterly criticized in other works on view Also in the exhi- 
bition were lithographs of a highly abstract face by Alexej von 
Jawlensky (figs 234-40) My father, who had once given a lecture 
at the opening of an exhibition by the artist in Dresden, owned a 
beautiful picture based on the same form (fig 38) 



k V 

Figure 33 

Kokoschka Dm Wih fSbrt Jen Mann (The woman leads the man plate 4 

392 x 313 cm (15% x 12% in.) M82288l68d 

I igUre M 

Kokoschka, D,is /rlilr Litfrr (The last camp,, plate o, 41 1 K <n _ , m 16 
M82 288l68f 

Figuns ^ 

Kokoschka, Furckl uni Hojfnung Drr Al.inn Iroslrl J,is U-ti/j 1 1 ear and hope The rt 

comforts the wornanl, plate 7, 38 5 x 30 3 cm (IS'A x II'. in i, MK2 288I68 K 

I i^ure 3r» 

Kokoschka, Munii unj Wnhhrn ,iu| Jon Slcrkwej 'Man and Wl 

death plate 8 181 x 30 cm (15 x 1H4 In) M82 288if>8h 

I. II I N 1 II 1 R 

Kokoschka, Dn Wmisbnut (The tempest), 1914, oil on canvas, 181 x 220 cm 
(71'/4 x 867* in , Kunstmuseum Basel Etidirlrif Kuttst, Room 4, NS inventory 
no 16021 

In sin ii i I was confronted on all sides by images with which 
I had grown up which I admired and loved and which now were 
labeled degenerate Artists who were spoken ol in my parents 
home with respect and admiration were held up to be ridiculed and 
mot Iced I was certainly aware thai many people didn't like modern 
art, I had experienced this frequently when my schoolmates came 
tin .1 visit and not only shook theii heads at tin- art hanging on out 
walls but were sure that there was something wrong with me since I 
seemed to like it ( ertain phrases were well known to me " 1 hat 
man cant draw" 01 "Was tins artist colorblind?" But that kind ol 

Criticism was also common when we discussed what we liked and 
disliked in literature and it was always respected as ,i mattei ol per- 
sonal preference None ol those schoolmates had ever used terms 
like degeneralt or made references to writers as foreigners or lews 
when we discussed certain poems or novels It seemed irrelevant 
and we probably knew very little, it anything, about the writers' 
personal background) 

Here in Munich, however, the atmosphere was quite different 
On my second visit to Entarlett Kuml, a man who by his appearance 
and speech seemed educated argued that any deformation of natural 
form poisoned the viewer and that abstract works were created pri- 
marily bv dangerous foreigners and 01 lews Indeed, the visitors were 
practically forced bv the installation and the accompanying texts to 
despise the art and the artists And this reaction was praised as the 
proper attitude of "true" Germans who should not be misled by those 
who wanted to destroy "true" art The uninformed, many of them 
probably seeing modern art for the first time, were made to believe 
that they could indeed decide what was and what was not art, that 
they were the ultimate arbiters because, after all, they knew what 
they liked 

Nevertheless, I remember that there was a strange difference 
during my second visit to Enuirtrtc KiihsI The people were rather 
quiet, as if attending a "real" exhibition There were only a few who 
talked, rather quietly, and it appeared that some of them had seen 
these works before or even liked them They would stand in front 
of a work for longer periods of time than the other visitors, although 
they hardly ever spoke, even to those who accompanied them I 
remember hearing a whispered "Aren't they lovely''" from a woman 
standing in front of some graphic works on the lower floor, she then 
walked quickly away It was only at this point that I became fully 
aware of how the design of the exhibition had affected me, that only 
in some cases had I been able to disregard the "didactic" statements 
How sad I was that works I cherished by artists I admired were 
placed in the pillory Little did I realize that many if not most, of 
the artists represented in Enfiirlrtr Kimsl would be forced to emigrate 

would be prohibited from exhibiting oi selling then works or even 

from creating art thus ending th< It i an 1 1 and in a way theii lives 

I lovs well I remembi i my feelings while standing I" fori 

works I had wanted to s.iv something in theii defense to 

u hi i laughed and i ursed and di i ided them but I was too afraid to 

do so I had become frightened watching the rea< tions ol the people 
around me What would thev do to me — and would it create even 
greatet trouble for my fathei if thev found oui that I didn't share- 
then disgust 1 A seventeen old in Germany in 19H7 did not 
challenge the opinions of his elders especially in the atmosphere 
ol disdain hostility and latent anger created by the organizers 
ol I Kiarlflt KhiisI ■ 

254 x 346 en 

\ l.uiston 

sk) Kopj I lead Oil on board, 
private collection 


Figure 39 

Adolf Ziegler (at the podium) opens the exhibition EntarkH Kuml at the Archaologisches Institut, Munich, 

July 19, 1937, in this view of Room 3 four paintings by Otto Mueller can be seen in the background 


Entartete Kunst, Munich 1937 

A Reconstruction 


We now stand in an exhibition that contains only 
,i |ra< lion 0/ what was bought with the hard-earned 
savings of the German people ana exhibited as art 
by a large Number of museums all over Germany 

All around us you see the monstrous offspring of 
insanity, impudence, ineptitude, and sheer degener- 
acy What this exhibition offers inspires horror 
and disdust in lis all ' 

ith these words, on luly 19, 1937, Adolf 
Ziegler, the president of the Reichskammer 
der bildenden Ktinste (Reich chamber of 
visual arts), opened the Ausstellung "Entartete 
Kunst" (fig 39), the exhibition of contempo- 
rary art that was intended as a pendant and contrast — an "exorcism 
of evil" — to the Crosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung (Great German art 
exhibition), inaugurated by Adolf Hitler on the previous day at the 
Haus der Deutschen Kunst (House of German art) in Munich 2 

Since 1929 various local groups of the Kampfbund fur deutsche 
Kultur (Combat league for German culture) had been staging cam- 
paigns of denigration of modern art as a "crime against German 
culture "' Enturfete Kirnst was the culmination of the first act of the 
national, centrally directed "cleansing of the temple" Barely three 
weeks earlier, on June 30, Ziegler had been given plenipotentiary 
powers by the Reichsminister fur Volksaufklarung und Propaganda 
(Reich minister for national enlightenment and propaganda), Joseph 
Goebbels, to seize from German museums specializing in the con- 
temporary avant-garde any works of "decadent" art he wanted tor 
the Munich exhibition Ziegler was assisted by a committee made 
up of individuals whose opposition to modernism had attracted 
attention in the past few years, either within the Nazi party or 
in the wider public arena Count Klaus von Baudissin, the Nazi- 
appointed successor to Ernst Gosebruch, the suspended director of 
the Museum Folkwang in Essen, Wolfgang Willnch, a painter and 
writer on art, whose pamphlet Sauberuna des Kunsttempels (Cleansing 
of the temple of arti had not only given the Nazis the idea for 
an exhibition of "degenerate" art but had convincingly defined its 
form, 4 Reich commissioner for artistic design Hans Schweitzer, art 
theoretician Robert Scholz, and Hamburg drawing teacher and 

journalist Walter Hansen, another noted author of 
polemics s 

This group traveled around Germany for less than ten days" 
In haste, and more or less at random, they selected and inventoried 
works of art and shipped them straight to Munich The exact num- 
ber of works seized in this campaign can no longer be established, 
the total, however, was larger than could be displayed in the con- 
fined space of the exhibition rooms in Munich 

In the few days that remained before the opening on luly 19 
the exhibition was installed with feverish speed in the arcaded 
Hofgarten wing of the Residenz (at Galeriestrassc 4), in rooms that 
housed the plaster-cast collection of the Archaologisches Institut 
Many books, prints, drawings, photographs, and a few paintings 
were crowded into glass cases or thumbtacked to the walls of two 
barrel-vaulted rooms on the ground floor, one longer than the other, 
but both only four meters (approximately thirteen feet) wide In 
seven rooms on the upper floor movable screens were installed to 
cover the windows, existing murals, and plaster casts, which had 
been moved aside 7 Paintings were hung on cords — in some cases 
without their frames — tightly packed, as high as they could go 

Most works were identified by the artist's name, the title, the 
museum from which it had been taken, and in many cases the year 
of acquisition and the price paid, all in large lettering directly on 
the wall beneath the paintings (fig 40) or on the plinths of those 
sculptures that did not stand directly on the floor The labels were 
somewhat inaccurate titles were incorrect or works occasionally 
ascribed to the wrong artists The dates given were misleading they 
did not refer to the creation of each work but to its acquisition by 
the museum concerned Beneath or beside many of the works was a 
red sticker bearing the words, Bez.iMl von dm Steuergroschen des arbei- 
tenden deutschen Volkes (paid for by the taxes of the German working 
people), an effective technique of populist, nationalist art criticism, 
which served the purpose of promoting outrage at the apparent 
waste of public money by institutions and their directors I No men- 
tion was made of the fact that some of the art had been acquired by 
the museums during the great inflation of the early 1920s, in these 
cases the ludicrous amount of the purchase price was calculated to 
increase the visitors' indignation *) Museum directors were often 
cited by name or, as in the case of Paul F Schmidt, the former 

Upper floor 

Ground floor 


i i 

Lobby Gl G2 
1 1 

1 1 - 

Figure 40 

Walter Dexel, Loltomolii* (Locomotive), c 1921, oil on canvas, 70 x 82 cm (27'A x 

32'/« in ), location unknown hnUutelt Kunst, Room 3, NS inventory no unrecorded 

director of the Stadtmuseum in Dresden, condemned by the use of 
out-of-context quotations from their own writings, drawn in every 
case from Willnch s Sauberunt) des Kunsttempels 9 

The organizers attempted to bring some iconographic order 
into the overcrowded exhibition by grouping the works under a 
series of tendentious signs, labels, and headings The propaganda 
purpose was both to relieve the impression of disorder and chaos 
and to emphasize the themes of degeneracy in art by means of an 
ostensibly didactic organization Actually these texts were seldom 
directly related to the works themselves 

Insolent mockery of the Dunne under Centrist rule 

Revelation oj the Jewish racial soul 

The cultural Bolsheviks order oj battle 

An insult to German womanhood 

The ideal — cretin and whore 

Deliberate sabotage oj national dejense 

German farmers — ii Yiddish view 

The Jewish longing {or the wilderness reveals itself — in Germany the negro 
becomes the racial ideal oj a degenerate art 

Madness becomes method 

Crazy at any price 

Nature as seen by sick minds 

Even museum bigwigs called this "art of the German people" 

Also painted directly on the wall in large letters were the 
"verdicts" that had been passed by Hitler, Coebbels, and Nazi ideo- 
logue Alfred Rosenberg on the outlawed art, the various artistic 
movements, and their adherents With great precision these remarks 
captured the essence of the vilification that covered the walls all 
around For example "It is not the mission of art to wallow in filth 
for filth's sake, to paint the human being only in a state of putre- 
faction, to draw cretins as symbols of motherhood, or to present 
deformed idiots as representatives of manly strength "'" 

These texts were intended to emerge as the "voices of reason" in 
the midst of the Nazi-contrived atmosphere of visual terrorism They 
also provided the organizers with moral and political justification and 
left the visitor in no possible doubt that the exhibition was necessary 

The Nazis regarded modern art as krankhaft, "diseased," and this 
term as applied to art hy Paul SchultzeNaumburg in his pseudo- 
scientific pamphlet Kunsi und /v.innc Art and race) published as tar 
back as 1928," was synonymous with "racially interior" Schultze- 
Naumburgs warped comparisons of Expressionist portraits to photo- 
graphs of sick and teebleminded individuals i tigs 3-41, lor example, 
were carried into the political arena by the Nazis, along with the 
equation ot "Bolshevistic" with "anarchistic," and the unitying link 
in all this defamation, the word Jewish 

Modernism, allegedly maintained by an irresponsible cultural 
elite, had to be unmasked as a palpable fraud calculated to confuse 
the German people The modernists' interest in the primitive art of 
non-European cultures, spontaneous drawings ot children, and fan- 
tasies of mental patients presented the Nazis with a wide and fertile 
held tor antimodernist propaganda, for they rejected any departure 
from academic tradition as a "lunatic monstrosity" and "sheer inep- 
titude " i: "Art," said Hitler at the opening of the Grossc Deutsche 
Kunstaussttllunt), "that cannot rely on the ioyous, heartfelt assent 
of the broad and healthy mass of the people, but depends on tmv 
cliques that are self-interested and blase by turns, is intolerable 
It seeks to confuse the sound instinct ot the people instead of 
gladly confirming u" 

lit line describing the reconstructed exhibition in detail, which 
will demonstrate not only the extraordinary quality nl art on view 
but also the propaganda methods employed in its presentation 
I must first briefly discuss the snuices that have made such a 
reconstruction possible 

First, there are a few documentary photographs published 
repeatedly in the literature on the subject, second, alongside the 
many questionable reviews that appeared in the daily press at the 
time, there was one surprisingly informative article in which art 
critic Bruno F. Werner, writing in the Deutsche Alltlememe Zeilumi ol 
July 24, 1937, supplied a partial list of artists and works that served 
as a rough guide to the sequence ot the installation Another indis- 
pensable source is Paul Ortwin Rave's seminal book Kunstdiktatut nn 
Dntten Reich I Art dictatorship in the Third Reich) of 1949, a firsthand 
account of a state-led crusade — probably unique in recent history — 
to eradicate an artistic movement In an appendix Rave gave an 
almost complete alphabetical list of the artists reviled in Munich and 
the works exhibited (although prints and drawings were listed with- 
out titles only as a presumably estimated total I To these resources 
must be added numerous hitherto-unpublished photographs 
unpublished notes made at the exhibition by Carola Roth, 14 and 
letters written by Ernst Holzinger, a curator at the Bayerische 
Staatsgemaldesammlungen, to the director of the Nationalgalerie in 
Berlin, Eberhard Hanfstaengl ,s 

In addition to the information provided by these sources, which 
made possible a detailed picture of Etitartete Kiwst for the first time in 
1987 on the fiftieth anniversary of the original exhibition,"' a read- 
ing of the surviving portions of the Nazi inventories, in which a 
number was assigned to each confiscated work, shows that the num- 
bering coincided to some extent with the sequence of works in the 
exhibition, a connection that was discovered by Andreas Hiineke " 
A few weeks after the opening of the Munich exhibition Goebbels 
ordered a second, much more extensive "cleansing of the museums, 
lasting from August through November, which added to the artists 
censured in the Munich exhibition a number of others, some of 
them foreign The seized works were shipped to a storehouse on 

Kopenicker Strasse in Berlin and given inventory numbers Those 
responsible for the confiscations then traveled to Munich, probably 
toward the end of November, to complete their inventory by listing 
the works that had already been confiscated for the exhibition 
They followed the order of the installation, observing a sequence 
based on medium first came the paintings on the upper floor, then 
those on the ground floor, for the most part proceeding clockwise 
around each room, then the sculptures, and finally the prints, draw- 
ings, books, and other material, which were shown on the ground 
floor either in glass cases or on the walls 

The last inventory number assigned in Berlin, 15392, was given 
to a portfolio of etchings by Bernhard Kretzschmar that is nowhere 
recorded as having been in the Munich exhibition The numbers 
assigned in Munich begin with 15933, Max Beckmann's Kreuzabnabme 
(Deposition) in Room I on the upper floor The sequence established 
by the inventory gives us, virtually complete, the arrangement 
and number of works on view in Munich just before closing day 
(During the run of the exhibition — July 19 through November 30 — 
particularly during the first few days, some rearrangement and 
regrouping took place, and this will be discussed in detail later) 
There remain, however, some numbers on the list that cannot be 
assigned to any specific artist or work because of gaps in the source 
material Additionally the number of the last work recorded at the 
exhibition remains unknown According to both Roth and Holzinger, 
the exhibition itinerary ended on the ground floor with a vitrine of 
books including Gottfried Benn's Kunst und Machl (Art and power), 
assigned number 16485 It can therefore be assumed that the inven- 
tory ended between 16485 and 16500, or perhaps a few numbers 
higher The next known number in sequence, 16529, was assigned 
to a work not shown in Munich it appears on a sticker attached to 
Franz Marc's Tierscbicksale (Fate of animals) ls The numbering of all 
confiscated artworks ends with 16558, Otto Mueller's watercolor Akt 
im Griinen (Nude in greenery) 

These are the sources that have made possible the first reliably 
documented reconstruction of the Munich exhibition Not only 
the paintings mentioned by Werner or Rave but also the prints and 
drawings that were previously lumped together and the published 
material that was on view can now be accurately identified and, 
thanks to the many photographs, at least of the upper floor, their 
placement almost completely established 

The Munich installation of Enf<irle!e Kunst is described here fol- 
lowing the sequence of the inventory numbers — from 15933 through 
approximately 16500 — that were assigned to the works of art shortly 
before the exhibition closed on November 30 Photographs taken 
on various days soon after the opening document not only changes 
in the installation but also the presence of additional works on view 
in the early days of the exhibition and subsequently removed from 
display for one reason or another Eyewitness accounts have been 
helpful in those areas that cannot be documented by photographic 
or other sources 

Note to (be reader 

The tables on the following pages present information on each work 
of art exactly as it appeared on the wall label in the Enliirlele KhmsI 
exhibition, with the addition of the inventory number, which was 
not seen by the visitor but which now serves as an aid to identifica- 
tion and cross-referencing (works that have no recorded inventory 
number are identified by the artist's name) No attempt has been 
made to correct errors or inconsistencies in the labels, with two 
exceptions in the event that a work was incorrectly attributed to 
an artist or given the title of another work, the correct artist or title 
is provided in brackets For complete information on each work, 
please consult "The Works of Art in Eiibirtele Kunst, Munich 1937" on 
pages 193-355 of this volume, using the artist's name and the work's 
inventory number as guides 

A question mark after an inventory number indicates that it is 
conjectural and has been assigned by the author 

Inventory numbers that appear in white indicate works that 
have not been identified in any illustration of the exhibition 

Label text in parentheses either was omitted in the exhibition 
or cannot be confirmed, in such cases — especially with regard to 
the ground-floor display — the information is taken from the Nazis' 

The quotations and comments written on or attached to the 
walls have been transcribed from photographs or reconstructed from 
the recollections of eyewitnesses Aside from the texts by Hitler or 
other party dignitaries, all the quotations were taken from Willrich's 
Sauberung des Kunsttempeh Room headings have been provided in 
German and English Letter codes have been assigned to all docu- 
mented wall texts, a letter in white indicates that there is no visual 

Rooms 1 through 7 in the EnUirtete Kunst exhibition were located 
on the upper floor, Rooms Gl and G2 on the ground floor 


I In exhibition began on the upper floor, which was reached by a 
narrow staircase As they climbed the --tans, visitors were greeted by 
1 udwig <. iies's ovei life sized Kruzifixus i rucified C hnst, tigs 28, 41) 
dominating the upper landing against a wall hung with red cloth 
Beneath the sculpture, which had been so theatrically endowed 
with a quality ol menace was a cloth-covered plinth onto which 
was i.u ked a photograph ol the interior ol Liibeck Cathedral 
. ti^j 42) showing the work in place alter its installation in 1921 
Alter public protests fearing that the sculpture might be damaged, 
the artist subsequently placed it on loan to the museum in Liibeck " 
In Room I ot the exhibition were displayed paintings ol religious 
subjects The derisive comment, "Insolent mockery ol the Divine 
under Centrist rule, inscribed on the wall beside Emil Noldes 
monumental Lrl'rn Cbristi i Lite ol Christ, rigs 321-29), was intended 
as a simultaneous indictment ot the art and the church 

Room 1 
Works o! art 

Arnsl liflr 

Owner, dale acquired, acquisition price or inturmatx 


liet kmann, KrruZiibmibmr 

Fii/mr in 


Nulde, ( brislw u die Sundmn 
Nationalgalene lierlin, 1929. M 25,000 

huwr II! 


Nolde, Oir Mil l Komgr 
Landesmus Hannover 

hjurt 134 


licckmann, CbrithB u die Fhtbrtihttm 
Kunsthalle Mannheim, 1919, M 8,000 

Future 163 

Rauh, HI Frmziskui 
Stadt Gal Munchcn 


SchmidtRottluff, PbaritUtt 
Stadt Mus Dresden, RM J.OOO 

Figurt 372 


Rohlfs, Bus 

Stadt Mus Hagcn 

Figure 363 


Luthy Madonna 

Stadt Galerie Dresden, 1925, RM 6,000 


Nolde, Kreuzigung 
Folkwang Mus Essen 

Figum 321-29 

Heckrott, MtiimlroMi^in 

Stadt Gal Dresden, 1920, RM 2,000 


Thalheimer Vrnucbung da M Antomui 
Stadt Gal Miinchen 


Nolde, AbcndmiiM 

Halle Moritzburg, 1913, RM 5,000 

Figure 108 


Nolde, Tod dtr Mitrut aus Agyptm 
Folkwangmus Essen 

Fl^urf 3 37 


Nolde, Cbristus u die Kinder 

Kunsthalle Hamburg, 1918, RM 15,000 

Fl^urf 336 


Nolde, Dir klugm u«d d\t loncfctoi luitgfraum 
Folkwang Mus Essen 


Prof Gies, Cbristus 
Dom zu Liibeck 

FtHum 28. 4 1 


Prof Cesar Klein, iDrr new Vogtl/Kopf) 


Emil Nolde, Adam und Eva 


Karl Schmidt -Rottluff, Cfemlus 

Figure 368 

Figure 41 

Ludwig Gies, Kmzi/ixus (Crucified Christ), detail, c 1921, wood, dimensions 

unknown, probably destroyed Enlnrlrlf Kunsl, Room I. NS inventory no 16232? 



A Untrr da Hemchaft da Zentrums jrahrr Vtrhohnung drs Cotterkbens 

below i S942 Insolent mockery of the Divine under Centrist rule 

B Marvel' 

\ej\ of 16232 The concentrated simplification of all the motifs is not meant as a 

halting pnmitivism but is a deliberate effort to convey aesthetic 
stimuli The spiritual values too are so profound and individual 
that they would in themselves make the work one of the richest 
documents of modern religious experience It would be hard to 
find a symbol that would convey to posterity with greater power 
and depth the significance of the Great War and its fallen heroes 


btlow (62*2 

"Christ" by I'rol Gies, Berlin 

This horror hung as a war memorial in the cathedral of Lubeck 

Figure 42 

This photograph of Ctes's Kruztjixus in Lubeck 

Cathedral lc 1921/22) was displayed under the 

sculpture in Entarttte Kunst 

L U T T I ( II A U 

Room 2 

••— -— f—~~ 







.Ut Khsffer m<S oil timsffcr Anrottaf sc'm " 
but return**' 
.Afif nnnfclffiratto-'W) 

.MS" hmmr <fer jftirarkr /in/fv hiVr 
kxiiqask tati i Dunti S/iwindel ." 

iter dbu|jB» tormi/ma** of ein tetin,*r (tar 
M ition nifif d«? Wi/t zu worn hit." 

Or £^mh tolsW, faHMWu.f ,> P 

. Waiter Dmse.tomt at Sti ,tejum*roi 

ilttoi i/uirti rfm Makmis' 

fn/m ftsctrtor « imt &a/i]»: iw ^mwju- wov 

Sections oi the south wall 

to hit tfw «$ta St «*r. ** 9**"* 

fiBMBf.MWi (W«n <«'J Mm p n Wuirfr.ftrti'iicir AlfrflWllimwi ICirmJiKnniiflUOTrfIS 
imMwl W>! *r <"*" W «* "** «wh<i*i- 
rcslro iKiwn.Arm nrrfhfm nuf diplitaif 
Ifr mrtwn tint mm UtrWn.imin wir s«? alien 
to, m anmr *is> ropflWrt ind Writ rim rws.*f 
m iiimuf mjpiflVm ml. Wir twin™ Wifrn wir. 
* attpflrafm fotorspidcr. Wir tin ».<ils cr HUT 
Ktfr.DidilB'rtfcr wwtwB mim.abtr wr 5wl mil 
™i nM ob nS HW/mf Mi . Hfr set/cn ruis ft* ■ 
to' <mcn rivwn SrfnwxM ii die K# imt written 
Smte.rf" um rt» ffirtW ntadtotoi, pniwmie i Vsl 
wire pkiisir. Wiiv/rnortw.fflimmnrrK'r smrl wir mi* 
msmr liwNwir." nio 

Mnniftst *r MsrtonsHstm' 

The much smaller Room 2 contained only works by Jewish artists, 
including Jankel Adler, Marc Chagall, and Lasar Segall These were 
lumped, regardless of subject, under the heading, "Revelation of the 
Jewish racial soul " The end walls of the tiny room carried lengthy 
quotations from Hitler and Rosenberg that proclaimed in no uncer- 
tain terms the resolve of the Fuhrer and the man who had been 
his leading "cultural warrior" since the birth of the "movement" to 
show no mercy to the "incompetents and charlatans," the "lews and 
Marxists" whose works were collected here On the south wall, 
opposite the paintings, was an array of comments, quotations, lists 
of names, and photographs (covered with a curtain on July 24, 
according to Holzinger), including a list — headed, "The cultural 
Bolsheviks' order of battle" — of well-known personalities, artists, 
and architects, each name followed by an explanatory term such 
as Jude (Jew), Rittgarcbitekt (Ring architect), 20 or Baubauslehrer 
(Bauhaus teacher) 3I The words of art historian Edwin Redslob, 
who was Reichskunstwart (Reich commissioner of art) before 
1933, George Grosz, Kurt Eisner, and the Manifest der bohchewistischm 
Aktion (Manifesto of Bolshevik action) by A Udo were quoted 
with hostile intent to expose the thinking of the alleged adver- 
saries and corrupters of German culture In addition, photographs — 
as yet untraced — of Rudolf Belling, Max Pechstein, and Moritz 
Melzer were pinned to the wall. 

Room 2 
Works ol i 

Owner date acquired, acquisition price or information 


Katz, BiUtiis 

Kunsth Karlsruhe, 192 I, donation 

Fl^urr 252 


Chagall, Dor/scotf 
Folkwangmus Essen 

Figurt m 


Wollheim, fioliscbf LanJscbafl 
St Kunstlg Dusseldorf, 1932 


Mcidner Stlbttbildms 

Mus Brcslau. 1929, donation 

Fi^urr 296 


Adler, KattatzUcbta 

Stadt Kunstsammlung Dusseldorf, 1926 

, M 800 

Fi^urr 156 


Adler, Madcbm 

Kunsthalle Mannheim, 1927, M 800 

Figurr 157 

L Segall, Die cipgni VKmoW) 

(Stadt Cal Dresden 

Ftgurt 391 


Adler, MusiJttmta 

Stadt Kunstsammlg Dusseldorf. 1924, 

M 1,500 


Chagall, RafcUrr 

Kunsthalle Mannheim, 1923, M 4,500 

Figurt 1 1 8 


Chagall, Wmttr 
Stadelsch K Inst Frank! 

Fi^urr in 


L Segall, Purimftsl 

Folkwang Mus Essen, 1928, M 2,000 


Feibusch, Scbwtbmd, 

Stadelsches Kunstinst Frankfurt a/M, 1932 


L Segall, Lirlioidr 
Folkwang Mus Essen 

Fitfurr 390 

Wall taxi 

In the held of culture, as elsewhere, the National Socialist move- 
ment and government must not permit incompetents and char- 
latans suddenly to change sides and enlist under the banner of the 
new state as if nothing had happened One thing ts certain 
under no circumstances will we allow the representatives of the 
decadence that lies behind us suddenly to emerge as the standard- 
bearers ol the future 

[From a speech by Adolf Hitler at the session on culture at a 
NSDAP rally, Nuremberg, September 2, 1933] 



Room 3 


abovt 15951 

Jewish, all too Jewish 

With a sense of humor and a practiced talent for sycophancy, 

even fascist rule can be borne quite well 1 ask which of you is 

unshakably determined that his entire lite should be marked by 

character, forthnghtness, manly pride, and adherence to 


Ludwig Meidner (Das Ktmslblatt, 1929) 

Paul Westheim, Editor 

Offoibanmg der jWiscbfii Rassemee\e 
(595 J Revelation of the Jewish racial soul 

Artists who for fourteen years were duped by Jews and Marxists 
and accepted laurels from their hands are now being extolled 
as our revolutionaries by certain individuals lacking in instinct 
and by specific politically motivated backers It is high time we 
stopped being too tolerant 

[Alfred Rosenberg, 1934] 

Soiilli wall Aufmrscbplan der Kukurbohcbmmtm 

The cultural Bolsheviks' order of battle 

E The artist as an artist must be an anarchist 

Kurt Eisner (lew! 
Aural ,im ,illr Kuiisllcr, 1919 

How does the artist rise in the bourgeoisie 1 By cheating 
Crosz, George in Slurm 

The average German is a cretin, and it is not for him to show the 
nation the way 

Dr Edwin Redslob, retired Reich Curator 

With the slogan 'Art is Sh'*" Dada began its destruction 
Erwin Piscator in his book Din poltttsche Theater 

F What this horrendous age needs more than anything else is 

perfect impudence Life is smothered under layers of dignity 
pedantry achievement, hard work, and talent-mongering We 
want no more than to be magnificently impudent' We no longer 
even want to call ourselves Futurists — we don't give a damn for 
the future 

We take no responsibility whatsoever for our work, if we do 
anything at all, and we laugh at anyone who wants to make us 
responsible We can bluff like the most hardened poker players 
We act as if we were painters, poets, or whatever, but what we are 
is simply and ecstatically impudent In our impudence we take the 
world for a ride and train snobs to lick our boots, para que cVst 
Molrr plaisir We raise the wind, we raise the storm with our 


Manifest der bohcbwislisdm Aklion 

[DitAkliem 1915] 

In the third room, which was interrupted halfway along the south 
wall by a wide projecting partition (presumably to conceal a plaster 
cast of the Nike of Samotbrace that stood behind the screen, fig 43), 
statements in outsized letters running along the tops of the tempo- 
rary walls imposed some semblance of iconographic or thematic 
order Nudes by Karl Hofer, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Paul Klein- 
schmidt, and Otto Mueller were headed, "An insult to German 
womanhood" and "The ideal — cretin and whore " More slogans 
("Deliberate sabotage of national defense" and "An insult to the Ger- 
man heroes of the Great War") introduced Kirchner's Selbstportral ah 
Sotdat (Self-portrait as a soldier, fig 264) — the title of which the 
organizers altered for effect to the more provocative SoUal mil Dirne 
(Soldier with whore) — and Otto Dix's indictments of the horrors of 
war, Kriegskriippel (War cripples) and Der Scbiitzengraben (The trench). 
In a deliberate fabrication, works by Kirchner, Pechstein, and Karl 
Schmidt-Rottluff were presented under the heading, "German 
farmers — a Yiddish view" Another group of works by Mueller, 
Nolde, and Pechstein was dismissed, somewhat enigmatically with 
the words, "The Jewish longing for the wilderness reveals itself — in 
Germany the negro becomes the racial ideal of a degenerate art " 
Further comments in the same vein, especially the precepts of Hitler 
and Goebbels, which occupied four sections of the wall, exemplified 
the logic of the Nazis' antimodernist campaign. 

In his "combat" against modernist art Hitler paid particular 
attention to the Dadaists and their circle At the 1934 Nuremberg 
party rally he had thundered "All the artistic and cultural blather of 
Cubists, Futurists, Dadaists, and the like is neither sound in racial 
terms nor tolerable in national terms" This passage from his speech 
was displayed directly opposite the "Dada wall," which was arranged 
with considerable care A statement by Grosz, "Take Dada seriously 1 
It's worth it," was blazoned across the wall with deliberate irony 
Below, details from compositions by Wassily Kandinsky — who had 
been quite erroneously classified as a Dadaist — were enlarged and 
painted on the wall to form a self-contained ensemble in conjunction 
with a Merzbild (Merz picture) and Ringbild (Ring picture) by Kurt 
Schwitters, Paul Klee's Sumpflegende (Swamp legend, fig 273), two 
issues of the periodical Der Dada (figs 224-25), and an unidentified 
marble figure by Rudolf Haizmann The exhibition organizers pre- 
sumably intended to demonstrate that they themselves or anyone at 
all could produce Dada art — or compositions by Kandinsky for that 
matter — thus demonstrating the worthlessness of such works A pho- 
tograph of Hitler standing before the Dada wall at a preview of the 
exhibition, in the company of the organizers Ziegler, Willrich, 
Hansen, Heinrich Hoffmann, and others, reveals that the works by 
Schwitters, Kandinsky and Klee were originally hung crookedly on 
the wall (fig 44), later photographs of the final installation suggest 
that someone must have vetoed this as too obvious 

During the run of the exhibition the installation in Room 3 
underwent a number of changes Between Kirchner's Celbe Tanzerin 
(Yellow dancer) and Max Ernst's Erschaffmg der Eva (Creation of Eve), 

Figure 43 

A view ol Room 3 in Eni.irtrlr Kunsl, Mun 

south wall, including the- I Xid.i wall 

:h, 1937, showing the projection along the 

Figure 44 

Adolf Hitler, visiting EnlartnV Kunsl on July 16, 1937, stops at the Dada wall, he is 
accompanied by commission members Hoffmann, Willnch, Hansen, and Zicgler 
Paintings by Kandinsky Klee, and Schwitters have been hung deliberately askew 

also called Belle lardimere, on the west wall there originally stood a 
bronze group by Ernst Barlach, Cbristus uiul Johannes I Christ and 
John, hg 46) Sometime on or after the morning of luly 24 this ssas 
replaced by another sculpture, which was identified by Holzinger, 
writing to Hanfstaengl on luly 25, as Der Scbauspitltt (The actor, 
fig 45), a wood carving dating from 1928-29 by Theo Briin, proba- 
bly from the Stadtmuseum Hagen, previously on view in Room 7 
There is no information as to what happened to the Barlach bronze 
in the interim, but the inventory number assigned to it — 16245 — 
indicates that it was back on view by the end of the exhibition when 
the list was compiled No inventory number, on the other hand, can 
be assigned with certainty to the work by Briin, at some point, 
therefore, the Briin was probably removed and Barlach s group put 
back in its original place until the exhibition closed 

Also removed from the exhibition before the inventory was 
compiled were two sculptures by Belling, DreMand (Triad, Hg 178) 
and Kotf (Head, fig 179), their numbers — 15029 and 15047, respec- 
tively — were in the sequence of those previously assigned in Berlin 
The organizers had initially failed to notice that another bronze by 
Belling, Uer Boxer Scbmelmd (The boxer Schmeling), was actually on 
view across the street at the drone Deutsche Kunslaussttlluni] , which 
Hitler had promoted as the forum of the "new" German art n 
Kirchner's wood carving Badcndc (Bather), which had originally been 
placed next to Ernst's Belle Jardiniere, was moved to fill the gap 

Two errors require comment the work entitled Josej und 
Potiphar (Joseph and Potiphar) and ascribed to Christoph Voll, 16233, 
is actually Adam und Eva (Adam and Eve) by Eugen Hoffmann^ and a 
Lyonel Feininger, 15980, bears the wrong title it is not Tellow. seized 
from Berlin (and on view in Room 5 as number 16084), but a view of 
Hopfgarten, confiscated from Leipzig (fig 29 


Room 3 

For other views of Room 3 see cover, pages 4 and 398, and figures 16, 23, and 66 


n™u'S,. ™. M . «.. 








N.Jdt S.Afc. ... (U.-fc*. 



JS^vSIS ..«» 





";,SX"l»*M.. m 


... ;J «tM~ 


™*»;™;r™. » 

F< "'" 

' i ' ,, ssMUftai" 




""" "Ll'.J H 


",", »,.,.. 1,1, u 

F ""'" 

IS " : 


» """" 


i.;;^ , 

""" ^"iT, .»'''",... 





SSiSTfc"i».i ...... 


"t^r. :„ .,.;. 4 


'"" ';": m': ,;., «,.,,,„.. 


15981 i imptnitorA S.O^-I 



fen >... 



""" mZS-K^"™^ 

""" SS.S,"™ 


i 1 — i 1 — r 


Schmrdl-Rottlufl. Somim am Mttr 
Essen Folkwang Museum 


Nolde. Rusit 

Stadt Museum Erfurt 

f *"""° 


Nolde. MMnnhri 

Hannover Landesmus, 1924, RM 2,000 



Kirchner. Stnumani 

Dresden Stadt Cal , 1926, RM 9,000 


Otto Mullet, Ml, rrt Llt.Jic(t»/l 
Halle, 1924, J.000 



Fellxmullet Mtiiit mil KmJ 
Ruhmeshalle Barmen. 1922, 7,000 


Kirchner. Du G»lliii Jei Hustlers 
Stadt Calcrie Franklurr. 1919. 5,000 



Heckel, fWrtrJr 
Folkwang Mus Essen 


K Holer ScMn/r*.! Afascdm 

Barmen Ruhmeshalle, 1922, RM 6,000 



Kokoschka. /iWm 

Stadt Mus Dresden, 1920, RM 10,000 



Holer, Drr mmdmtdr Gr/nmfmt 
Staatl Slg Stuttgart 


Kokoschka. Die WmUrM 
Hamburg Kunsthalle, 1924, 13,500 

Fi,» r , ,r 


Kokoschka, AusuMnaVrrr 

Halle Mor.Kburg, 1926, RM 13,500 



Christ Rohlls, BtaUeZ 

Halle Montzburg, 1934. donation 


Kirchner. Dtr fCraitk 

Hannover Landesmus, 1930. RM 2,400 



Kirchner 8iUmi Jo Malrrt SrWmmrr 
Essen Folkwang Museum 



Beckmann. SiIMiUiiii 

Stuttgart Kunstsammlg, M 3,000 



Heckel, Flimnch hm,\„ 
Stadtisches Kunstmstitut Frankfurt 


Kirchner. Kartosfi.tUrr Kmt, 
Halle Mohtzbg, 1924, RM 3,500 



Pechste.n M.rae. a. Haff 

Hamburg Kunsthalle, 1923, donation 


K Holer. T.icrijnelliclx/r 

Barmen Ruhmeshalle, 1924, RM 2,700 


Beckmann, Drr SlraiiJ 
Stadt Caleric Frankfurt 


Karl Holer. ImiiUmii 

Museum Breslau, Iy32, donation 





K Hofcr. Zwa FmnJt 
Siadclsches Kunstimtm 
1928. M 3,500 

Berlin Naiionalga 
1928, M 5.000 

I hi worl in Room 4 were not arranged bv theme or artist, nor 
did the walls hear sneering slogan',, comments, or quotations 

i hi I uhrers speeches on contemporary art Here the 

limited themselves foi the must part to indicating 

artisl title museum, and purchase price To ludge from the 

ph graphs ol individual sections of the walls (figs 51-53), 

tin hanging was — it such words are nut out ut place in this 
context — calmer and less emotive The works shown here were 
mostly by the artists ol Die Bruckc The bridge — Erich Hcckcl, 
fr ... I .... r Mold. Pechstein and Schmidt-Rottluff— with the 
addition ol ( hristian Rohlfs The room also contained two other 
!.:.;■ I;. >. I riijnii -, I hi MnniJ > 1 he beach i and Oskar 
I okosi M.< ■ /!» Wmdsbrml iThe tempest, tig 17) 

Room 5 

i 1 — r 

J] I L 

For another view of Room 5 see figure 

i — r 
j L 



I r"^*i 












■ , gtvcn ttM xldiuoral 



s* hml, hofizonial In 1 

Hcally li is noteworthy ihai Kandimky mi 


lightest fegwd far »n a ItoftonoU 


rilmkyswen followed b) wen tub In 

front <rf this 

irtol the I ., 


" 1! ° ^™',rJ"i'.„*.:: 


F^. ,.. 

16110 V^'lt'i' ?n,u™^Z l»» -^-nl ^^ '" 


^ •" 




Room 6 

i r 




14145 15051 16156 

16150 16151 16152 16153 16 

26 [later 16155. 16156, 16157] 
Lehmbcuck Mater 162481 

Rooms 6 and 7 

Rooms G and 7 


ir "removed frt 
tingly commeri 
Berlin 1935 i 
fter the Nazi se 

Tin. contents and installation of the two remaining rooms on the 
upper floor were altered shortly alter the opening of the exhibi- 
tion and therefore cannot be established in detail 

The works in Room 6 bore no titles Only in a few cases 
was the visitor provided with any information, whole sequences 
of works were left unlabeled Where the former collections were 
named, the emphasis was on the tacts of seizure by Ziegler and 
ed from display Staatsgalene, Munich, 
n display Kunsthalle, Hamburg, 1936 " 
-> such as "acquired by exchange, National- 
"acquired Cologne 1934" revealed that 
zure of power in 1933, and in defiance of 
al policies proclaimed at a succession of party meetings, 
s had persevered in acquiring contemporary art 
The entire south wall of Room 6 was reserved for works 
by Lovis Corinth, under an inscription reading, "Decadence 
exploited for literary and commercial purposes" According to 
Holzmger, the artist's name was originally written alongside the 
paintings but was erased after the opening or, in one case, as 
can be seen from a photograph, obliterated by the red sticker 
proclaiming that it was "paid for by the taxes of the German 
working people" 

Beneath Corinth's Walchensee landscapes was a nar- 
row glass case, installed on July 23, according to Holzmger, 
Containing photographs of works by Corinth and Wilhelm 
Lehmbruck Lehmbruck's Grossr Kmende (Large kneeling woman ; 
fig 2401, lent by his widow to the Stadtische Calene, Munich, 
was placed in this room only on July 22 and was removed again 
one week later (or reasons that remain unclear The work had 
been badly damaged in transit "The shards lie on the plinth" 
1 lolzinger) The photograph beneath the Grosse Kmende was 
ol l.ehmhruck's Silznidfr Junglmg (Seated youth, fig 289), this 
sculpture, which had been seized in Mannheim on July 8, was 
shipped to Munich on July 29 and set up in the space left vacant 
by the removal of the Crosir Kmende * 

On the west wall was a celebrated work, Twm der blaurn 
Pjerde (Tower of blue horses) by Marc, with the note, "removed 
frum display Kronprmzenpalais. Berlin, 1936" Holzinger's tet- 
ters to I lanlsMengl and the notes made by Rave after his visit to 
the exhibition on July 21 or 22 ! « describe the changes that cen- 
tered on this work during the first few days of the exhibition 
I he painting was removed after the Deutschcr Offizier*,bund 
(German officers' federation) sent a note of protest to the 
R) i. hskammer der bildenden Kunste to say that Marc, an officer 
who had served the Reich and the fatherland with distinction 
m the <. ,reat War, who had won the Iron Cross, First Class, and 
who had (alien at the siege of Verdun, could not be associated 
with the infamy of such an exhibition " (Four other works by 
Marc, winch were in Room 7 at the opening and were subse- 
quently moved to Room 6, remained on view, as the inventory 

oadis nouio ooiosciio luooao 



is given the 
ventory was started 
no longer in the exl 
) Berlin is impossibli 

numbers show) Tnrni der hlauen Pjtrdt was given the number 14126, 
which indicates that by the time the i 
Munich with the number 15933, it wa 
although exactly when it was moved 

The vacant wall was filled with two additions to the exhibition, 
paintings by Corinth and Nolde Hofer's Stdleboi mil Gmun (Still life 
with vegetables), which had previously been hung on the east wall 
of the same room, was also moved A triptych by Werner Scholz 
and a wood carving by Voll along the same stretch of wall were also 
pulled out of the exhibition before it closed, to judge by their low 
inventory numbers (14140 and 15051, respectively) 

Above the door leading into Room 7 were the words, "They 
had four years' time" (fig 55), a reference to the remark with which 
Hitler concluded his declaration on taking power on February 1, 
1933 "Now, people of Germany give us just four years, and then 
judge us" In this room were paintings by academy professors whose 
work had incurred the Nazis' displeasure and who had consequently 
lost their posts, in some cases as early as 1933 Unfortunately only 
one photograph of Room 7 has so far been found, so that no more 
than a tentative reconstruction is possible Surmounted by the 
words, "These are the masters who have been teaching German 
youth," were paintings by among others, Hans Purrmann, still 
the honorary director of Villa Romana in Florence, Karl Caspar, 

dismissed in 1937 as a professor at the Munich Akademie. his 
wife, Maria Caspar- Filser, Paul Bindel, Werner Heuser, Heinrich 
Nauen, and Edwin Scharff, all of the Diisseldorf Akademie. Fritz 
Burger-Muhlfeld, Hannover Akademie, and Georg Schnmpf, 
Berlin Akademie The same room also contained works by Paula 
Modersohn- Becker and Edvard Munch - n It appears that paintings by 
August Macke were initially shown in Room 7, they were removed 
after another protest note from the officers J7 Macke, also a holder of 
the Iron Cross, First Class, had been killed in battle in Champagne 
in September of 1914 

According to Rave, a number of labels and comments were 
whitewashed over, although they remained visible and legible He 
m the resulting muddle 
TJiese labels clearly sboic that the exhibition onlamzers art not concerned 
with art atom but with making war on tbt public art administration Tlicy 
bear a particularly endoit .(rWi/i .i.j.jmsl the Rdchicrzithun&mimstfnum 
(Racb ministry of education ) Tl)e numerous chanties made in the 
inscriptions betray a degree of uncertainty on the part oj the exhibition 

Room 7 

From the accounts ol Rave and I lolzinger, which art- not entirely 
consistent, It is possible to reconstruct the confused situation in 
Rooms <> and 7 immediately aftei the opening ol Etttartitt Kunsl on 
Monday luly 19 Room 7 was closed on Monday opened on Fuesday 
evening around <>i s closed on Wednesday Rooms 6 and 7 were 
both inaccessible <>n I hursday > From the early morning onward, 
according to Rave from the afternoon onward, according to 
I lolzinger) but were reopened the next day 

The works m the two rooms were rehung during the Inly 22-23 
closure but it Is unclear which paintings hung opposite the ( orinths 
in Room 6 before the change We know from both Rave and 
Holzinger that Kokoschka's DolomHtnutmschajl Trc Lroa (Landscape in 
the Dolomites, Tre (."rod, tig 2H3) and lour small paintings by Marc 
were in Room 7 before being moved to Room 6 during the closure 
We may speculate that works by Nolde, Max Peitfer Watcnphul, 
Rohlts and Scholz among others, were originally displayed on the 
walls of Room 6 in a less cramped arrangement than appears in the 
photographs taken alter the reorganization This might also help to 
explain the curious arrows painted on the walls that point to the pic- 
ture titles in Room 6 once the organizers had crammed more works 
into the room, the hanging no longer coincided with the labeling, 
and the arrows helped the visitors to get their bearings 

Holzinger gives a full list of the paintings in Room 6 on July 23 
that coincides exactly with the inventory drawn up at the end of the 
exhibition (November 30) Thus, from July 23 at the latest, apart 
from the removal of Turin dcr blauen P/cr.ff and the replacement of one 
Lehmbruck sculpture with another, the installation of Room 6 was 
in its final form 

During the run of the exhibition, from the second week 
onward, if not before, Room 7 remained closed to the public, and 
access to it was granted only to journalists and holders of special 

Another interesting remark by Rave indicates that "on July 21 
numerous works that had not been included were packed into a fur- 
niture van and driven away" 3 " This would indicate that the content 
of the exhibition — including the ground-rloor section opened to the 
public only on July 22 — had already been determined The works 
removed from Rooms 6 and 7, including the Marc painting and the 
works by the academy professors, all have low, fairly adjacent inven 
tory numbers, which suggests that they were inventoried in Berlin 
alter being sent there in one consignment 

Room 7 At mm Iilli 

Works olarl 

i quired at quitition prk 

I Naucn, Ahmlrsmnnm i 


'Naucn, dVUm'i FUcbtbtm) 
(Diiss ! 

Kindcl Marlinsjimjt) 

1 leuser, T,iuli 

i Naucn, Kuhvrult 
1 ssen 

(Burger-Miihlreld, Absirakk Kempt Fmw 

(Hannt.\< i 

[Scharff, rjmfc an in Trunk) 

Purrmann. BodcHSedand 



(Caspar, Dnri Fr.iu™ an I 


(Caspar, AujmlchitfiJ Oilerv Fijurr l»2 
1 Munchen 

i Caspar ./,ia>/' rhtgl mil im Etiiicln 

iSchartl, ftjiWr Manner) 
• 1 XisseldoH i 

'Caspar-Filser, WinltrUndxbafl 

(Burger-Muhlfeld Abslraiu Kompmttm* i 

i Naucn Madonna 
i Barmen ) 


Purrmann, E^immi 




blow Purrmwn 
tini H260-61 

Solctir mmffl utitnTn.hl(tm Fis Fmlr jVwIhIv (wijm.F 

These are (he masters who have been leaching German youthl 

i li I r i i it \ ii 

Ground floor 

The second section of the exhibition, on the ground floor, comprised 
a number of oil paintings but mainly watercolors, prints, drawings, 
photographs, and books and is far more difficult to reconstruct 

On Thursday, July 22, three days after the rest of the exhibition 
had been inaugurated, the ground-floor rooms were opened to the 
public The delay was no doubt caused by sheer lack of time the 
organizers had had from June 30, the day when authorization came 
from Goebbels, until July 19 to assemble the show On this lower 
floor the impact of the presentation was even stronger than on the 
floor above The walls were densely and chaotically covered with 
paintings, prints, drawings, and written comments, unframed works 
on paper, photographs, and books were crammed into the glass cases 
that stood against the longer sides of the rooms It looked as if a 
hasty effort had been made to pack into this part of the exhibition 
as many as possible of the remaining works that had been shipped 
to Munich 

From a small lobby — presumably at the foot of the narrow 
stairway to the upper floor — the exhibition extended through 
two vaulted rooms Since the upper floor was supported on the 
Hofgarten side by an arcade, the ground-floor rooms were that 
much narrower The organizers made use of the existing glass- 
topped vitrmes, which were about forty inches deep, leaving only 
a narrow passage, and there were signs instructing the public to 
keep to the right as they walked through Both rooms were lit by 
windows on the south side 

Unlike the upper floor, the installation on the ground floor 
showed no attempt at iconographic classification With few excep- 
tions the works were not individually identified Here and there the 
visitor would come across a label covering a group of works by a 
single artist or a large number of items from a single museum 
Sometimes details of provenance had been carelessly chalked onto 
the frames, as with the works from Dresden on the west wall of 
the first room, for other works the plates traditionally attached to the 
frames by museums provided the name of the artist and the title 
of the work 

Although far more than half of the objects on display in EnUirkte 
Kunst were crammed into these two catacomblike chambers, there 
exists neither a press account of this lower section nor any official 
documentation or listing of the works The inventory numbers and 
the notes made by Roth and Holzinger — which convey the general 
muddle and the visual chaos — are the only sources that afford a 
chance of reconstructing any of the installation As on the upper 
floor, the paintings were listed first on the inventory, they were hung 
primarily on the end walls and between the windows Then followed 
the framed prints and drawings, and finally the unframed works on 
paper and the books 

A comparison of the numbering system with the surviving 
photographs suggests that the works in the cases and the prints and 
drawings on the walls were inventoried in a sequence that began 

with the vitrines on the north wall of Room Gl (16252-79), pro- 
ceeded to the vitrines on the north wall of Room G2 (16280-360), 
then, working back along the south wall of Room G2 to the south 
wall of Room Gl, the numbering ran in all probability from 16261 
through 16528, the last number that could have been assigned in the 
exhibition But until all the inventory numbers can be traced and 
assigned to individual works no definitive reconstruction of this part 
of the exhibition is possible 

Ground floor Lobby 

The lobby contained two works, Scbmied von Hageti (Blacksmith of 
Hagen), a figure in wood by Kirchner, and Der neue Mensch (The 
new man, fig 56), a plaster sculpture by Otto Freundlich, which 
was later featured on the cover of the Ausstellungsjiihrer Entarttte 
"Kunst," the guide published to accompany the exhibition on tour 
after it left Munich (fig 1) 30 No inventory number can be traced 
for Der neue Mensch, which suggests that it was withdrawn from the 
exhibition early together with other sculptures including the 
Kirchner (which has a low inventory number) 

Lobby Artist, lillr 

Works of art Owner, date acquired, acquisition price or information 

(Kirchner, Scferi 

i H.ym) 

Otto Freundlich, Kotf 

"Head" of Olio Framilich 

The face of the "new man" of the "new world community" who is 
heralded by the "new art " The anarchist-Bolshevik Freundlich 
writes "Today we stand outside all history, we are ripe for the 
essence of our world destiny" 

Room Gl 

Figure 56 

Otto Freundlich, Dtr ncut Mtttsch (The new i 

139 cm (54 'A in ), location unknown 

an), detail, 1912, plaster cast, height 

The hrst of the two downstairs rooms was about hall as long as the 
second On the west wall. Inside and above the dooi hung a group 

of paintings seized from the Stadtmuseum in Dresden, mainly 
painted by local artists, diese had figured in the Sclirrttnisfcommfr 

(chamber of horrors) exhibition that opened in Dresden in 1933 and 

Subsequently toured Germany 31 More paintings were displayed 
along the north wall above the glass cases including an impressive 
sequence of five paintings by Oskar Schlemmer On the end wall 
were two paintings by Grosz and two by Dix On the three piers 
between the windows on the south side were more paintings, includ 
ing three by Heinrich C ampendonk 

In the glass case on the north wall were, among other works, 
three portfolios of prints Kandinsky's Kleine Wellat (Small worlds* 
figs 249-51), a portfolio of twelve woodcuts by Feininger hgs 20K- 
9), and Kokoschka's Bacbkantatt (Bach cantata, figs 32-36) The 
number of works from each portfolio actually on view can be estab- 
lished only in the case of Kokoschka Presumably a selection was 
made of prints by Kandinsky and leininger, but each portfolio was 
assigned only a single number The vitnnes on the south wall con- 
tained some other portfolios — Dix's Der Kneg (War, figs 191-97) and 
Kandinsky's Klattgt (Sounds, fig 247) — but mainly books from the 
lunge Kunst (Young art) series founded by Ceorg Biermann and pub- 
lished in Leipzig, these copies were seized from the library of the 
Schlesisches Museum in Breslau Much space was also devoted to 
the books of drawings by Klee and Barlach published by Reinhard 
Piper Verlag, Munich, which were exhibited with the organizers' 
comments, some of which were recorded by Holzinger 

16252 North wall vilrmt 16279 

South null I'llrinr 



| 16201 | 


Fl6199 1 


This diagram indicate rftt location of imxtitontJ nvrJu for which thrrr is imnfojiwlf 

jyhotoiiTitphu documentation 

L U T T I ( H A U 

Room Gl 










16175 16176 16177 16178 
16179 16182 

Sections of the North wall 

Room Gl 
Works oi art 

Artist, litlr 

Owner, date acquired, acquisition price o 


West wall 


(Dix, Ltmdscbajl mil aufgebmder Sonne) 

Figure (98 

(Skade, Dametibildttis) 

(Schubert, Verkiindigung ) 

(Johanson, Fobnk) 


(Mitschke-Collande, Famtbe) 


(Cassel, Bildnis) 


(Schubert, Beerdigang) 


(Hebert, BiUms. Mem Bmder) 


(Skade, FrauoiMAiis) 


(Crundig, Kmibe mi( gebroebenm Arm) 


(Kirchner, Brrglandscbaft) 


(Heckel, Zwe, Aklt irti Atelier) 


(Felixmuller, D,n Paar) 

North wall 


(Rohlfs, Madcben mil Kind) 


(Hebert, Selbslbildm) 

(Mondrian, Farbige Aujleilung) 

(Schlemmer, Sinnender) 


(Schlemmer, Drn Frautn) 


iSchlemmer Konzrolriscbr Grufi/>r 

Fuurr «3 


iSchlemmer, RomisJ'rs 

Flljurr 36 5 


iSchlemmer, Fwurwrrrppr 
1 Mannheim 

Fltfurr 36 < 


< Bayer. Lrndscbd/l m Ttssm 

16180 ? 

(Dix, BiUnis Franz RuJziirilll 

FiiJurr 200 


(Rohlfs, 8/umn. 

(Nolde, Fmumiopf) 
Dresden i 

(Dix, D,t Wiiwi) 
I Mannheim j 

'Cleichmann, Dir Brauti 

iNolde, filtlfflfMjijrtrri X 


Fijurr 126 

1 kleimchmidt, SlilM>m) 


1 Mueller, ft.Jmdr Fr llu l 


i Nay Fmlimforf Tim .«/ Boraioli" 1 

Figure 316 


iKandinsky Dir Krcuzl^w 

Fi^urr 2<< 


i Ernst, Mmcbtlblumm 1 
l Berlin 


Kirchner, D,n Wobnzmma 

flQMrt 270 


(Eberhard Vision 


North wall, vilrines 

(Schmidt-Rottluff. Larukcbaft) 




I Hoffmann, Nacktcs Wab) 

(Grosz, Menscben) 

(Pechstein, Aus Palau) 
1 Dresden ) 


(Grosz, SrH Nr 22896//) 

(Voll, Kopf) 
(Dresden 1 

(Wl, FiihJ Kiltdir im Fniai) 


(Voll, SitzrnJfr Alii dm O/rn) 



(Dix, Sapprvkopf) 



(Grosz, Slrassmszmr mil KmpptU 

(Mueller, WriMicJicr AfcO 

(Kandinsky KUmr Mini) 

Fyurn 249-51 

(Kandinsky Klmc Wchm) 

1 Feininger, Hobximitt-Mappl) 

FitfltrtS 208-9 

(Kokoschka, fticWtantalrNr ?) 

(Kokoschka, BocWwnlalr Nr «) 

Figure 3 3 

(Kokoschka, BacMwnl.i(t Nr 3) 

Figure 32 

(Kokoschka, BachhmMt Nr 8) 

Fi^iirr 36 

(Kokoschka, Bucbkanlale Nr 6) 

F,^« 3. 

(Kokoschka, BachkanUtlt Nr 7) 

Fijmt 35 


(Grosz, Crosstab) 


l 216 


Georg Gross, Max Hfrnwim-Nfissf 


r 2(3 


(Dix, BiMms it-, Juwelrm Karl Krall) 


r 199 


(Dix, BiMms As Dieters Htrfctrl Fulmberg) 

South wall 

(Campendonk, Bergzttcfm) 

I 181 

(Campendonk, Ba&mdt Frauen) 

(Campendonk, Zwa Fraimi in emem 7eic/j) 

(Volker, Itulustriilandschajl) 


South wall, vitrines 

(Kokoschka, Srltslfwrlral) 

(Junge Kunst 35 With, Chagall) 


l lunge Kunst 20 Graf, Uhim) 

(Junge Kunst 31 Einstein, Kisling) 

(Junge Kunst 5 Daubler, Klan) 

(Junge Kunst 18 Kuhn, Rotdtr) 

(lunge Kunst 41 Wolfradt, Dix) 

(Junge Kunst 2) 

(Junge Kunst 2 1 Wolfradt, Grosz) 





,l,iu . 


(Junge Kunst 42 Grohmann, Kandwky) 


(Junge Kunst 12 Frieg, Mor^iicr) 


(Junge Kunst 7 Hausenstein, G 


(Junge Kunst 9 Cohn-Wiener, Jatckel) 


(lunge Kunst 13 von Wedderkop, Kltr 

(lunge Kunst 45 Grohmann, GofscM 


nge Kunst I Biermann, Pfckstrm) 

(lunge Kunst 48 Reifenerg, Hojtr 


(Junge Kunst 3 Uphoff, Horltfrr) 

Figuri 2 8 

lunge km'-.! i Briesjei Mrhfar] 

lUIUJC kllllNl 


hffigC kilns! I .irnlNhcr^cr ImpimiOHtmm «"J 


Hinge kunvt 16 \felentinei Sj,n,,Ji Roll/ujjf) 

lunge Kunsi 

lunge kimsi B Schwarz 


(Dix Dn Kritf) 


Kandlnsky KUwi 

fijMrt 24 7 

1 Hcnn, rCliRfl urt.i Al.tJ'l 

Mciilner, StpUmbtrjadmi] 
■ Breslau 

fyurr 20 7 


Also on display in the vitrines were the following (to which Inven- 
tory numbers were not assigned] 

Additional volumes from the lunge Kunsi series on Carnpendonk, 
Cezanne, Coubinc, Derain, Eberz, Gauguin, van Gogh, Hccken 
dorl, Kubin, Laurencin, Macke, Matisse, Modersohn- Becker, Moll, 
Nauen Rocder Rousseau, Scharft and De Smet 

Prospectus ol the Deutschen Kunst series published by 
Angelsachsen Verlag 

Piper Verlag publications Ernst Barlach, Zeicbmwftti, 1936 ion 
view Hexoinii. 1922, Flucbcndt Furie, 1923; Der Warlatdt, 1922, 
and Dm Furien, !922i, and Paul Klee, Hatthacbnun^nt, 1936 


below (61 

wutb u\ill I'Mrinr 
r 6459-8 3 

I)r PI Schmidt 

I In .. .mi. museum director with • icojutsmoi 


Antral 1930 p 174 

B Book revle% 

(t/toj tart Men drawings by Schwitten Merz poems by Schwittei 

0J I Bl h always with a poem on the Ich and a drawing on the 

right And both meaningless Printed words in Itm 

lengths and the 

over notcpapei and childish drawings oJ coffee grindei h 

and ^ I . OSed to be drawings l)amnedill 


So heai glands stream tormented 
Wawall squeal unlarned you sell sing 
Shrill blazing glands equalk being 
Like axletrces screaming 
Blaze tormented bodyhoi unlarned gleam 
< lh lie it Mi unlarned tormented torment 

Hey you Slbaylle splats th 

l Jh ■.<<■ oh ting along 

The dragonfly golds ( .loyteyah 

But toorment dream chokes oM my sing 

Now if anyone asks me what all this is supposed to mean I cm 
only laugh in his lace, along with the poet and painter himsell 
(Kuwicte presumably Art is not there to be understood", Mcrz 

poems arc not ior professors ol philology Dada— ytS I >ada — is 
there for |oining in lor laughing at yourself and the world at 

large, for being a happy dope li you don't feel it, you wont ewer 

get it To think that someone has the COUragi to kid around in art' 
A slap in the face to meaning and gravity To Kurt Schwitters — 
many thanks 

Paul F Schmidt 

C In praise of nonsense 

Irft of 16*72 The director of the Stadtmuseum in Dresden I )r P I Schmidt, 

writes "In the pioneer artists ol our time we see an unprecedented 
struggle for psychic salvation, for them it is all or nothing — not 
some mere studio problem, some nuance ol color and lighting. 
but the meaning ol existence itsell The sacrifice ol ones own 
life counts for little when an image of the universe stands to be 
revealed For the sake of a sutlermg creation these great souls 
embrace all suffering; and they do so with the joyi 
of the martyr This is a truly heroic generation, and its willpower 
verges on the sublime, lor to the outsider, who knows no better, 
it seems like eccentricity and madness and a vile assault upon 
the sanctity of tradition " 

He is accorded the highest praise 

"Schmidt has the rare gilt ol going to the heart ol the matter 

with a single word a firm point of view a secret 


I Rob in Wfestheims Kuns&lan, 1923 

Max Hermann-Neisse painted by Georg Gross 

What is art but a moldy fruit from the houscplant of bourgeois 
romantic reality" 1 

Max Hermann-Neisse 

At least as culturally pernicious as the work ol incompetent 
malignant, or sick "artists is the irresponsibility of those literary 
pimps tenured museum directors and experts who have foisted 
this perversity on the people and would still cheerful!) 
as art today 

How Professor Biermann has disseminated art-Bolshevism in 


south wall vitriMt 

ioulk wall vitrint 


A masterpiece of ideological realignment 

The State Secret Police intervene — a selection of books 
confiscated in recent years 


Room G2 








West wall 


















16283? 16285? 

Sections of the North wall and vitrines 






16229 16228 I 




TTiis diagram indicates the location of inventoried iwrlcs /or which there is inadequate photographic documentation 







16353 16356 








16354 16359 
16355 I 


E.a5i wan 

16224 16225 


On the entrance wall of Room G.2 and on the wall between that and 
the first window were works by Rohlfs and Klee In this area the con- 
nection between the installation sequence and the inventory listing 
of the works is particularly clear In the absence of photographs, how- 
ever, the inventory numbers alone would not have sufficed for an 
accurate reconstruction Those who carried out the inventory some- 
times failed to draw a distinction between oil paintings and framed 
watercolors or drawings On the upper floor the framed works on 
paper by Kandinsky Klee, and Schmidt- Rottluff (all seized from 
Halle) were included among the oil paintings, and the same thing 
happened on the ground floor with the framed works by Klee The 
three watercolors by Klee tacked up on the west wall appeared 
merely as "sheets" and were given much higher inventory numbers 
than the other paintings or no inventory numbers at all 


A strip of text can be seen along the north wall in the few avail- 
able photographs "We would rather exist unclean than perish clean, 
we leave it to stubborn individualists and old maids to be inept but 
respectable, reputation is not our worry" These words, wrenched 
out of context, had been written by Wieland Herzfelde, the pub- 
lisher and founder of Malik Verlag, as a polemic against the double 
standards of bourgeois morality Further abusive comments were 
written on cards placed among the items in the vitrines or tacked 
onto the walls Even with the accurate information supplied by 
Holzinger, who noted down the gist of many of these texts, it has 
not been possible to identify all of them As in the previous rooms, 
they were mostly statements by art historians, quoted out of context 
in accordance with Willrich's tried and tested method Rather than 
speculate, we have inserted into the room-by-room reconstruction 
only those texts whose wording and position is known for certain 

The exhibition ended on the east wall, and visitors had to 
retrace their steps to reach the exit On this wall and along the 
south wall were more paintings, interspersed with prints that can be 
identified only conjecturally from photographic evidence The posi- 
tions of the unframed prints in the glass cases or of the works on 
paper thumbtacked to the wall cannot be established with any cer- 
tainty Holzinger and Roth tell us that the display also included 
photographs of works of art by among others, Gies, Cesar Klein, 
Scharff, and Ceorg Scholz None of the available sources, however, 
indicates that inventory numbers were assigned to photographs, 
thus, the correspondences that the exhibition organizers certainly 
intended to emphasize can no longer be ascertained Books, on the 
other hand, were clearly inventoried, as can be seen from the list 
of contents of the vitrines along the south wall of Room Cl 

The north wall of Room G2 began with a series of prints 
from various Bauhaus portfolios (16280-91) seized from the Wallraf- 
Richartz-Museum in Cologne Above the portfolios, in the three 
cross vaults, were paintings, including works by Dix, Alexej von Jaw- 
lensky and Schmidt-Rottluff In the sequence of inventory numbers 
there follows a more or less orderly succession of groups of works 
taken from the print collections of the museums in Diisseldorf, 
Berlin, Dresden, Mannheim, Breslau, Essen, and Dresden again 
Between the first Dresden and Mannheim groups were works from 
Hamburg, according to Holzinger Notable were woodcuts by 
Schmidt-Rottluff and a small group of watercolors by Mueller at 
the end of the north wall 

In the cases on the south wall were works from Dresden 
museums and a large number from the Kupferstichkabinett in Berlin, 
with single prints from Essen and Diisseldorf, followed by a conspic- 
uously large consignment from the Schlesisches Museum, Breslau 
The sequence of these groups suggests that especially in this part of 
the exhibition there was no time to orchestrate the effect and that 
the prints went straight into the vitrines or onto the walls as they 
were unpacked This room also affords a particularly high propor- 
tion of missing or unattributable inventory numbers 

Room G2 Artist, lillr 

Works oi art Owner, da 

price or information 

West wall 


(Rohlfs, Brarnitr Mondscbein) 

Figure 358 


(Rohlfs, Zwci Kbpjt) 
1 Hagen?) 


(Rohlfs, Tessintr Dorfrtimtr) 
(Hagen 1 ) 


(Rohlfs, Lmtscfco/ti 

1 Hagen? 1 


1 Rohlfs, DrrCiom) 


(Rohlfs, lungtr Wald) 

(Rohlfs, Halbjigur auf Grim) 

(Rohlfs, Kopf) 


(Rohlfs, Topj mil Blumni) 


(Klee, Rylfcmus da Fmslcr) 



(Klee, AW ubtr itr Slail) 


(Klee, Winlirgarlm) 


iKIee, Wohml) 
( Frankfurt 1 

fi^urt 271 


(Klee, Dtis Vokailucb dtr Kammmangtnn Rosa Sdbtr) 

Figure 27< 


(Klee, Gcisterzimmir) 

F^ure 278 


(Klee, Recbtmdtr Cms) 

Figure 276 


(Klee, Zwitscktrmaschint) 

Figure Ml 

North wall, 


(v Jawlensky Sizilianerm) 

(v Jawlensky Kind mil gruntr Halskttte) 
(Breslau I 

(Dix, Arbeilcrm jffl Sonnltigskktdi 

(Dix, Arbrittr for Fabrik) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Mthncbolit) 

Figure 57 

Room G2 in Entartete Kunst, looking west 


North wall and vitrines 


(Schreyer, Kintifrslfrr'rM ) 


t 389 


(Kandmsky Komposition) 


1 248 


(Jawlensky Ko/>/) 


I 23-1 


(Klee, Dk Hnfyr n mum, Licit) 

I Koln 


t 275 


(Bauer, Bautama] 


r (59 


(Itten, F/<jhs d« wasscn Manttts) 
I Koln I 


I 232 


(Schreyer, KmiicrslmW) 


r 388 


(Molzahn, Komposition ) 


f 304 


(Topp, Abstrakte Komposition) 


f 393 


(Schlemmer, Fi^ur Fi2) 


r 366 


(Schlemmer, Fi^rmpUKi) 


r 367 


(Baumeister, Abstrahr Silifip) 


r 161 

(Wollheim, SMachtsdmsd) 

(Adler, Handler) 

(Hoerle, Das Paar) 


(Schwitters, Untbcn) 

(Schwitters, Traum) 

(Grosz, Akl) 

(Mueller, Paar) 

(Kirchnei; Dfs Kimstlen jungslt Tocblir (mm Tanz) 

(Meidner, Dii Vmmbung Paul,) 

(Nolde, Propbtt) 


r 347 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Sicfe wasebmd, Frau) 

(Pechstein, Aus Palau) 

(Dix, Sappmkopf) 

(Dix, Madcbm) 


f 201 

(Meidner, Scptrnikcnjrscfirfi) 

(Klee, Dtr Anjlir) 


t 272 

(Pechstein, Lirgendtr Ah) 

(Pechstein, SilzWtr Akl) 

(Gilles, Pbanlasliscbes Gibildc) 

(Felixmuller, Rwoluticm) 

(Beckmann, Entlauscbte) 


r 174 

(Beckmann, Nacktlattz) 


1 176 


(Heckel, Kopf) 


(Kirchner, Strassmech) 


(Pechstein, Zwet Frauen) 


(Nolde, Discission) 


t 33S 

missing (possibly other works from Dresden, 
Hamburg, and Mannheim) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Landschaft im Hrrbst) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, BiMnis Flicbtbrm) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Madcbmkopf) 


I Schmidt-Rottluff, CbrMm mil crhobmir Hand) 


t 386 


(Schmidt-Rottluff, Ziori Ah,) 


f 381 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Bikinis dir Mulltr [?]) 


(Schmidt-Rottluff, BiUnis JtrMultfr) 


r 383 


(Schmidt-Rottluff, SirzWrr iwiMicoer Akl) 


f 387 


(Schmidt-Rottluff, Kopf) 


r 385 


(Schmidt-Rottluff, Wctblicbir Kopf) 


r 382 


(Schmidt-Rottluff, Chrislm-Kopf) 

Fipt 368 


(Schmidt-Rottluff, BiMnis G.) 


f 377 




(Schmidt-Rottluff, iicbmdi) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Wtib am Oftn) 


t 380 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Drti Aposltl) 


r 384 

(Segall, Ziwi Figurm) 

Figure 58 

Room G2 in Ettlartttr Kumt. looking east 


South wall, vitrines 

(Kokoschka, Litgmdes Madchm) 

i Mitschke-Collande, Drr btgenlertt Weg) 


1 298-303 

(Pechstein, Badmde IV) 
(Dresden 1 



iRohlfs, Dra tanzmde Maimer) 

(Beckmann, Chnstus und Tliomas [?]) 

(Nolde, GerteNr 584) 

(Nolde, Zti'n Frmdramgr) 


■ 348 


(Dix, Dmmkopf) 


1 202 


(Felixmuller, Mulla mi Kmdi 
( Dresden ) 


r 211 


i Mueller, Ucbtspaar) 


(Mueller, Zit'n Madchm im Grunm) 


(Mueller, Zu>« Madchm am Baum ) 


(Mueller, Grunts und braunes Madchm) 


(Mueller, Nacklti Paar) 


(Mueller, Dm Aklr vor dm Spiegel) 

East wall 


(Burchartz, Slillebm mil zu>« Kannm) 
( Hannover) 


(Heckel, Barhimluhr) 


I 226 


(Driesch, Volksjisl) 


( Nolde, StillftVn mil Maskc) 


(Nolde, Die Heiligm Dm Komgi) 


[ m 

South wall, 



(Nolde, Fraumprofil) 

1 Beckmann, Maskmball ) 


■l 166 

(Mueller, Badmdi m Stclandscbajt) 
( Stuttgart) 

Figure 307 

(Drexel, Blummfrau) 

(Kokoschka, Dir Frantic) 


rr 285 

(Kirchner, Tdnzcrinnm) 


re 261 


Figure .7, 

(Segall, Mann und Wtib) 

(Crosz, Im Cafe) 

Fl^urr 2 1 

(Grosz, Nach dm Slahlbad) 

Figure 222 

(Crosz, Drr Seiltanzer) 

Fujurr 221 


(Schmidt-Rottluff, Silzmde Frau m Birgland) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, ZiegtUi hn Dare\) 

Fujurr 379 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Sitzenier Akl) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Wabir) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Mam mil Pfnjt) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Dm Manner am Tisch) 

Fi^urr 3 78 

missing l possibly other works from Berlin) 

(Mueller, Zigeunmn) 

(Schmidt-Rottluff, Kmmdt Frau) 

(Nolde, Unterhaltung) 

Figure 349 

(Nolde, Mann und Weikhtn) 

Fiourr 346 

(Pechstein, Kra/t und Herrlkhke,!) 

Figure 3 56 

(Pechstein, timer laglich Brot) 

Figure 35-i 

(Pechstein, Valer unsrr) 

Fujurr 353 

(Pechstein, Fiifcrr uns n/cfcl in Vmuchung) 

Figure 355 

(Rohlfs, Wtiblidicr, kauernder Akl ) 

(Rohlfs, Fraumbddms) 

(Crosz, GrosslaJl in USA) 

Fujurr 2 1 5 


Fijurr 220 

(Crosz, Am Kai) 

Fyurr 2 1 4 

(Crosz, Strassmbtld mil Mond) 

Figure 2 ( 7 

(Crosz, Ztchgelagc) 

Fujurr 2 1 8 

(Crosz, GfrmiiHf«fedf>/f) 


Mis U-lmfrJ 


fljurr 10] 

(Schllchlei AmiAmuu) 


mam, Umarmunai 

fnlurr 177 

1 loin M / md Soimr) 


(Feininger, bVnri 

N..IJ< lunjn Fm>l unJ r.iMjrriifnm ' 


1 laurr ISO 

Croa ZwoAtoe) 

(Schlemmcr Abitrakli Kmposiiim in rVo'ss) 

(Siebert v Hn... 

missing (possibly other works Irom Berlin or 

(Crosz. Drr Crltrruzialr) 

Fidurr 22) 

missing (possibly other works from Berlin 
and Essen 

( Kirchner, NtichtT A1«ihm ) 

(Kirchner, SilzmaV fuiu) 

iVCauer, AFslraltlrs Lillwi 
i Breslau i 

Fiaurr 19 1 

(van Heemskerk, AFslraJrlrs Dido l 
Breslau 1 

Fiaurr 22 a 

Stuckenberg, Aklraklrs lilho) 
Breslau 1 > 

Fl^urr 392 

(Ktee, Hci//ina»M n kr Szorr) 

FiaUrr 2 77 

(Muche.AlilHrrz una 1 Hand) 
(Breslau 1 

Figurt 305 

(Itten, Hrrzm derli&c) 

Fidurr 233 

(v lawlensky Stchs Kopfe) 

Fianrrs 235-<0 

iCrossmann [Crosz], Slrassrmzrnr 
(Dresden i 

(Chagall, Alanwrr mil Kuh\ 

(Feininger, Drr Griper] 

Figurr 2in 

(Moholy-Nagy KrmstrulriioK i 
i Essen) 

(Dix, FlmchaUmi 

(Dix, Slrassr) 

(Dix, Kri^skriipfirl) 

Fidurr 3 90 



IplK mil ><,(.> Klallrrn, 

Idllni im 1 rrmi 

(Kandlnsky Abtlmkl Mi 

missing (possibly other works Irom Breslau 
ind Berlin) 

Be. kmann D/i (irii/rr 

FiJWrr 171 

(Beckmann, Drrt»n/nWm 

(Beckmann, Kmtlabnabm 
1 1 )resden I 

Fidurr 171 

(Beckmann, l/msiMunartirs l\uit 

Fidurr 170 

(Beckmann, Fasdrintfjszmc) 


Fidurr 175 

(Beckmann, Paar) 

Fidurr 172 



(Mueller, Aklrim Crimen) 


The (ollowing works and photographs were also on view in the 
ground-floor galleries, however, since no inventory numbers were 
assigned to them, it is not possible to determine where they were 

Robert Cenin graphic work 

Franz Jansen graphic work fWallrafRichartz-Museum, Cologne 

Cesar Klein lour graphic works 

Paula Modersohn- Becker WriMicferr Akl mil Hul, sketch 

E Minztrick watercolor 

Pablo Picasso StilMwn, color lithograph 

Fritz Schaefler watercolor 

Otto Andreas Schrciber woodcut 

Wilhelm Philipp lithograph 

Otto Pankok Holo //. lithograph i tig 351) 

Otto Cleichmann photograph of Dir Braul, comparing it to an 
illustration of the statue of t/fu from Naumburg Cathedral 

Ludwig Gies photographs of his work 

Wollgang Curlitt photograph of his bedroom, with murals bv 
Cesar Klein and woodcarving by Rudolf Belling 

Walter Kampmann photograph of his art obicct Diana im rVossa 
strlW unJ 5clur»rml, 1930 

Edwin Scharff photographs u! his smlpti 
the city of Diisseldorf, in progress 

! Dir arossro PfrrJr lor 

L U T T I c H * U 

A Christian Rohlfs's painting instructions Take one meter of canvas, 

below 16206 squeeze out the contents of various large tubes of paint all over it, 

vigorously smear the whole thing, stretch, and place in a frame 

B So one fine day Christian Rohlfs got to be a professor But he can't 

below (6208 help it It's the same way that, one fine day he got to be seventy 

years old But they might just as well have made the Old Man of 
the Mountains, or Robinson Crusoe, or Gulliver, or the Boy Who 
Wouldn't Eat His Soup a professor instead 

Karl With, Director of the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

C Even before the first rocket ship soars beyond the frontiers of 

below Klee, earth, the soul of our planet, the way into the cosmos, reveals 

Geisterzimmer itself to the painter Paul Klee as he works away in dedicated seclu- 
sion Paul Klee has overcome the force of gravity Through an act 
of the soul An event of epoch-making, profoundly human signifi- 
cance Unerringly his creative being has left its native spheres far 
behind and soared among the stars, leaving the temporal accre- 
tions of lineage and personal status as an outworn chrysalis 
behind him Man's progressive loss of contact with his roots — 
which to those who remain earthbound is a sinister process, 
a vision of dread — stands revealed, through the radical self- 
fulfillment of a being totally absorbed in the spirit, as a spurt 
of growth into supernal regions 
Rudolf Probst 


below Klee, 

1 am not to be comprehended purely in this world's terms 
my home is with the dead as much as with the unborn 
Paul Klee 

E By Lothar Schreyer! 

above 16284 Virgin 

Blood sisters me 

Sprouts shame 

You womb You blood 

Fruit of fruit 

Scared sickened shamed 

You by shame, You by womb 

Sister You by blood 
Stumbucber XIV 

Lothar Schreyer dabbles in Christian mystical art appreciation! 

From "Dance" by August Schramm 
Into the wounds 
Sounds hop 
Wallow, burrow 
Welter, swirl 
Fall with a giggle 
Tumefy and eat each other 
Couple, couple 
Impregnate each other 
Bring forth showers 
Insanely big' 
Etc etc 

Slyly measured pleasures 
Days of desire moaning 
Rasping etc 

This is the kind of poetry that Rudolf Bliimner used to recite at 
Sturm evenings 

F We would rather exist unclean than perish clean, we leave it to 

north wall stubborn individualists and old maids to be inept but respectable, 

reputation is not our worry 

Wieland Herzfelde, Malik Verlag 

north wall vitnne, Guidelines for cultural Bolsheviks 

16295 At this moment it is the duty of Communist artists to work with 

all the means at their command to exploit the practical possibili- 
ties of gaining for Communism access and comprehension at every 
level of society As long as the bourgeoisie remains in power, real- 
ity must be interpreted in stark and uncompromising terms of 
class conflict, the opposition's morality and ideology must be dis- 
credited, and our own ideas must be promoted Furthermore, 

Communist artists must make contact with each other, possibly 
forming party groups Communist interests first, then artistic 
In artistic matters, however, not coercion but example, not dic- 
tatorship but democracy It goes without saying that the artistic 
verdicts of any such democratic jury are not to be definitive but 
provisional and tactical Productive examples need to be set Col- 
lectively artists will give priority to propagandists issues over 
technical ones so that Communism, from being a primary 
political principle, will become a principle of living consciousness 
Wieland Herzfelde 


Weimar critics 

above 16) t 

7 G Biermann 




H Busch 




P Fechter 


W Crohmann 


G Hartlaub 


H Hildebrandt 


C C Heise 




W Niemeyer 


J Meier-Craefe 


F Mernitz 


M K Rohe 


K Scheffler 


E Sander 


P F Schmidt 


R Schapire 


H Sieber 


C H Theumssen 


H Walden-Lewin 


P Westheim 


W Wolfradt 


W Hausenstein 


L Schreyer 


north wall vitnnr Repetition of Udo quote from Room 2 

The decline of Bocklin Bbckltn has within him the germ of 
decay All of them — Bocklin, Klinger, Thoma, and the rest, with 
their cheap, barbaric "anthropomorphism" — succeed only in 
proving that Bocklin's case is Germany's case What these men 
lack is culture, and so does Germany 
[Julius Meier-Craefe] 

H His stern, masculine art breathes an air of ascetic concentra- 

above (6338 tion The landscapes, human figures, and portraits convey 

a powerful emotive charge, there is much in them that is earth- 
bound, not in the realist sense but rather in that of Goethe's earth 
spirit, "weaving the living robe of God " This enabled Schmidt- 
Rottluff in 1918 to produce images of the life of Jesus that lent a 
new force and expressive immediacy to events that had been 
depicted countless times 

K Zoege von Manteuffel 

I The drawing, which lightly and summarily traces the clear-cut 

between 16355 outlines of youthful limbs and the angular patterns of boughs and 

and (6360 leaves, is dominated by a fluid rhythm There is a fairy-tale 

enchantment in these works, which are like pastoral poems, man- 
ifestations of that yearning for nature that has haunted every age 
of advanced civilization The lithographs of Otto Muller are 
among the finest things ever done in this technique 
K Zoege von Manteuffel 

below (6229 Kokoschka appears, and it is no coincidence that it is the music of 

Bach that has set the tone for one of his magnificent sequences 
Erwin Redslob 

south wall vitrine Cosmic hurricanes spray out into the void, shatter the space, 
(6404 burst with immeasurable force of the imaginary upon quaking 

towers Rhomboidal, opalescent, shimmering arches sink upward 
to unattainable zeniths Tumbled matter encounters vast clefts, 
the erratic merges with cascading labyrinths 
Willi Wolfradt 


traction of th< exhibition Entartttt Kunst flrsi i 
I )cuts< he Kunsi und i ntartctc Kunsl I Me Mum. In in Vusstellungen 19 
'Rekonstruktion dei Ausstellung I ntartctc Kunsi in Peiei Klaus Schustei ed 
in tsldJl Mttoeawi IW7; I mn i Munich Pi 

198 13-118 an ■ th/i K In contrast to thi 198 publii itton thi pres 

eni essay ^ on< entrates on the essential facts necessarj i" Follow the sequi nee ol the 

exhibition ! hi room In i n n\ onstrut Hon iih ludes the texts and comments dts 

played in ea< h room 

I Vdoll Zieglei excerpi from i speech at the opening ol tin exhibition Entartttt 
K'i.msi Munich My 19 1937 published in Schustei Oit Kunststadi Miincben, 217 
: Foi the cultural and political background ol the Munich EnlarieK Kunsl exhibi 
Hon see Paul Ortwin Rave h tdihlat OriUm Rricfc Hamburg CebrUderMann 

I'M- Hildegard Brennei OitK tpolitikdtt Rein be k Rowohli 

1963 Karl I leinz Meissnei Deutsches Vblk gib uns viei lahre Zeit 
Nationatsozialistische Kunstpolitik 1933-1937 in lurgen I larten ed I lii Axl bat 

i}cbluh EuropMscht K.-nflilcir Jn ion '.ii"r in Erimtrung an dit frUbt Avantgardt exh 

cat DiisseldoH Stadtische Kunsthalte 1987 368 T 5 and Luttichau 'Deutsche 
kunst und 1 ntartete Kunsl B3 101 

5 i Rave Kunstdiktatw thi standard text Brennei Dif Ktmstpolitft 16 
Diethei Schmidt ed In \ttzta Sluna \ ! ol Scbriften dtutscbtt KhhjIIo dts 

manzigsttn Jabrbundtrts Dresden VEB Vferiag der Kunsl i l »r>4' 230, Michael Koch 
Kulturkampl in Karlsruhe Zur Ausstcllung Regie rungs kunsi 1918- 1933/" in KuhsI ih 
Karhntbt i9O0-i9$0 exh cat Karlsruhe Staatliche Kunsthalle 1981) HO 2h and 
(■sv,i\s by Stephanie Bai 1 1 in and C It istoph /use hlag m tins volume 

4 Wolfgang Willnch Saubtnmg dts Kunsttmipffs Eint pobtt^hr Kampjscbrifl zui Gesun 
dung dtutscbtt Kunsl im Go'sli nordiscbei Arl Munich I [■ Lehmann I'M" Hits consists 
mainly ot an interminable succession ol oul of-context quotations from artists art 
erupts and art historians, which Willnch extracted from a number of sources — 
mostly progressive art periodicals including Die Aktion Dai Kunslbtatl, Do Gtgntr, Der 
Sturm, Der QurrvJimlt and /V RiJ.j — and strung together with his own smug com- 
ments A number ot works by modem artists were illustrated, in some cases in a 
collage complete with derisive captions, created by Willnch himself At the end of 
this botched mess was an appendix ol names that the intended reader would have 
found uncommonly interesting, including lists ot Sturm group contributors and 

members ot the red Novembergruppe, leading art dealers, and publishers 
who in Willrich's Opinion had been particularly active in the promotion of cultural 
Bolshevism The pamphlet came out in March of 1937, by April its publishers 
were including in their publicity material the information that on April 13 it had 
been adopted tor the National Socialist hook list 

5 Among Walter Hansen s publications were "Die Zielsetzung und Wertung in der 
Deutschcn w kunst des [ )ruten Retches Hansiscbt^hul-ZtilunH IH, no I (May 

I 1936 2-3, and Judenkunsl in Dtutscbland Qutlltn und Studim zur Judenfragt auj dan Gtbitt 
drr btldmd™ Kunsi fin Handbucb zur Gtscbicblt der Vtrjudmg unj Entartung dtutscbtr Kunsl 
fooo-fon i Munich Nordland 1942 The latter pamphlet is written very much in 
Willnch s style and quotes many ot the same sources, it was published as late as 1942, 
when the leading figures m art and cultural lite had left Germany or withdrawn into 

inner emigration when the Russian campaign had failed, when the grisly killing 
machine of Auschwitz was already in motion and when Germany had withered into 
a cultural desert 

6 The committee seems to have begun work in Cologne, tollowed by Hamburg, 
Hannover i luly 5 Essen luly 6 and Berlin lulv 7 Alter Berlin it divided Willnch 
visited Halle I luly s Magdeburg and Brestau, the rest of the committee visited 
Mannheim lulv 8 Munich lulv 9 Stuttgart lulv 10), and Lubeck ' luly 14) 

7 I otter my gratitude to Prof Dr Heinz Luschey for this information Professor 
Luschey who was born in 1910. was studying archaeology in Munich in 1937 and had 
to pass through the exhibition to reach his tutorial class 

8 A painting in Room 5. Farbtnordnung by Hans Richter, was acquired in 1923 
tor JO marks, in the same gallery were Karl Schmidt -Rottluff's KhSictWsc/w/I mil 
UttUuujsstation and Erich Heckels Landschaft mif Miihle. also acquired in 1923, for 

I 5 million and I million marks respectively 

9 See, for example, texts by and about Paul F Schmidt on the north wall of 
Room Gl on the ground floor 

in Adolf Hitler, excerpt Irom a speech made at a National Socialist party rally 
Nuremberg, September II 1935 printed on the east wall of Room 3 in Entartttt Kunst 

I I When Paul Schultze Naumburg was appointed to run the Weimarer Veremigte 
Werkstatten 'Weimar unified craft workshops' in 1930 his hrst action was to have 
Oskar Schlemmers murals hacked off the staircase walls In 1933 he was among 

the first to urge Hitler to take action against the modernist works hung in the 
Kronpnnzenpalais. Berlin See Ludwig Thormaehlcn Ermntrungtn an Stefan George 
Hamburg Rowohlt 1962 277-78 

12 Zieglers speech see note I] in Schuster Dx Kunststadt" Munctfm, 217-18 See 
also Walter Grasskamp, Drr unbtwaltigU Modem Kumi und Offetttlicbkeil Munich Beck, 
1989), 80 "Riskante Quellen 

lolf Hltl 

.i'umj Munii h '" : 


during a number ot visits to Int.itttU Kunit I offci im gratftudl 


15 I rnsl I lolzingei went to Entarteit Kun 


■ i Paul 
Ortwin Rave My tl . . msly 

if. s< c also I uttti h i" 

17 I ists of thi rks i nisi in tru fi illi * \ng n 

Berlin \kademh dei blldenden KOn VrchK Berlin 5ta 

Preussischei Kultunbesitz Na tlkhe Musccn zu 

Berlin, Nationatgalerit Potsdam Staatsarchr l- Vngek II" Getty Center foi 
the History of Art and the Human krt, Wllhclm F 

\liil.' I'll'- i 

18 Man rirrscfeicfc ah now in the Kunstmus • that 

still bear their inventory numbers cither written in red crayon on the stretcher or 
frame or printed on a plain white Sti( k( I 

19 Otto I'homae, Die Propaganda Mascbinerie Bitdende Kunst und Off entlicbktitiarbeit im 
DriUen Rocfc (Berlin Cebriider Mann I97H 541, and losel Wuli Ok Mdmdc Kilnstt m 
DriUtn Reich Eine Ookumcnialion Ciitersloh Rowohli 1963 Frankfurt/BeriiiWienna 
Ullstein 1983 353 367 373 

20 I >er Ring [Tie i ing i sot iety ot avant-garde architects formed m Berlin m 
1925, disbanded in 1933 under pressure from the Nazis Its members included OtttJ 
Harming IVtei Hehrens Walter Gropius, Hugo Hanng, Ludwig Hilbcrseimcr, Erich 
Mendelsohn, I udwig Mies van del Rohe, *nd \ lans Scharoun 

21 The Hauhaus began as the Weimar Kunstgewerbeschule School ot applied arts 
founded in 1906, and changed its name in 1926 when it moved to Dessau Conceived 
as a working community of artists, designers and archite( ts the Hauhaus exerted a 
great influence on industry design and architecture and became internationally 
famous It was closed down in 1932 at the insistence ol the Nazis Among the Hauhaus 
members represented in the Munich exhibition were Herbert Bayer Lyonel Iciningcr 
Johannes Itten, Wassilv Kandinsky Paul Klee and Oskar Schlemmer 

22 Grossr Kunstausstellung (exh cat, Munich Haus der Deutschen Kunst, 
1937), cat no 43 See also Thomae, Die Propaganda-Mascbinerie, 41, 343 

23 On the seizure of Lehmbruck's works, see the correspondence between Anita 
Lehmbruck, the widow of the artist (who had died in 1919', and the Rcichskammer 
der bildenden Kunste in Berlin, in Schmidt, in letzter Stunde. 120-50 

24 Paul Ortwin Rave, "Bericht uber den Besuch der Aussiellung Entartete Kunst' in 
Munchen am 21 und 22 juli 1937/' unpublished memorandum 'typescript 1 , estate of 
Paul Ortwin Rave, Berlin 

25 Alfred Hentzen, "Die Entstehung der Neuen Abteilung der National-Galerie im 
ehemahgen Kronprinzen-Palais, fabrbucb Pmessiscber Kulturfwirz 10(1973) 64 

26 Remhard Piper, letter to Ernst Barlach, July 28, 1938, published in Ernst Piper, 
Nationalsozialistiscbe Kunstpolitik Ernst Bartacb und dte "entartete Kunst Frankfurt S 
Fischer, 1987), 198 

27 For this information I am indebted to Mrs Gisela Macke whose husband, 
Wolfgang, the son of August Macke, visited the exhibition in Munich It has proved 
impossible to confirm it from other sources 

28 Rave, "Bericht" 

29 Ibid 

30 The exhibition guide Ausstellungsfubrer Entarutr Kunst was compiled by the 
Amtsleitung Kultur, Reichspropagandaleitung iGultural office ot the Reich propaganda 
directorate and published in Berlin by the Verlag fur Kultur und Wirtschaftswer- 
bung at the end of 1937 See the facsimile reproduction and translation in this volume 
and Luttichau, "Fuhrer durch die Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst " in Eberhard Roters. 
ed , StfltioMfti der Moderne Kataloge epocbaler Ausslellungen in Deulscbland imo-1963 Kommm- 
tarband (Cologne Walther Konig, I988i. 151-64 

31 On the various antimodernist propaganda exhibitions in Germany from 1933 
onward and their respective itineraries see the essay in this volume by Chnstoph 



* r ** Jjrtn ien m % 

His aofmolcr 

Die bolfcticnrif 

Figure 59 

Gallery in the Berlin installation of Entartcte Kuml, Haus der Kunst, 1938, work 

by Beckmann, Dix, Felixmtiller, Skade, and others can be seen on the walls. 


An "Educational Exhibition" 

The Precursors of Entartete Kuust and Its Individual Venues 

You ask aboHl ibt causes and sense oj this haired 
it has neither sense nor causel Politics — in other 
words lot will to power 
Gerhard Marcks, 1937' 

You should talk quietly there's a dying man 
in the room Dying German culture — 
within Germany itself it no longer has even 
catacombs at its disposal Only chambers of 
horrors in which it is now to be exposed to 
the mockery of the rabble, a concentration camp for the general 
public to visit Things are becoming more and more insane " ! These 
grimly macabre remarks by the Jewish philosopher Ernst Bloch were 
written in the summer of 1937 following the opening of two exhibi- 
tions in Munich, the Grosse Deutsche Kunslausstellung (Great German 
art exhibition I at the Haus der Deutschen Kunst and Eiidirldf Kunst 
in the arcades of the nearby Hofgarten Together these exhibitions 
marked the spectacular climax of National Socialist cultural policy 

A whole system is brine) exposed lo ridicule here 
Berliner Borsenzeitung, April 12, 1933 

The precursors to "Entartete Kunst" 

Systematic and institutionalized attacks on modern art began with a 
vengeance only a few weeks after the National Socialists' seizure of 
power' The Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums 
(Professional civil service restoration act), which was passed on 
April 7, 1933, was designed to restore a tenured civil service, thus 
creating a legal basis on which to dismiss unaccommodating univer- 
sity teachers and museum officials on racial or political grounds 
Even before this, leading figures from the German artistic world had 
been driven from office — and in some cases from the country — and 
replaced by people more in sympathy with the views of the NSDAP 
(Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist 
German workers party]) 

Largely at the bidding of the new directors of the country's 
museums, and with the support of local organizations with nationalist 
leanings, such as the Kampfbund fur deutsche Kultur i Combat 

league tor German culture 1 , special exhibitions were arranged in 
various towns in which the local collections of modern art no matter 
to which school the artists belonged were displayed in a defamatory 
light and offered up to public ridicule In their politic, il function ide- 
ological thrust, and propagandist aims these exhibitions anticipated 
Eiidirlflf Kunst 

Table I appended to this essay gives a schematic overview of 
these pre-1937 exhibitions, which were frequently and popularly 
described as Schreckenskimmern der Kunst I chambers of horrors of art 
or Schandausstellungen (abomination exhibitions) 4 A glance at the 
names of some of the individual exhibitions — Kulturbolscbcwistiscbc 
Bilder (Images of cultural Bolshevism) in Mannheim, Regierungskunsl 
id(8-<933 (Government art 1918-1933) in Karlsruhe, and AWrmfcrr^tisI 
Kunst im Difiislf der Zersetzung (November spirit Art in the service of 
subversion) in Stuttgart, to name three — reveals their political 
character and ideological import The works of art exhibited were 
not disparaged for their own sake, but "falsely treated as documents 
of the age of decadence and used to make a sweeping public con- 
demnation of the cultural policies of the 'Weimar system '" 5 By 
wreaking vengeance on art the National Socialists sought to settle 
old scores with the democratic Weimar Republic and thus lend both 
legitimacy and internal political stability to their own rule This aim 
was supported in propagandistically effective fashion by stigmatizing 
modern art as "Jewish-Bolshevist," which was intended to mobilize 
preexisting prejudices against modern art and to foment anti-Semitic 
and anti-Communist sentiment at the same time Attacks were 
directed indiscriminately at artists, dealers, and public collections 
Prominence was frequently given in every Schrtcktnskammer to 
acquisitions by the more progressive of those museum directors who 
had been dismissed from office 

Both programmatically and methodologically the various 
"chambers of horrors" were conceived along the same lines 
although, being independently rather than centrally organized they 
differed in their aims, taking their cue for the most part from the 
contents of the local collections In Karlsruhe, for example, the main 
emphasis was placed on German Impressionism, in Stuttgart, by 
contrast, on the sociocritical realism of the 1920s Apart from these 
regional differences, however, "the range of those subjected to public 
attack" extended "from the Impressionists to the New Objectivity, 

Figure 60 

Gallery in the Kunsthalle Mannheim during the defamatory exhibition Kultur- 
bokcbewistiscbt Bilder (Images of cultural Bolshevism), 1933, identifiable work is by 
Beckmann and Delaunay (see fig 7 for another view of this gallery) 

from Max Liebermann to Otto Dix, George Crosz, and Paul Klee " 6 
The Schandausslellungen were frequently the spectacular prelude to a 
thorough "purge" and rehanging of a gallery's holdings, the works 
that had been on view would then, as a rule, disappear into storage 7 

It is particularly significant in the present context that the 
organizers of the Scbreckettskummerti were already developing the 
essential features of that dynamically exhibitionist dramaturgy that 
was to be deployed at the 1937 Entartete Kunsl exhibition in Munich 
By creating an aura of illicitness, the exhibition organizers succeeded 
in gratifying the "curiosity and love of sensation of a broad cross sec- 
tion of the general public" 8 As a rule, minors were forbidden entry 
to the exhibitions in Karlsruhe the reason given was the presence 
of a "gallery of erotica" with "obscene" drawings In Bielefeld the 
exhibition (taken over from Stuttgart) was mounted expressly as 
an "educational" exhibition, and entrance was limited to teachers, 
doctors, clerics, judges, and members of the NSDAP, 9 the 
Schreckenskammer in Halle could be seen only by those who paid a 
special fee and entered their names in a visitors' book (see Table I) 

A further characteristic of these exhibitions was an appeal 
to popular sentiment "The population has an opportunity here to 
form its own opinion" (Hakettkreuzbanner, April 3, 1933) This implied 
freedom turned out to be a propaganda trick, of course, since the 
acceptable opinion had already been determined in advance and 
programmed into the exhibition by the way in which the art was 
presented l0 

In order to "prove" that the art under attack was degenerate, 
and in order to make that degeneracy plain to the visitor, the art was 
crudely contrasted with "healthy stable art," the latter providing an 
"instructive" contrasting example This was done in the Mannheim 
exhibition, for example, by setting up a "model gallery" that pro- 
vided the standard of comparison by which all other works were to 
be judged When the same exhibition reached Munich, the "degen- 
erate" works were displayed as a "warning" and hung alongside others 
by the "exemplary" Edmund Steppes, a landscape painter in the 

nineteenth-century tradition whose works were regularly repre- 
sented at the Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung " 

Reviews of the Schandausstellungen repeatedly drew comparisons 
between the imagery of the "degenerate" artists and that produced 
by the mentally ill That such infamous discrimination was also given 
visual expression is clear from reports of the Erlangen exhibition, 
which had originally opened in Mannheim three months earlier, in 
April of 1933 n The comparison served only one purpose, which was 
to "unmask" the artists as being mentally ill themselves, thus, it was 
implied, both the mentally ill and the artists should be excluded 
from the type of society that the organizers sought to advocate 

By specifying the amount of money paid for each work on view, 
the organizers planted the thoughts that the museum officials and 
municipal authorities who were responsible for its purchase had been 
wasting the taxpayers' money and that the Jewish art dealers were 
guilty of profiteering Many of the prices, some of which were 
extremely high as a result of inflation, were deliberately not con- 
verted into reichsmarks (the currency introduced in 1924) so that 
they would seem even higher 

The language used to revile modern art was not minted by the 
National Socialists but had evolved around the turn of the century in 
the wake of arguments over French Impressionism It was now taken 
up by middle-class conservatives and radically minded nationalist 
writers in their war of words on avant-garde art The irrational 
polemics against "Jewish-Bolshevist" art (one of the most widely used 
slogans to characterize "degenerate" art) were a distillation of that 
National Socialist view of the world that discovered the workings of 
"international Judaism" everywhere it looked "The 1918 Revolution 
was Jewish, as was the whole of the Weimar Republic, Jewish, too, 
was Marxism and the Soviet 'dictatorship of blood,' and so too, of 
course, was the international investment capital, the political parties 
of the left were a 'mercenary force in the pay of the Jews,' and, 
finally, democracy parliament, the majority and the League of 
Nations were Jewish " M 

The frequent use of specific linguistic stereotypes "Jewish 
Bolshevist art being an example — led to their lexical ossification " 
Particularly striking here is the way in which the vocabulary was 
borrowed often with contradictory results) hum biology especially 
parasitology art fot instance was either "sick" and "degenerate" 

or "healthy" see the essay liv Ceorgc I- Mosse in this volume 

The methods of presentation sketched out here in summary 
fashion were not all used in every Scbrtcktnskammcr There was great 
variety in the stage-managing of the exhibitions, otten influenced by 
particular local conditions A significant feature of the Mannheim 
exhibition tig o(> was that the works were "hung close to each 
other in reckless confusion" liVnics Mannbeimtt VolkMatl. April 5, 
1933), and being exhibited without frames, they were, so to speak, 
held up naked to ridicule 

The immediate model and actual forerunner of the Munich 
exhibition of 1937 (not least in terms of its name) was neither the 
Karlsruhe nor the Mannheim exhibition, as has been previously 
claimed, |S but the Dresden exhibition of 1933 Held in the inner 
courtyard of the Neues Rathaus and conceived by Richard Muller, 
director of the Dresden Kunstakademie, this Enlurlrtf fCwis! exhibi- 
tion — more commonly if erroneously known as Spicgelbilder des Ver- 
falh in dtr Knits! (Images of decadence in art) 16 — subsequently went 
on tour to at least eight different German cities between 1934 and 
1936 It concentrated on works owned by the Stadtmuseum Dresden, 
giving particular prominence to the Expressionist artists of Die 
Brucke (The bridge), the Dresdner Sezession Cruppe 1919 (Dresden 
secession group 1919), and the Assoziation revolutionarer bildender 
Kunstler Deutschlands (Association of revolutionary visual artists of 
Germany i, known as ASSO The exhibition was presented again in 
Dresden in August of 1935, when it was clearly intended to provide a 
contrast to the Sacbsiscbt Kumtausstellunt) 1935 (Exhibition of Saxon art 
19351 Among its prominent visitors were Hermann Goring, Joseph 
Goebbels, and Adolf Hitler (tig 61), who declared that "this unique 
exhibition ought to be shown in as many German cities as possi- 
ble" {Kolniscbt lllustncrte Zeitung, August 17, 1935) A tour was arranged 
and coordinated from Dresden, and the exhibition's first stop was 
Nuremberg, where it was shown at the time of the 1935 NSDAP 
rally When the exhibition returned to Dresden on September 24, 
1935, the Dresden Kulturamt (Office of culture) had already received 
enquiries from several municipal authorities who wanted to borrow it 
tor themselves Mayor Ernst Zorner reserved the right to have the 
final say in the matter In a letter accompanying the exhibition he 
outlined its aims it was intended to show "into what a morass of 
vulgarity incompetence, and morbid degeneration German art — 
previously so lofty pure, and noble — had sunk in fifteen years 
of Bolshevist Jewish intellectual domination" [Frankucber Kuritr, 
September 7, 1935) 

1. 11 the next yeai until September oi 1936 the Dresden col- 
lection toured to Dortmund, 1 Regensburg Munich figs 62 1 

Ingolstadt, I >armstadt, and I rankfurt In luly 1937 it was integrated 

in its entirety into the Entartttt KhikI exhibition m Munich 

What response did these preliminary exhibitions encounter' 
And what role did thev play in the development of National Soc ialisl 
policy toward the arts ' We may start out wiih the assumption that 
the maionty of the many visitors" 1 found themselves in lull at 1 ord 
with the tenor of the exhibitions But in making this assessment we 
must also take into account their predisposition to sympathize with 
what they saw That is why we must ask what level of knowledge 
and what expectations they brought to the exhibition With an audi- 
ence that was essentially uninformed, unfamiliar with the works on 


Figure 61 

Page from an article on the 1933-36 Entartttt Kunsl exhibition published in the Kolnnehc 
lUuitrttrtt Ztitung, August, 17, 1935, above Dresden mayor Ernst Zorner (left and 
Hermann Goring ( right) examine Volls Scbwatttfm Frau i Pregnant woman); below 
Adolf Hitler visits the exhibition, work by Heckel and Crundig is displayed at right 


exhibition, and handicapped by feelings of resentment toward mod- 
ern art, the type of propaganda mentioned earlier would clearly have 
been effective The way in which the exhibitions were organized 
denned the target groups at which they were aimed 

Although the press had already been brought to heel, occa- 
sional voices were raised in protest, in contrast to the generally 
enthusiastic approval expressed by National Socialist feature writers 
A reviewer of the Mannheim exhibition, for example, explicitly crit- 
icized the choice of art and method of presentation and came to the 
conclusion that "on many points" it was "impossible to give whole- 
hearted endorsement to the exhibition" iNeues Mannhdmer Volksblatt, 
April 5, 1933) Arguments raged within the very museums and 
galleries at which the exhibitions were held, indicating that these 
Schwdausstcllungm were far from enjoying the support and approval 
of all museum employees ." Some of the visitors spoke out in defense 
of the works being ridiculed, and their protests are said to have 
caused a scandal In some cases protesters were even arrested by the 
police -" "Deeply shaken" and "with the urgent request that you order 
a halt here," Oskar Schlemmer appealed to Coebbels on April 25, 
1933, entreating the minister to protest against the Schnckenskam- 
mem 2I Criticism was also voiced against this type of exhibition at a 
very important public demonstration, "Jugend kampft fur deutsche 
Kunst" (Youth fights for German art), organized by the National- 
sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund (National Socialist league 
of German students) and held at Friedrich-Wilhelm University 
in Berlin on June 30, 1933 The Studentenbund was a rallying point 
for opponents of the National Socialists' policy toward the arts and, 
as such, belonged to that faction that campaigned for recognition 
of "Nordic" Expressionism " The argument over Expressionism also 
reflected differences of opinion within the NSDAP leadership itself 
concerning the way in which cultural politics should be allowed to 
develop The principal disputants were Propagandaminister (Min- 
ister of propaganda) Goebbels and the founder of the Kampfbund fur 
deutsche Kultur, Alfred Rosenberg In spite of Hitler's radical rejec- 
tion of a more liberal approach to modern art at the NSDAP party 
rallies in 1933 and 1934, this conflict continued to simmer until 1936 
or 1937 It also made it possible for artists who were attacked in the 
Schreckenskammcm to continue to exhibit their work at art societies 
and private galleries Not until 1937 was the whistle finally blown 
on the artistic avant-garde in Germany 


» - 

i vj 

Figures 62-63 

Two views in the Munich venue of the 1933-36 Enlartrlt Kun 
exhibition, Alte Polizeidirektion, March, 1936, above Voll's 
Scbuxmgm Fran, below Dix's Krigskupptl (War cripples) am 
Eugen Hoffmann's Wnhlichrr Akl (Female nude) 

What was so irresistible about National Socialism was iIh promise ol absolutt 
authority, thtrt ir,i% clarify hcrr ,i mum •') unambiguity 

I MI.: Sinn I984 13 

The 1937 Entarlele Kunst exhibition in Munich 
11k Entartett Kunst exhibition thai opened in the arcades ol the 
Munich I lofgarten on luly 19 1937 iig 64), had been preceded by 
an initial round ol confiscations involving all the country's leading 
museums and galleries It occupies a position ol central importance 
in more than one respect In the Inst place, it was the final stage 
in that process ol institutional COnformism that had begun on 
March II, 1933, with the establishment ol the Reichsministenum 
Im Ynlksaulklaiung und Propaganda (Reich ministry for national 
enlightenment and propaganda!, Followed on November 15 by the 
creation ol the Reichskulturkammer i Reich chamber of culture) In 
tlu- second place, the exhibition was planned as a final, devastating 
blow to modern art, and through its programmatic contrast to the 
Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellumi , which had opened the previous day in 
the nearby Haus der Deutschen Kunst, it was intended to define the 
future course of cultural politics in Nazi Germany At the same time 
it provided the signal for that "pitiless purge" that Hitler had proph- 
esied in his opening speech at the Crosse Deutsche Kunstausstellumi, a 
purge that took the form of a second round of confiscations — this 
time involving thousands of works of art — lasting from August 
through November of 1937 Unlike the preliminary exhibitions, 
which had been regionally circumscribed, uncoordinated, and pro- 
vincially isolated events in terms of the provenance of the works on 
display and of the impact that was sought, 24 the 1937 exhibition was 
organized by the state and centrally coordinated 

Over six hundred paintings, sculptures, works of graphic art, 
and books from thirty-two collections were shown at Enl<irtftf Kunst 
in nine narrow rooms (fig 65) Nearly 120 different artists were 
represented The spectrum of artistic styles ranged from German 
Impressionism to Expressionism, from Dada, Constructivism, 
Bauhaus, and the New Objectivity to all the different forms of 
abstract art, but it was the Expressionists, in particular the artists of 
Die Brucke, who came in for special denunciation An attempt had 
been made to structure the exhibition according to theme — 
religious subjects, representations of women, scenes from rural life, 
landscapes — but the plan was not consistently carried through 

The layout of the exhibition had been substantially planned 
by Adolf Ziegler, Wolfgang Willnch, and Walter Hansen 25 and 
was characterized by a specific form of presentation (fig 66) An 
eyewitness account by Paul Ortwin Rave, curator at the Berlin 
Nationalgalerie since 1934, is worth quoting at length 

/« the rrliilitth/ >mrrou' rooms Irfllisu'orJ: structures covered with burlap 
have been erected alone) the walls The paintings are attached to the parti- 
tions, while the inscriptions are u'rittrn on the burlap Tin pamtmds hang 
close to one another, generally in two superimposed rows The windows, 
which are immediately above the partitions, and the narrowness o/ (foe 

Figure 64 

Entrance to the exhibition Bitartete Kunst, Archaologisches Insmut. Munich, 1937 

Figure 65 

Room C2 in Entartett Kwist, Munich, 1937 

zuscHLAi; 87 




Nkrr bctaawtiste ldinsMQinn*ro(|eritw? 

BEntttJKn "6ta«?n Hotel die Qraalaqm fur dm 
. gcHQKleiaer neucn tftsisr qaMffm oderourti 
Jfl or dfflferttwhnd djer Brer in MM sidRr- 
{ iOfct.sDKbm-wir.dic wr dfcrai Sufinj Ic- 

tK&rkftei„.Wir««den wn jetzraboincn ttncftir- 
|' faailaaewj^ftai qapxfe tola Carat 

Figure 66 

Room 3 in Enlartili Kutist, Munich, 1937 

Q ems!" f 

Figure 68 

Wassily Kandinsky Dir schwarzi Flick (The black spot), 1921, oil i 

138 x 120 cm (54 'A x 47% in ), Kunsthaus Zurich 

Figure 67 

Detail of the Dada wall in Room 3, work < 

and Schwitters 

' by Haizmann, Hausmann, Klee 

rooms make a i/i/ZmiIi ii> view (be ivories om display fbi propagandist 
aim ol i/ir rxbibilion scented lo f>« besl served by the numerous inscriptions 
71>r guiding principles air written up m large letters in tbt individual rooms 
or on srctiom ol the wall while vrntr ol the individual uvrK foiJ sfn 
caftfiotis iiJi/fi/ lo IBCM / Ih guiding principle in the first room, for example. 
reads 'Insolent mockery oj Iw Dipjtie uiidn I mtrisl rule // a-, in (be 
majoriry oj case lw fwrctMsc />nir u?as indicated, a large red label was 
stuck to tbr nvrl- 111 ,/iifvli(>ii H'il/i ll'r message, "Paid for by tbe taxes of 
the German working people ' ' 2 * 

The installation was completed bv "explanatory or "helpful" 
remarks bv Hitler. Cioebbels, and Rosenberg, and by comments 
and statements by artists and art critics who, when their words 
were taken out of context, seemed to indict themselves and the 
artists about whom they wrote This extensive use of extraneous 
texts represented a departure from the organizational praxis of 
such exhibitions A further important feature was the quotation 
of passages from Willrich's antimodemist hook Sauhenmti des 
Kunsttempels (Cleansing of the temple of art) These inscriptions were 
also to be a distinctive criterion of the later stages of the exhibition 
The result of this contextualization was both an impression of 
chaos and the creation of an associative framework with a powerful, 
psychologically suggestive impact intended to reduce all the art to 
the same basic level, to prevent any single work from developing 
an individual presence or from being perceived in isolation The 
psychological effects thus achieved were given a political function 
Captions and pictures, juxtaposed or arranged in orderless confusion, are 
intended lo stir the viewer's emotions, triggering feelings of repulsion and 
indignation, these feelings in turn, like the opinions expressed in the cap- 
tions are intended to encourage a sense of satisfaction at ifcc demise of this 
type of art and ultimately to inspire agreement with the "revolutionary" 
new beginning and political succession. 27 

The aims and methods of this type of presentation are best 
exemplified by the most lavishly orchestrated section of the exhi- 
bition, the "Dada wall" (tig 671 Wassily Kandinsky's abstract 
composition Der sebwarze Fleck (The black spot, fig 68) of 1921 was 
painted on the wall as a background, although significantly simplified 
( the copy appears to have been based on a reproduction in Will 
Grohmann's book in the series lunge Kunst-") Grosz's injunction 
from a poster at the Erste /HlfrinitioHiilf D.i<fii-/Vlfssf (First international 
Dada fair] of July 1920, "Take Dada seriously 1 It's worth it," was 
printed across the upper half of the wall ■'' Hanging below were two 
works by Kurt Schwitters, Mertbild (Merz picture) and Ringbild (Ring 
picture), Klee's Sumpflegende (Swamp legend, fig 2731, two title pages 
from the magazine Der Dada (figs 224-251 published by Malik 
Verlag in Berlin, and a label with two quotations, one by and one 
about Schwitters 50 In spite of the superficial parallels with the cre- 
ative methods of Dadaist art — collage, in particular — the Dada wall 
had as little to do with Dada as did Kandinsky or Klee Instead, the 
element of uncertainty that was of fundamental importance for any 
Dadaist work of art was replaced by the intentional reinforcement of 

the visitor's negative attitude Indeed the lattei was the most impor- 
tant aim behind the installation " It was therefore irrelevant whether 

the nonsensil al notion that Kandinsky and Klee were connected with 
I '.nil was the result of intentional falsification, ignorance 01 simple 
negligence I >ada served as a paradigm ol "degenerate" art the 
organizers wen simply out to exploit the material available, and it 
was certainly not in then own best interest to em mirage their visi- 
tors to perceive subtleties 

If the installation ol the exhibition is interpreted as a semiotic 
system in which the combination ol image and text plays a prepon- 
derant role, the reactions of the visitors to the exhibition may be 
analyzed as constituent parts of that system "It is not enough to see 
what's there the whole way in which the visitors react is bound up 
with it, too View and object are a single action Organizers and 
visitors are as one, to a degree that is completely lacking at art 
exhibitions"' 3 This consensus was achieved partly by conditioning 
the visitors to the exhibition by the methods mentioned above 
(according to Alois Schardt, the organizers' aims were additionally 
served by hiring actors to play the part of indignant and wildly 
gesticulating visitors") and partly by their predetermined pre- 
disposition "Whenever one set foot inside the exhibition a great 
deal of indignation could be heard It was, in fact, sincere For, 
on the whole, [the visitors] had come with the desire and conviction 
that they would be outraged " 34 

As has been mentioned above, the Munich futjrtflf Kunst exhibi- 
tion was organized programmatically as a parallel event to the Grossf 
DfHtstl'r Kunstausstellung, the latter held in the spacious and well-lit 
rooms of the Haus der Deutschen Kunst and distinguished by delib- 
erately generous spacing between the individual exhibits 1 hg 2'. 
Here was celebrated the "German" art with which National Social- 
ism planned to supplant "degenerate" art The pointed contrast 
between the two exhibitions — which was lost when Eiilijrlflf Kunst 
went on tour to other towns and cities in Germany and Austria — 
makes their underlying aims and functions even more transparent 

The denunciation of "degenerate" art was generally intended to 
call into question the intellectual dimensions of modern art "For 
modernism has not only redefined the forms of art in a radical and 
subversive way, it has also put forward a new liberal plan for the 
world that uses the individual as a standard by which and a point of 
reference from which to experience reality "'^ It was this extreme 
subjectivism, above all, finding expression in artistic freedom and 
stylistic variety that could not be reconciled with the aim of a con- 
formist "block community" and therefore had to be resisted For the 
Nazis, modernist plans to reform the world and the images of man- 
kind that were visualized by the modernist movement were irritating 
and disturbing in their radicality and ambiguity As such, they were 
nothing more nor less than the expression of a state of chaos that 
was in turn the product of the "Jewish-Bolshevist subversive will " To 
triumph over this will was to create an art that, as a visible sign of 
order, would rediscover" its former clarity or unambiguity 


The circulation oi the 'Entartete Kunst" exhibition, 1938-1941 

The following telegram was sent on November 23, 1937, by the 
Reichspropagandaleitung (Reich propaganda directorate) in Berlin to 
the organizations responsible for propaganda in each district 
The Entartete Kunst exhibition is beim] taken over by the 
Reichspropagandaleitung oj the NSDAP, further enlarged, and sent on tour 
to the largest cities in the Reich with an average run of four weeks in each 
place The precondition for receiving the exhibition is a practical interest on 
(be part of the individual towns and any other places that may be consid- 
ered, nil mitres! thai has also been demonstrated by their willingness to 
provide financial support The propaganda organizers of each individual 
district are instructed to discover without delay which towns offer favorable 
conditions for housing the exhibition Dates can be assigned by the 
Reichspropagandaleitung beginning with February i, (938. 36 
Nothing is known about the response that it provoked, except that 
sixty-five towns and cities had applied to receive the exhibition by 
March of 1939, according to a report in the Thuringer Gauzeitung of 
March 23 

It is likely that the decision to send the exhibition on tour 
throughout the Reich was due to Coebbels's initiative Several of his 
diary entries contain expressions of enthusiasm for the "great suc- 
cess" of the Munich exhibition On July 24, five days after Ent<irlele 
Kunst had opened, he noted, "The 'Entartete Kunst' exhibition is a 
huge success and a severe blow It will also come to Berlin in the 
fall This is how it must be done Awaken the people's interest by 
means of great actions " 37 

The Institut fur Deutsche Kultur- und Wirtschaftspropaganda 
(Institute for German cultural and economic propaganda), a sub- 
section of Coebbels's ministry that specialized in propagandists 
exhibitions, was given the job of implementing the plans "* A 
twenty- four-year-old Austrian student and SA (Sturmabteilung, 
storm troop) member, Hartmut Pistauer (figs 17, 70, 72), who had 
made a prominent contribution to the installation of Entartete Kunst in 
Munich, was appointed exhibition organizer by the Reichskammer 
der bildenden Kunste (Reich chamber of visual arts). 39 

Between February 1938 and April 1941 the exhibition went to 
Berlin (February 26-May 8, 1938), Leipzig (May 13-June 6), 
Diisseldorf (June 18-August 7), Salzburg (September 4— October 2), 
Hamburg (November 11— December 30), Stettin (now Szczecin, Jan- 
uary 11-February 5, 1939), Weimar (March 23— April 24), Vienna 
(May 6-June 18), Frankfurt am Main (June 30-luly 30), Chemnitz 
(August U-September 10), Waldenburg in Silesia (now Walbrzych, 
January-February 1941), and Halle (April 5-20) (see Table 2) Nine 
of these twelve cities were the capitals of their respective districts, 
which was clearly an important criterion in their selection The local 
leadership of the NSDAP in each district acted as organizer for that 
stage In much the same way the local party assumed responsibility 
for on-the-spot propaganda for the exhibition and for organizing the 

opening ceremony priority booking, 40 special trains, and the like 
Why a period of several months was allowed to elapse between 
some of the venues of the exhibition is not known, but presumably 
organizational problems were responsible for the delays 

The exhibition was shown in a variety of spaces In some 
cities "adult-education" facilities were utilized, but for the most part 
museums or art galleries were chosen — a paradoxical state of affairs, 
since "degenerate" art was denied any artistic value, in addition to 
which the works were practically uninsured 4I 

The exhibition was handed back to the Propagandaministerium 
(Propaganda ministry) in November of 1941 4: According to pub- 
lished figures, it had been seen by more than 3 2 million people 

During the summer months of 1937 the spectacular build-up to 
the Eiilijrlelc Kunst exhibition in Munich was widely covered in the 
German press, but public interest palpably waned once that exhibi- 
tion was over While the national dailies still carried reports of the 
exhibition when it reached Berlin, they took no further notice of any 
of its subsequent stops From then on reporting was limited to the 
local press As a rule, the opening ceremony held in the presence of 
high-ranking party officials, was described in detail, often covering 
an entire page, accompanied by several illustrations of "degenerate" 
art and lengthy passages quoted from the opening speeches Having 
been made to toe the party line and conform to state ideology, the 
press was simply required to repeat official accounts In doing so, it 
availed itself of the same stereotypes as had the exhibition orga- 
nizers, and not only on a linguistic level It was always the same 
works of art that were reproduced (for example, Eugen Hoffmann's 
Madchen nut blauem Haar [Girl with blue hair]), often incorrectly 
captioned or even without captions 

During the four years Entartete Kunst toured Germany and Aus- 
tria its content changed The first sales of "degenerate" art to foreign 
buyers began in the summer of 1938, which meant that the more 
important works were gradually removed from the exhibition and 
replaced by less significant pieces, especially by examples of graphic 
art Works by local artists from regional collections were also added 
at each of the exhibition's venues in order to give it greater topicality 
and local character The few lists that have been previously avail- 
able 41 and photographs of the exhibition rooms have allowed only 
a limited reconstruction of the exhibition's individual stages. 

The Berlin exhibition (figs 59, 69-70) differed fundamentally 
from that in Munich in both the choice of works on display and the 
plan behind their presentation The most important changes were 
outlined in a handout entitled "Informationsmaterial fur die Schrift- 
leitungen" (Information sheet for editors), prepared by the Propa- 
gandaministerium for the press preview 

Only a section of the material shown in Munich is exhibited ih Berlin Tlie 
exhibition has been enlarged and supplemented with paintings and sculptures 
that could previously be seen in the German capital. In planning the Berlin 
exhibition the underlying motive has been [decisive] The material as 
a whole has therefore been structured around different groups, each of which 

I igurc 69 

EnlarUU Kiowl at the Haus der Kunst Berlin, w*n 

T 1 



^i -*■ J 



i | 

■ ■ • 

1 fl 


Figure 70 

Joseph Coebbels iccnteri visits EiflarMt Kumf in Htrlm on February ': 

accompanied bv Hartmut Pistaucr I left ;, work by Marcks and Nolde can be seen 

Figure 71 

Enlnrlrlr Kunst at the Kunstpalast am Ehrenhol, Dusseldorf, 1938 

Figure 72 

Pistauer leads Nazi party officials through Enfurlrlr Kunst, Dusseldorf, 1938, sculpture 

by Hoffmann and Niestrath can be seen at right 

Per \oUenaen 
y,cht*ore o 

Figures 73-75 

Gallery views of EnUirltlt Kunst at the Landeshaus, Stettin, !939, at left is the photo- 
graph of dealer Alfred Flechtheim, work that tan be identified is by Freundlich, Gies, 
Kirchner, Kurth, Meidner, and Noldc 


is covered by an introductory essay in the catalogue In assembling the 
visual material special attention was paid to the various specific areas that 
show the connection between degenerate art and the cultural program o\ 
Bolshevism A large part of the exhibition is taken up by a comparison 
between degenerate art and those works that were placed at the 
organizers' disposal by the Psychiatnsche Klimk of Heidelberg 44 
The increased emphasis on the "Bolshevist" character of the 
vilified works, which is explicitly stressed in this passage, is also 
revealed by a shift of emphasis in terms of the exhibition's contents 
whereas it had been the Expressionists who bore the brunt of the 
attack in Munich, it was the sociocritical, politically committed art 
of the 1920s that was preponderant in Berlin, especially the work of 
the Dresdner Sezession Cruppe 1919 and ASSO 45 A more political 
tone also marked the banners and slogans that accompanied the 
exhibition (on this occasion they were not lifted from Willnch's 
book, nor were they painted directly on the walls [fig 59]) This 
also influenced the choice of works reproduced in the exhibition 
guide, a quarter of which clearly demonstrated social criticism 
Another striking difference between Munich and Berlin was the link 
between the order in which the paintings were hung and the layout 
of the "catalogue," or exhibition guide (see the facsimile and transla- 
tion in this volume) This guide was written only after preparations 
for the Berlin exhibition were underway and divided "degenerate art" 
into nine sections, each of which was defined in terms of its content 
"collapse of sensitivity to form and color," religious subjects, "class- 
struggle" propaganda, "draft-dodging," "moral program of Bolshev- 
ism" racial degeneration, mental degeneration, Jewish art, and 
"sheer insanity" This grouping provided the installation model not 
only in Berlin but at all subsequent venues, as is clear from the 
reviews of those exhibitions Similarly the comparison between 
"degenerate" art and works painted by patients at the Psychiatrische 
Klinik in Heidelberg was emphasized as a special feature in Berlin 
and later venues One quarter of the illustration pages in the guide 
featured reproductions of the work of these psychiatric patients, 
taken from the famous Prinzhorn Collection Conversely works by 
a number of artists were removed from the Berlin exhibition either 
because protests had been raised at the way in which they had been 
attacked — one thinks here of war heroes August Macke and Franz 
Marc and foreigners Piet Mondrian and Edvard Munch — or because 
they were regarded as "critical cases " The latter group included 
prominent Expressionists Ernst Barlach, Kathe Kollwitz, and 
Wilhelm Lehmbruck, whose acceptance hinged on the outcome of 
the continuing debate over the legitimacy of Nordic Expressionism, 
and Impressionist Lovis Corinth, a well-established and highly 
respected older artist, whose youthful style had been an example of 
that same "healthy" academic art that was so admired and promoted 
by the NSDAP 46 The comments about individual artists and their 
works that had been written directly on the wall in Munich were 
indicated in Berlin on tiny black-and-white labels, which were 
used subsequently at other venues (fig 76) " 


^.Jtogtt *M^| 



of Entarttti Kunsl at the Festspielhai 
nd Molzahn 

Salzburg, 1938, identifiable work is 

The corpus of works exhibited in Berlin was taken virtually 
unchanged at the next two venues, Leipzig and Diisseldorf (figs 
71-72) Whereas there was talk in Leipzig of "large banners with 
basic personal revelations by the leading art-Bolshevists" [Leipziger 
Neueste Nachnchten, May 14, 1938), these are not in evidence in the 
few surviving photographs that document the Diisseldorf exhibition 
Presumably the organizers in the latter city decided to dispense with 
this aggressive form of defamation, 4 " although their qualms did not 
extend to the "stone-tablet-like posters with statements by the 
Fuhrer" [Frankfurter Zettung, February 27, 1938, fig 72) that had been 
prepared for the Berlin exhibition Quotations from Hitler's speeches 
at NSDAP party rallies and the opening of the Haus der Deutschen 
Kunst also peppered the pages of the exhibition guide, in addition to 
being a feature of the installation at each of its venues, as was true of 
statements by artists and critics and the comparison of "degenerate" 
art with art by the mentally ill 

One example of the attempt to give each exhibition "local 
color" was the addition in Diisseldorf of a large photograph of the 
well-known Jewish art dealer Alfred Flechtheim, who until 1933 
had owned modern art galleries in Berlin and Dusseldorf (the photo- 
graph remained in the exhibition in Salzburg, Hamburg, Stettin 
[figs 73-75], and Weimar) 49 Also in Dusseldorf Pistauer ran "edu- 
cational courses" in which he gave "a comprehensive survey of 
the political and cultural background of this pseudoart from the 
previous system" and explained "the links that existed between the 
degenerate art produced at that time and the Bolshevist program of 
subversion" (Rbeiniscbe Landeszeilung — Role Erde, July 8, 1938) 

An important change occurred in September 1938 during the 
fifth stop of the exhibition, in Salzburg (fig 76), the first Austrian 
venue, where it was shown six months after the annexation of 
Austria Seventy-one works were reclaimed and sent back to 
Berlin, including Max Beckmann's Selbstbildnis mil rotem Scbal (Self- 
portrait with red scarf, fig 162), Marc Chagall's Die Prise [Rabbmer) 
(The pinch of snuff [Rabbi], fig 118), Dix's Der Schutzengrabat (The 
trench), Lyonel Feininger's Teltow, Erich Heckel's Sitzender Mann 

Figure 77 

E(il,irlrlr Kunsl at the Schulausstellungsgcbaudc, Hamburg, 1938 

Entdrtctc Kunu 


Figure 78 

Pages from an article on EnUirtttt Kunst published in H,mbutt)tt Frandenblatt, 
November II, 1938, work illustrated is by Adler, Camenisch, Gies, Grosz, 
K1e.nschm.dt. and Wollhc.m 

Figure 79 

Gallery in the exhibition EntarMc Mustk (Degenerate music l at the Landesmuseun 

Weimar, 1939, at right is organizer Hans Severus Ziegler 

ZUS( H I. A C 

„Entartete Kunst 


... Jetitr Stem rrinl veL-u&t .n'ini Inl'kvft jcder 
Zaun.kdtsXhHvtH iede*Haus iectes Weib, 
jeder ^irr. UndJitden.Juden mhitHe't iiui,dem 
&\if*t empe-r $ nine, piolctte u 
namenlos, whiles .... Otai/alt tint sie Sftbfl 'ft 
vespnach eine„judnk-fte k'ata*1rophe'ae*anitt* 

Figures 80-81 

Pages from an article on EntarUte Kumt published in Die Pause (Vienna), June 1939, 
above work by Chagall, Kirchner, Kokoschka, and Schmidt Rottlull, below work by 
Adler, Schlemmer, and Schwitters 

Figure 82 

Gauleiter ([District leader! Sprenger (fourth from the right] visiting EnUtrtete Kunst i 

the Kunstausstellungshaus, Frankfurt, July 22, 1939 


Figure 83 

Article by H T Wust on the Frankfurt showing of Enlarltli Kuml published in the 
Rhm-Mamnchi Somtajs-Zdtmj, July 9, 1939, identifiable work is by Adler, Baumeister, 
Chagall, Haizmann, Hoffmann, Ritschl, and Schwitters 

(Seated man kail I Infers /)ir Tnmknie (The drunken woman), 

Kandinsky's Gijtgriine Sicbtl (Yellow green crescent) I mm I udwig 
Kirchner's Bildnii ( Islwi Scbltmmn (Portrait <>l ( >skar Schlemmer, 
fig 259 Kiev Urn im fiscb (Around the fish; fig 280), Oskai 

kokoschkas On U'hi.M'mu! ' I lu- tempest, fig 57), Otto Mueller's 
Dnri Frauro (Three women iig 506) Emil Nolde's altarpiece Das 
Lcbcn I brisli I lu life ol Christ, figs 521-29), Christian Rohlfs's 
KiipclU iii Dinktlsbiibl (Chapel in Dinkelsbiihl), and Karl Schmidt- 
Rottluffs Stlbstbildnif iSclr portrait, hg 37!) (see note 43) The 
return ol these important works to Merlin was prompted hy the 
establishment of a warehouse at Schloss Niederschonhauscn for the 
assembly ot all those works that were "internationally exploitable," 
in other words, those that could most profitably be sold abroad and 
converted into foreign currency s " 

In order to fill the gaps left by the removal of these works 1 15 
more paintings and examples of graphic art, generally of "lesser" 
quality (that is, lesser value), were removed from the stock of expro- 
priated art in Berlin and added to the exhibition in time for its 
opening in Hamburg ( figs 77-78) S| A unique feature of the Ham- 
burg exhibition was deployment of student teachers from the city's 
schools who organized more than two hundred guided tours of the 
exhibition {Hamburger Tatieblitt, December 22, 1938) 

In Weimar, the eighth venue, the exhibition was combined 
with one entitled Endirtftf Mmik (Degenerate music, figs 79, 133, 
140) The latter exhibition had first been staged in Dusseldorf, the 
"Reichshauptstadt der Musik" (Reich music capital), from May 24 to 
lune 14, 1938, as part of the Reicbsmusiktagt (Reich music festival) " By 
means of scores, libretti, photographs, stage designs, and musical 
examples available on headphones the "degenerate tonality" 
of composers as diverse as Berg, Hindemith, Krenek, Schoenberg, 
Stravinsky Webern, and Weill was held up to public ridicule 
Iflf Musik was organized in Dusseldorf primarily by Hans Severus 
Ziegler, general administrator of the Weimarer Nationaltheater, 
deputy district leader of the Thunngian branch of the NSDAP 
and Reichskulturwart (Reich supervisor of culture) He was 
almost certainly behind the idea of combining fnliirlcte Musik 
with fnlitrlfle Kunsl in Weimar 

In its combined and expanded form the exhibition traveled 
to Vienna (figs 80-81), Frankfurt am Main (figs 82-83), and 
Chemnitz, where it closed prematurely after only two weeks, 55 as 
a result of the onset of the Second World War At this time Entar- 
Iflf KtiHSt was one of six exhibitions traveling through the Reich 
under the sponsorship of the Institut fur Deutsche Kultur- und 
Wirtschaftspropaganda On September 6, 1939, the president of the 
Werberat fur Deutsche Wirtschaft (German economic publicity 
council), which controlled the Institut, issued a general ban on 
exhibitions ,4 The immediate closing of the exhibitions caused finan- 
cial problems for the Institut, which ceased its activities until 1941 

In January of that year the Reichspropagandaleitung decided to 

revive the traveling exhibitions with seven shows, including Entartctt 
Kunst The aim was now to bring the exhibitions to cities that had 
been considered too small in the past H A much reduced version 
of Eiiliirttlf Kunsl, with only two hundred works and without the 
Entartete Musik section, was installed in Waldenburg, Silesia, as part 
of an increase in propaganda activites in a region that had been 
"reunited" with the Reich by Hitler in 1939 In April of 1941 the 
exhibition was seen in I falle an der Saale M 

The Institut fur I )eutsche Kultur- und Wirtschaftspropaganda 
returned Entartete Kunst to the Propagandaministenum on November 
12, 1941 An inventory drawn up at that time 'see note 43) records 
7 sculptures, about 50 paintings, and approximately 180 works of 
graphic art When this list is compared with the inventory of works 
originally exhibited in Munich, it appears that, of the works 
returned in 1941, only 8 paintings (by Philipp Bauknecht, Herbert 
Bayer, Conrad Felixmuller, Otto Gleichmann, Oskar Schlemmer, 
Werner Scholz, and Friedrich Skade), one sculpture (Ludwig Cies's 
Kruzifixus), and 32 graphic works had been on view in Munich in 
1937 and were presumably the only works to have been exhibited 
at all thirteen venues ■ 


This essay was written in coniunction with my dissertation at the University ot 
Heidelberg under the supervision of Professor Dr Peter Anselm Riedl, whose continu- 
ing support I wish to acknowledge I am grateful for the assistance oi the national and 
municipal archives in the Federal Republic of Germany the German Democratic 
Republic, Austria, and Poland The eyewitnesses whom I interviewed provided 
valuable information and were generous in sharing it with me I also wish to thank 
Dr Andreas Huneke and Dr Mario-Andreas von Luttichau for their support I am 
especially indebted to Cornells Bol, Thomas Haffner, Wolfram T.chlcr C hnstmut 
Prager Andrea Schmidt, and Wolfgang Schrock Schmidt for their valuable advice and 
stimulating discussions 

1 Gerhard Marcks, letter to Oskar Schlemmer, December 12. 1937. Staatsgalene 
Stuttgart, Oskar-Schlemmer-Archiv 

2 Ernst Bloch, "Gauklerfest unterm Calgen," in his Erbschajl Jir.rr Zol, rev ed 

l Frankfurt Suhrkamp, 1985 i, 80 Bloch had tied from Germany four years earlier and, 
after passing through Switzerland, Vienna, Paris, and Prague, had settled in the 
United States, where he was to remain until 1948 

3 For an overview of the history of National Socialist cultural policy and 
especially of the activities of the Kampfbund fur deutsche Kultur see Hildegard 
Brenner, Die Kumtpolitik its Natiomhaialisme iRembek Rowohlt. 1963 ? 21 
Remhard Hollmus, Diis Ami Rosenberg und seint Grantr Zum MMblkampf im 
iwliona/sozw/istiscdni Herrscbaftssystem I Stuttgart Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1970), 27- 
54, and Stephanie Barron's hrst essay in this volume 

4 The details presented in Table ! are based on my own research and on the 
following literature Rudigei lorn, vied unset Reich labrtausaut dautni" — litrlcftU 
1911-1945 Kunsl und Kunslpolilit m NatiomiUozuilimus exh cat Bielefeld Kunslhallc, 
1981), Michael Koch, "Kulturkampf in Karlsruhe Zur Ausstellung Regierungskunsi 
1918-1933," in Kunsl in Karkruhe I9O0-I9SO (exh cat, Karlsruhe Staatliche 
Kunsthalle 1981 1, 102-28, Ulrich Weitz, "Das Bild behndet sich in Schutihatt 

in Stuttgart im Driltm Rncfc Anpaaung, Widentand, Verfolavnj (Jir hihrc ivn 1911-1939 
(exh cat, Stuttgart Stadtische Galene unterm Turm, 1984 150-63, Werner 
Alberg, DfcsrUor/n Kunslszoir I93J-io<5 lexh cat Dusseldort Stadtmuscum, 19871, 

z II s t II L a c 

47-49, 61, Marlene Angermeyer-Deubner, "Die Kunsthalle im Drittcn Reich," in 
Stilslreil und Fuferrrfirmzi/). Kunsller und Werk m Baden 1930-1945 (cxh cat edited by 
Wilfned Rosslmg, Karlsruhe Badischer Kunstverein, 1987), 139-63, Hans-Jiirgen 
Buderer, Etllartttt Kunst Bachlagnalmtahton in dn Stadtiscben Kunslballe Minnferim (937 
(exh cat, Mannheim Stadtische Kunsthalle, 1987), Karoline Hille, "Chagall aul dem 
Handwagen Die Vorlaufer der Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst,"' in Klaus Behnken and 
Frank Wagner, eds , Inszenierung da Macbl Asffefliscfef Faszination im Fascfeismus (exh cat, 
Berlin Neue Gesellschaft fur bildende Kunst, 1987), 159-68, and Karl Bnx, "Mod- 
erne Kunst am Pranger Zur Ausstellung Kunst, die nicht aus unserer Seele kam, '" 
Karl-Morx-StadV Mmanaeb 7 ( 1988) 64-67 

5 Koch, "Kulturkampf in Karlsruhe," 102 The political character of the exhibi- 
tions was repeatedly stressed by the National Socialists themselves The Stadtarchiv 
Dortmund (StADo), for example, contains a letter of October 25, 1935, from the 
Kulturamt (Office of culture) in Dresden to the mayor of Dortmund indicating that 
Entartete Kunsl was not an art exhibition in the sense proclaimed by the president of the 
Reichskammer der bildende Kunste (Reich chamber of visual arts) on April 10, 1935, 
but a political demonstration (StADo, Best 113, Zg 29/1951, Nr 116, Bl 14) 

6 Michael Koch, "Kunstpolitik," in Otto Borst, ed , Das Driltt Rncfc in Baden und 
Wurltemberg (Stuttgart Theiss, 1988), 240 

7 One exception to this was Karlsruhe, where the works shown at the exhibition 
rZegierungskunsl t9iH-i9Ji were reintegrated into the gallery's collection when it was 
rehung, see Koch, "Kulturkampf in Karlsruhe," 119 

8 Brenner, Dif fCunsiJralililt, 41 

9 Jbrn, " unrd unsrr Rricfc," 6 

10 One of the reviewers of the Mannheim exhibition (Nrurs Miinnforimer Volksblalt, 
April 5, 1933) voiced much the same criticism "It is claimed that people's 'eyes are 
now to be opened,' and that 'the nation is to be called upon to judge for itself But 
everything possible has been done to confuse and blindfold them'" 

11 On the principles of contrasting different types of art see Hans-Ernst Mittig, 
"Miinchen, 50 Jahre nach der Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst," Kritiscbc Baricbte 16, no 2 
(1988) 78 

12 Erlangu Neuesle Nacbnchten, July 26, 1933, FrU^rr Tagblatt, July 28, 1933 

13 Eberhard Jackel, Hitlrrs Weltanschauung Entwurj emer Htrrscbaft, 3d ed , rev and 
enl (Stuttgart Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1986), 60 

14 Johannes Volmert, "Politische Rhetonk des Nationalsoziahsmus," in Konrad 
Ehlich, ed, Spraehe m Faschismus (Frankfurt Suhrkamp, 1989), 143 

15 Both Paul Ortwin Rave (KumlJikilur im Drilloi Rricfe, ed Uwe M Schneede 
[Berlin Argon, 1987], 45) and Hildegard Brenner {Die Kunstpolitik, 37-38) attributed 
a prototypical character to the Karlsruhe exhibition, which they claimed set the tone 
for all later comparable installations Their opinion has been taken over by virtually 
all subsequent writers on the subject Hille ("Chagall aul dem Handwagen," 165) 
believes that it was the preliminary exhibition in Mannheim that was the immediate 
model for the 1937 exhibition 

16 Spietlelbilder da Verfalls in dn Kunst (Images of decadence in art), the title usually 
given to the Dresden exhibition by many writers on the subject, is based on an arti- 
cle by Richard Miiller published in the Dresdner Anzeiger of September 23, 1933, and 
reprinted in Brenner, Die Kunstpolitik, 175-77 and Diether Schmidt, ed, In lelzler 
Stunde, J933-1945, vol 2 of Scbriften deutscber Kunsilfr Jrs zwanzigslen Jabrbunderts (Dresden 
VEB Verlag der Kunst, 1964), 213-14 The correct title, Entartete Kunst, appears in 
other newspaper reviews of the period, including the Dresdner Nacnncnloi, September 
22, 1933, and the Bhslriertcr BrarMchltr, December 16, 1933, 1713-15, 1742, as well as 

in artists' memoirs for example, Hans Crundig, Zunscben Karneval und Ascbermittwocb, 
14th ed (Berlin Dietz, 1986), 229, and Wilhelm Rudolph, Dresden « Holzsc/jnillr unj 
Federzeicbnungen (Leipzig Reclam, 1983), 7 

17 The Stadtarchiv Dortmund contains three files relevant to this exhibition (Best 
113, Zg 29/1951, Nr 115-116, 126) a series of press cuttings and reports on prepara- 
tions for the exhibition, with notes on various organizational matters, and two lists 

of the works exhibited The first of these is a typewritten "packing list" drawn up in 
Dresden and dispatched with the crates, the second, which differs from the first only 
in minor details, is a handwritten list compiled when the crates were unpacked tn 
Dortmund It is therefore possible to reconstruct the Dresden exhibition by compar- 
ing the corpus of works in these two lists with the list of those first exhibited in 

Dresden in 1933 {Dresdner Nacbricbltn, September 22, 1933, see Table 1) It emerges 
that the original number of oil paintings was increased from 42 to 48 for the traveling 
exhibition, while the number of sculptures was reduced from 10 to 6, and the water- 
colors and engravings from 155 ( 43 watercolors and 1 12 engravings) to a total of 40 

18 The predominantly high attendance figures were derived from the galleries' own 
statistics and from local press reports (see Table I) 

19 This is illustrated in one instance by a letter dated April 24, 1933, from the 
curator of the museum in Mannheim, Edmund Strubmg, to Alfred Hentzen, a mem- 
ber of the staff of the Berlin Nationalgalene "I should like to emphasize expressly that 
the exhibition [Kulturbolscbewistiscbt Bildcr] has been organized not only against my rec- 
ommendation and in the face of my repeated objections but without my involvement 
Full responsibility for it is to be borne by Mr Cebele von Waldstein, the commis- 
sioner assigned to the Kunsthalle" (archives of the Stadtische Kunsthalle Mannheim, 
see Hille, "Chagall auf dem Handwagen," 166 n 14) 

20 In Dresden in 1933, for example, "a series of visitors who tried to defend the 
works on view were arrested" (Fritz Loftier, Otto Dix t89f-i9«9 Oeuvre der Gemalde 
[Recklinghausen Aurel Bongers, 1981 1, 46) On the scandal that ensued in Frankfurt 
in 1936 see the Frankfurter Volksblall of September 9, 1936, and files in the Stadtarchiv 
Frankfurt am Main (Magistratsakten, Az 6022, Bd 1, Bl 258-65c) 

21 Oskar Bnefe und Tagebucber, ed Tut Schlemmer (Munich A Langen/ 
C Miiller, 1958), 308-9 

22 The leaders of the Studentenbund, Otto Andreas Schreiber and Fritz Hippler, 
organized an exhibition under the title Dmsstg deulscbe Kunstlrr (Thirty German artists) 
at the Calerie Ferdinand Moller in Berlin, opening on July 22, 1933 It contained works 
by, among others, Barlach, Lehmbruck, Macke, Nolde, Rohlfs, and Schmidt-Rottluff 
Even before it had opened, the exhibition was violently attacked by nationalist groups 
associated with Alfred Rosenberg's Kampfbund fur deutsche Kultur, and after only 
three days it was temporarily closed by the Reichsinnenmimster (Reich minister of the 
interior), Wilhelm Frick See Brenner. Die Kunstpolitik, 70-71, and Eberhard Roters, 
Galene Ferdinand Moller Die Grscfeicfetr rinrr Galeriefiii moderne Kunsl in Deulscbland 1917-1956 
(Berlin Cebruder Mann, 19841, 303 

23 Fritz Stern, "Der Nationalsoziahsmus als Versuchung," in Otfned Hofius, ed , 
Rrjlrxionoi Jinstm-r Zeit (Tubingen Mohr, 1984), 9 

24 It is particularly noteworthy that none of the major cities or cultural centers — 
Berlin, the capital of the German Reich, or Munich, the cradle of National Socialism, 
or Hamburg, the "city of trade" — organized its own Schandausstcllung The precursors 
of Entarlete Kunsl were largely provincial actions, perhaps because a museum-going 
urban populace familiar with modern art would have been too sophisticated for a 
chamber-of-horrors approach to be successful 

25 See Mario-Andreas von Luttichau's essay in this volume and his article "Entar- 
tete Kunst," in Stiificmen der iVWcnif Die bedeutenden Kurtstausstellungen des 20. Jabrbunderts m 
Deulscbland (exh cat , Berlin Berlinische Calerie, 1988), 289-98. 

26 Rave, Kumldiklalur, 145-46 

A collection of press clippings about the exhibition, including reviews, is 
preserved in Munich in the Stadtarchiv (ZA "Entartete Kunst") 

27 Georg Bussmann, "'Entartete Kunst' Blick auf einen nutzhchen Mythos," in 
Dmlscfet Kunsl im 20 Jabrbunderl Malerei und Plastik 1905-1985 (exh cat , Stuttgart 
Staatsgalerie, 1986), 109 

28 Will Grohmann, WassiJy Kandmsky, Junge Kunst, vol 42 (Leipzig Klmkhardt & 
Biermann, 1924), a copy of the book (NS inv no 16467) was displayed with others 
from the Junge Kunst series in the first room on the ground floor of Entarlete Kunsl 

29 See Peter-Klaus Schuster, "Munchen — das Verhangnis emer Kunststadt," in 
Die "Kunslsladl" Muncben 1937 Nalionalsozialismus und 'Entarlete Kunsl " (Munich Prestel, 
1987), 29-31, figs 15-16 

30 A photograph printed in Drr Fuferrr, July 25, 1937, and the Leipzig* Tagszcituttg, 
May 12, 1938, shows that this label was later removed and stuck to the upper right- 
hand corner of Schwitters's Menbdd 

31 Carl Lmfert, "Ruckblick auf entartete Kunst, " Frankfurter Zeilum), November 14, 
1937, Schuster, "Munchen," 30, and Andreas Huneke, "Funktionen der Station 'Entar- 
tete Kunst,'" in Sfafionm der Modeme, 48 

32 Linfert, "Ruckblick" 

J3 ["his information comes from in unpublished interview with Magdalen Mary 
who worked is .1 10 retarj foi Mols Schardt in tin- United States in the 1930s, tl» 
interview was conducted by I Ifriede I isi hingct and William Moritz m l-os Angeles in 
Septembei ol 1988 I am grateful to Professor Moritz bi drawing it to my attention 

34 I mini "RUckblk k 

35 lorn Merkert I Vi Auhrag Imsst ( .cgenwan in Museum der Gegtnurari Kumt 
in i>/|rnilnitoi S.immJuii.joi f>£s 1937 (exh cat, Dusseldorf Kunstsammlung Nordrhnn 
». strait n 198 B8) Id 

3c. Zentrales Staatsarchfv Potsdam iZStAl, Best 5001-743, BI 23 

37 DicTagtbikbtrom bstpb GotbbA Siimtlicbe Frngmmtt, ed Elke Frohlich (Munich 
K C Saui 1987) pi I vol I 211, see also entries for August I (221), August 20 

2M and September I, 1437 (251) 

38 The director ot the Institut lur I Vutschc Kultur und Wirtschattspropaganda, 
VCaldemai Stcincckei organized the Gnsst tmlibohcbwistixbt Aussltllmj Nttntbm) 1937 
(Great anti-Bolshevist exhibition Nuremberg 1937, fig 5), lor example It ran from 
September 5 to September 24 and was then shown in several other towns and cities, 
Including Berlin (November <>, 1937-lanuary 9, 19381 The Institut was also in charge 
of the traveling exhibition Der ru'it/r lutlt I The eternal lew, tig 61, which was taken 
over from the Rnchspropagandaleitung (venues of the exhibition Munich, November 
8, 1937-lanuary 31, 1938, Vienna, opening August 2, 1938, Berlin, November 12. 
1938-lanuary 14, 1939, Bremen, February 4-March 5, Dresden, until April 23, Mag 
dchurg Mas- 22-lunc 1 1 1 Works of art were also included among the "documentary 
material' shown at these exhibitions, see the Natiotufsoziiiustrscbe Briimtoizriluiti?, 
November 21. 1937, Rave, Kumliiikl.ifur, 122, and Joseph Wulf, Die rnWmJm Kuiislr im 
Onltm KnJ' Eim Dahmmlalim I Franklurt/Berlm/Vienna Ullstem, 1983), 317 n 2 

39 Berlin Document Center, Best Rnchskammer der bildenden Kunste, 
Personalakte Hartmut Pistauer 

40 By order oi Hitler htmselt, visitors to the Munich exhibition were admitted free 
of charge (see the dralt of a letter from Franz Hofmann to Joseph Goebbels, March 9, 
1938, ZStA, Best 5001-743, BI 36) An entrance charge was instituted at each of the 
subsequent venues, however 

41 Purely as a formality the objects included in the exhibition were insured lor 
a total oi 20,000 retchsmarks, since "the only value they have is lor instruction and 
enlightenment" l Franz Holmann, letter to Hartmut Pistauer, March 3, 1938, ZStA, 
Best 5001-743, BI 35) 

42 ZStA, Best 5001-1018, BI 29-36 

43 These comprise an incomplete list of the contents of the exhibition in the Kunst- 
museum Dusseldorf in June 1938 I Barbara Lepper, Vtrbotm. vtrjolgt: Kiiiutdiktahir m i 
Reicb (exh cat, Duisburg Wilhelm-Lehmbruck-Museum, 1983], 41-47, document 9), 
a list of the works sent back to Berlin from Salzburg in September 1938 (ZStA, 

Best 5001-743, BI 75-761, a list of works added to the Hamburg exhibition in 
November 1938 (ZStA. Best 5001-743, BI 77-801, and a list of works returned to 


nber 12, 1941 (ZStA, Best 5001-1018 

algalene, Archiv Hansen 
artete Kunst,'" 45—46 
■inth, Marc. Macke, Lehmbruck, Kollwitz 

the Reichspropagandamtnislt 
BI 29-36) 

44 Staatltche Museen zu Berlin, Na 

45 Huneke, 'Funktionen der Station En 

46 Paul Westheim, "Em Ruckzieher Co 
nicht mehr aul der Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst," originally published in the Ptimer 
Togesza'hlfuj ol March 27-28, 1938, and reprinted with explanatory notes in Tanja 
Frank, ed , Puul Wntbnm Kumlknltk jus J™ Exil i Hanau Muller 6. Kiepenhauer, 1985), 
80-83, 274-75 n 81 For Edvard Munch see Remhard Pipers letter to Ernst Barlach, 
July 28, 1937, published in Ernst Piper, NduWsozulisfische Kunslpolitik Ernst ftirUfc 
unJ Jir "Entorlele fCunst" (Frankfurt Suhrkamp, 1987), 198 

47 Inlormation about the Berlin exhibition is also provided by a detailed report 
written by Felix Hartlaub in a letter ol February 28, 1938, to his father, Gustav F 
Hartlaub, the director of the Kunsthalle Mannheim from 1923 to 1933, see Felix 
Hiriljuf. m smim flnc/oi, eds Erna Krauss and G F Hartlaub (Tubingen Rainer 
Wunderlich, 1958), 159-60 

48 Bernard Schulze, who saw the exhibitions in Berlin and Dusseldorf at the age of 
23, confirmed this assumption in an article (Frankfurter Alltfrmrinr ZriluiuJ July 4, 1987) 
and a conversation with the author on October 2, 1989 

49 rhis information came from tht i i f a contemporary witness, C arl 

Lautcrbach, published in Zr.i Ui./.i.-m lum 19 198 

so Sec Andreas I I i' - lay in this volume At the same time the Propaganda 

ministenum demanded the return ol three other works ol art, I )ix's /liljnii in Tunzmn 
Anita Brrfm and a sculpture and a relief by ( lerhard Man It! whii Ii n had lent to an 
exhibition, Eurujus SilmKiM-,im/i( ™ ( Mm I urope's battle with destiny in tli- 
held at that year's party rally in Nuremberg ZStA Best 5001-743 HI X4 86 

51 The list of works added to the exhibition lot its Hamburg venue in Novembei 
1938 is preserved in Potsdam ZStA Best SOOI743, BI 77-80) 

Information about the FJamburg exhibition is also provided in a detailed report 
written by limmy Ernst, son ot Max I rnst, in his memoirs, A Not-So-Slill Mr A Mmott 
(New York St Martin's/Marck, 1984), 94-96 The Staatsarchiv Hamburg 135 I 
l-IV 5227) contains press clippings, including reviews of the exhibition 

52 See Albrecht Diimling and Peter Girth, eds , EnUrtrir Alusit Zur Duisehfor/er 
Ausslr/Juiu; ivn 1938, Emr Ifnmmrtilirrlr /crtonslrMiflicni (Dusseldorf Kleinhcrne, 

I4HK ' and the essay by Michael Meyer in this volume 

53 Uieiuniizer TagAklt, August 27 1939 

I am grateful to Georg Bruhl, Chemnitz, lor his generous gift of an entrance 
ticket for the Chemnitz exhibition ' hg 41 1 

54 Hugo Fischer, head of the Institut fur Deutsche Kultur und Wirtschafts- 
propaganda, letter to Joseph Goebbels, December I, 1939 'Bundesarchiv Koblenz, 
R 55 IReichsministcrium fur Volksaulklarung und Propaganda!/ 3 54, BI 95-97) 

55 Unsrr Willi una 1 Wtg, 1941, no 2 I February) back cover, and no 3 (March) 26, 
28 (BA, NSD 12/31940/41 1 L/nsrr Willr una 1 Wtd was the official monthly newsletter 
of the Reichspropagandaleitung and was edited by loseph Goebbels I would like to 
thank Annette Sprengel of Magdeburg for drawing my attention to this publication 

56 Press clippings, including reviews, for the exhibition in Halle an der Saale are 
preserved in the Stadtarchive Halle/Saale (321) 


Table I 

Exhibitions of "degenerate'' art 

preceding the 1937 "Entartete Kunst" exhibition in Munich 

Note Each primary exhibition is followed by a list of 
the venues to which that exhibition traveled, whether 
in its entirety or in an altered format The primary 
exhibitions are arranged chronologically 

Mannheim, Kunsthalle 

Kulturbohcbtwistiscbc Bildir (Images of cultural 

Bolshevism I 

April 4-lune 5, 1933 

Organized by Otto Cebele von Waldstein, 

"kommissanscher Hilfsreterent" 

(acting assistant consultant! 

21)141 visitors 

Adults only 

Selected reviews 

Hakmkmizbaimtr. April 3, May 10 and 24, 1933 
Nmc Mamihtmtr Ztilitng, April 5 and 13, May 9, 1933 
Nans Mamhrimir Volksblatt, April 5, May 27, 1933 
Mambdma Tajtblatt, April 16, 1933 

Works on view comprised sixty-four oils, including 
paintings by Adler {Mutter mid Tocbter), Baumeister 
{Tiscbgisdhcbajt), Beckmann tCbnslus mi iicEhcbmham, 
among others), Chagall (Dir Prist, among others), 
Delaunay Derain, Dix, Ensor, Fuhr, Cleichmann (Dit 
Braul), Crosz {Metropolis [Blicfe in dit Grosstadl], BiHtlis 
Mix Htriminn-Nfissf), Heckel, Hoerle {Melancholic), 
Hofer, Jawlensky (Sizilumerin), Kanoldt, Kirchner, 
Kleinschmidt {Stilleben), Marc, Munch, Nolde, Pech- 
stein, Rohlfs, Schlemmer (Fr.iHoitrfp/if), and Schlichter, 
two sculptures, by Schreiner {Sitzaidts Madtbtn) and 
Archipenko (Zirn Fr.nmt), and twenty works of graphic 
art, including works by Adler, Chagall, Delaunay, 
Crosz, Kirchner, Kokoschka, El Lissitzky Masereel, 

Subsequent mints 

Nolde, Pechstein, and Rohlfs A checklist of the 
exhibition is preserved in the archives of the Stadt- 
ische Kunsthalle Mannheim 

The paintings were exhibited unlramed, and the 
names of the dealers (Cassirer, Flechtheim, and Tan- 
nenbauml and the purchase prices were noted (a 
proven method of National Socialist artistic criticism 
utilized in these exhibitions from now on) 

There was also a Musterkabinett (model gallery) 
with examples of "good" art by Mannheim-based 
artists, including Klein, Oertel, Otto, Schindler and 


Mambamtr Galtrieankauje 

(Mannheim gallery acquisitions) 
June 25-July 12, 1933 

Selected reviews 

Miincbnrr Nfiitstr Nflcbricbfnt, June 28, 1933 
Muucben-Augsburgische Abcndzcitmg, June 29, 1933 
Volkmhn Btobachtir, lune 29, 1933 

Thirty-two works from the Mannheim exhibition 
were contrasted to the paintings in a commemorative 
exhibition marking Edmund Steppes's sixtieth 

Erlangen, Orangerie (Kun 
Marmbamtr Scbreckenskammer 
! Mannheim chamber of horrors) 
July 23-August 13, 1933 

Selected reviews 

Erlmga Neueste Nacdricbtoi, July 22 and 26, 1933 

ErUmga TuibliU, luly 22 and 28, 1933 

The thirty-two paintings from the Munich venue were 
contrasted to works of unknown provenance produced 
by the mentally ill, drawings by children, and a repro- 
duction of a hiteenth-century Russian icon 

Karlsruhe, Kunsthalle 

Reqitrumlskunst (9(8-1933 (Government art 1918-1933) 

April 8-30, 1933 

Organized by Hans Adolf Biihler, artist and director of 

the Kunsthalle and Kunstakademie 

Adults only 

Selected reviews 

Dtr Fuhrcr. April 8, 1933 
Karlsruber Tagblalt, April 8, 1933 
Karlsruber Ztitutu), April 10, 1933 

The exhibition featured 18 oil paintings by Bizer 
(Rtbbtrg I Rtbyartli), Corinth (.WalcbaKaltmdxbaft, 
Bildmi Cbarlottt Btrmd-Cormth), Erbsloh (Garlm), Fuhr 
(Waldkaptllt [Kaptllt am Wasstr]), Hofer (Shllmtm 
[Gerumpil], Haustr m Btmau), Kanoldt (Slillfbot mil Gum- 
mibilum), Liebermann ( Gmusrmtrkt in Amsterdam, Ernteftld. 
Korbjlecbltr), von Marees tFamlmbild 11), Munch (Tbt 
Road to Asgdrdstrand), Purrmann (BlumrnslucH, Schlich- 
ter (Bildnis Brrtoll Brtcbl), and Slevogt (GrscWacblffrs 
Schwtin. Frucbtestillebcn), as well as 79 drawings, water- 
colors, and works of graphic art by Beckmann, Bizer, 
Campendonk, Dix, Feininger, O Fischer, R Gross- 
mann, Crosz, Heckel, Hofer, Kirchner, Kogan, 
Meidner, Nolde, E Scharff, T Schindler, Schmidt- 

Rottluff, K Stohner, artists from the Karlsruhe artists' 
group known as "Rih," and teachers dismissed from 
the Kunstakademie, including Hubbuch 

Purchase prices were listed, as were the names 
of the ministers of education and the arts who were in 
office when the purchases were made 

There was an "Erotisches Kabmett" (gallery 
of erotica) of drawings by students from the 

Also exhibited were a list and photographs of 
art — mostly second-rate old master and nineteenth- 
century paintings that had been kept in storage — that 
had been sold by previous museum directors to raise 
funds for the purchase of modern art 

Nun mberg StSdttschc ». aleric 

I mma I hambt i ol horron 
April 17 May MS 1933 
< Irganlzed b) I mil Stahl artist and 
at ting din 

IQOOO visitors 

Selected n 

Acbl III" Blatl Vpril H snd 18 1933 
NftwknjKi Zriliuuj April is snd 19 1933 
Miindmn Nfrutsb Nacfericfefm Vpril EQ r 

I Ik i in luded palm l-Coi Inth 

Dh Boxer] Bimstengel Bo • i In 

■ ■■■ , ;: rto I lobrowsky FeltxmUlli i 

- rossmann Heckroti H ■■ I. I '■ 

H..L- Kamps Neumann Pascin Purrmann Rbslei 

■ Wferrl Einstein SchmkJl Rottlufl 
Schreinei Slevogi Do HUncftcnj and Winklci 
Pun fuse pri( es were listed 

v hemnitz Stadtisches Museum 
rCmul ditnicbtautwnmrSttkkam 
Art thai did not issue from oui soul 
M,n it kine 1933 
Organized by Wilhelm Rudigei acting direct 

Selected reviews 

Cbcmitiiza ImcblMt May 13 is and :i 1933 

Cbrmnitzti Tadcszrituna May 2* 1933 

I he exhibition Irx luded i<> paintings by W Arnold 
KiWn voi Jrm fmstti Heckel lUWr [triptych]), 
Kin I"k i rVbimztmmn St&bttbildnh Wish K'ul> I 
Kokoschka I SflfrstfriMmJ mrt ptJtmizIfii Ann« Nolde 
( bmlus i« BrtbiNKM Ambtrkopj ■■ IV. listen Frown am 
Mttr), W Rudolph K'«/. und K',jlkl.n-i Schmidt Rottlufl 
(LhuJscIm/i I'm Hrrfcsl DrrfcrdHb /mh# BiMnis Lyond 
Ffmmdfl Al.imtrr bfi Krrze and Segall (/« Ate/irr), 
* small si. .ilc sculptures; 120 prints by various artists 

including Bcckmann, Dix (from Do '' 

Cro Heckel.1 ■ Hri/^r wm nmrrrii 

J i. i'i Mauri Schlemmei [Kopj m Profit mit sebuxtrzet 

h hmidi Rottlufl approximately 21 
and Schrcyer and drawings and m 
Feininger Turn in Irrpiow Kandinsl ■ 
.in.! otht i ■ 

Purchase prices were listed 

Stuttgart Kronprinzenpalats ( iraphischc Sammlun 
der Wurttembergist hen Staatsgalei ie 
No o tBtbenjt b l KmhsI i«i Dirnsh drr Zcrsozun^ 
Novi mbei spirit Art in the service "' subversion) 
lune 10— c :i 1933 

Organized by Count Klaus von Haudissin senior 
Adults only 

Selected reviews 

NS-Kuner, June 13, 1933 
SdfauVscfer Mcrfcur lune 14. 1933 
WtirUmbtrgiicba Staahanzdgcr, lune 22, 1933 

The exhibition included one painting [Kleinschmidt's 
Ducfl im NorJ-Gi/n, graphic art by Beckmann, Dix 
(from Do Krit,) lor example i relixmuller, Crosz 
i including the portfolios im Schatten and AbrtcbnunQ 
folit' Meidner, Schwitters, and others, reproductions 
ol paintings by Dix, Grosz, and Meidner from books 
ol the lunge Kunst series, the pamphlet Am alle Kiinsller, 
Expressionist journals Uhe Aktion, Der Sturm I, posters, 
photographs, and newspaper cuttings, and loans from 
the Weltsknegsbucherei (World war library), among 
other lenders 

Sur»srijMr»I i 

Bielefeld, Stadtisches Museum, Ceschichtliche 


NoivmberQml Kunst im Diemte der Zersetzuntj 

I November spirit Art in the service of subversion) 

August 20-c September 18, 1933 

Not open to minors or to members of the 

general public 

Selected reviews 

WfctfflliscJw Neuestt Nacbr ichtm, August 18 and 22, 1933 

WestjaUche Zeitung, August 18 and 22, 1933 

This exhibition was a reduced version of that in Stutt- 
gart, the works that had been loaned to Stuttgart bv 
the Weltsknegsbucherei were not shown in Bielefeld 
but were replaced by work by Archipenko 

The exhibition was described as a Scbuluttjfs- 
ausstellung (educational exhibition) and was open only 
to teachers, doctors, clergymen, judges, and NSDAP 

Dessau, two display windows in the offices of the 

Anbaltiscbt Tatfeszatung 

July 1933 

( Organized by W.lhetm F Loeper, NSDAP district 


Selected reviews 

Anhalter Anzeujer, July II 1933 i background 


The exhibition featured works by Bauhaus artists 
owned by the municipal authorities and including 
feininger, Kandinsky Klee, Muche, and Schiemmt 
Purchase prices were listed 

Ulm Stadtisches Museum, Moderne Calene 
and Kupferstichkabinett 
Zehn labn Wmer Kunstpolitik 
Ten years of arts policy in Ulm) 
August 4-c September 8, 1933 

Selected reviews 

Ulmfr Slurm, August 3, 1933 

Ulmer Tadblatt, August 9 i letter from a reader i 

port of the exhibition i and 17 1933 

On view were paintings and graphic works by 
Delacroix (oil sketch for Dante and Virgil), Dix, 
Faistauer (Gardone di sopra), Grosz, (Marsfillrs), Haller, 
Hofer (Kartevspieler, Trunkenei, Jawlensky, Kokoschka 
(Grn/rr S«), Laurencin (Portrait oj a Girl), Liebermann, 
Meunier, Munch, Nolde (Johannes der Taujtr), Pellegrini 
Picasso, Renoir, Serusier (Breton Farmhouse), Sisley [Seim 
Landscape), Vlaminck (The Oisr at Autvrs), and others 

Purchase prices and names of dealers (Abels, 
Flechtheim, Goldschmidt, Thannhauser) were listed 

Also included was a portrait by Gustav Essig 
of Emil Schwammberger, mayor of Ulm during the 
Weimar Republic, who had protected and supported 
the museum's Jewish director, Julius Baum, in his 
purchases of modern art 

Z U s ( HI tC 

Dresden, courtyard of the Neues Rathaus 
Etttartiti Kunst (Degenerate art) 
September 23-October 18, 1933 
Organized by Richard Muller, artist and director of 
the kunstakademie, Willy Waldapfel. artist and coun- 
cilman, and Walter Casch, official art commissioner 
of Dresden 
Minors admitted only as members of guided tours 

Selected reviews 

Dmdntr Nachncbtm, September 22, 1933 

Drtsdner Anztiger, September 23, 1933 

Hliulrirrtrr Biobachler, December 16, 1933, 1713-15, 1742 

The exhibition included 42 oil paintings by among 
others, Campendonk {Badendt}, Cassel { Mannlicbes 
BiUim), Dix iKritpkrUppil, Drr Scbulzengrabrn), 
Feinmger I Drr KircrK .ion Clmtroda), Felixmuller (Bildms 
Olio Ruble, ScbSHhiit, Silbslbildms), Criebel (Madcben in 
hmdscbaft), Crosz (AtSmlrurrr), Crundig, Hebert 
(SrlbsAiUms), Heckel (S.tzoiJrr Mann], Heckrott 
liWrr), Hofer, Jacob (Knab, mil Apjtl, Traum), Kan- 
dinsky Kirchner iStrassrnsznit), Klee (Urn dm Fiscfc), 
Kokoschka I Drr HriJoil, Lange (Slilirbrn mil roltr F\gur, 
Tscbum ilV Kiifzrn/rnW), Luthy {Madonna), Mitschke- 
Collande, Mueller iBadmde), Nolde {Frautnkopj, Garten- 
bild, Madcben m Garten), Pechstein, Rudolph (Rynilami- 
scbajl, Vfirlsstufcr um Millmiacbl), Schmidt-Rottlutt 
{Fraumbildms), Otto Schubert {Freud mi hid), Schwit- 
ters (MrrzfciH, Rmgbdd), Segall (Dit ra.ii/m Wandtm), 

and Skade, 10 sculptures by Hoffmann {Adam und Eva, 
Madcbm mil blauem Haar), Ludecke, Marcks, Maskos 
IMulIrr und Kind), and Vol I, 43 watercolors and 112 
works of graphic art by Dix (Latidxbafi mil utttergeboiaei 
Sonne, Drr Slretcbbolzbamller), Felixmuller, Crosz, 
Heckel, Hofer, Hoffmann, Jacob, Kokoschka (Mix 
RmilWt, Tillfl Diinrux), Kretzschmar (Drr Tod da 
Scferrtars), Lange, Ludecke, Modersohn-Becker, Nolde, 
Rudolph, Schmidt-Rottluff, O Schubert, Segall, Vol I. 
and others 

Purchase prices were listed 
The Staatliches Filmarchiv in Potsdam- 
Babelsberg has in its collection about ten minutes of 
footage of this exhibition 

Subso/iifiil i 

Hagen, Stadtisches Museum 
Kumt zu'rirr Welten (Art of two worlds! 
Opened February II, 1934 
14,520 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Haaentr Zoluni), February 10 and 12, 1934 

Wtstfaliscbt Laniazatmg — Roll Erdi, February 12, 1934 

Ufelifrulscbr VoWtszalmg, February 13 and 14, 1934 

A selection of works from the Dresden Eiil.irlrlr fCiwsl 
exhibition was contrasted to earlier German, Dutch, 
Flemish, and Italian artists, including Graff, Chodo- 
wiecki, Rembrandt, and Rubens, and to acceptable 
examples of twentieth-century German art 

4ucMcglfWin£ .-■ 

Ottytui otmlO-tfilf -20 Ulir/lftnUiHspt ei's O.IOmitll 

Figure 84 

Poster for EnUutete Kunst, Dortmund, 1935 

Figure 85 

Poster for Entartete Kumt, Munich, 1936 

Nuremberg, Stadtische Calene 
Entartete Kunst | Degenerate art) 
Organized bv Emil Stahl, director 
September 7-21, 1935 
12,706 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Franker Kunrr, September 7, 1935 
Numberger Zeitung, September 7-8, 1935 
Volktscber Beobadler, September 10, 1935 

A selection of works from the Dresden Entartete Kunst 
exhibition was shown in Nuremberg on the occasion 
of the 1935 NSDAP rally, to it were added local works 
such as Dix's fiildms der Tanztrin Amta Berber, already 
held up to ridicule in the 1933 Scbreckenskammer exhibi- 
tion in Nuremberg (see above) 

The Stadtische Galene also organized an anti- 
Semitic exhibition, Drr Judensf>iegel (The mirror of the 
Jews), to coincide with this Entartete Kunst exhibition 

Dortmund, Haus der Kunst 

Entartete Kunst (Degenerate art) 

November 1 l-December 8, 1935 

Organized by the city of Dortmund and the leaders of 

the local NSDAP 

Adults only 

21,668 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Dorlmunder Zeitung, November 12 and 27, 1935 

Tremoma, November 12, 1935 

WestjaWbe Landeszettung— Rote Erde, November 12 and 

26, 1935 

The exhibition contained forty-eight oil paintings, six 
sculptures, and forty watercolors and works of graphic 
art, which were compared to paintings and reproduc- 
tions of works by Caspar David Friedrich, Kobell, 
Leibl {Dorjpotitiker, Frauen m der Kirche), von Marees 
{Ruderer), Thoma, and others, a portrait of Hitler, and 
a Merzgedicht (Merz poem! by Schwitters Checklists 
of the exhibition are preserved in the Stadtarchiv 
Dortmund (see note 17) 

Regensburg, Kunst- und Cewerbeverein 

Entartete Kunst (Degenerate art) 

January 12-26, 1936 

Organized by the Kunst- und Gewerbeverem 


Selected reviews 

Bayenscbe Ostmark, January 16 and 18-19, 1936 

identical to that in D> 

Munich, Alte Polizeidirektion, Weisser Saal 

£nl<irfftr Kunst (Degenerate art) 

March 4-31, 1936 

Organized by the regional headquarters of the Propa- 

gandaministenum tor Upper Bavaria, Kraft durch 

Freude, and the NS-Kulturgemeinde 

Selected reviews 

Munchner Zeitung, March 4, 6, and 24, 1936 
Neues Muncbner Tagblatt, March 4, 1936 
Muncbner Neueste Nacbncbten, March 5, 1936 
Dte Deutscbe Bubne, April 1936, 6-7 

; identical to that in Dortmund 

Ingolstadl Ncucs Schloss kunstvcrcint 
I nlarttti fCunsI I Icgeneratc arl 

May I Int.. I 1936 

Selet ted reviews 

[ngohUila TagblaU April !0 May S 1936 
Donaulwli May 20 and 10 1936 
Dmlsdm Kmu&trkbl no 6 lura 1936 

The exhibition was to thai in Dortmund 

Darmstadt, Kunsthalle (Kunsrvereln) 

ftiiitriftf b mi.i I legi neratt ai I 
Opened lune 20 Nit. 

Selected reviews 

DarmUlila Wochmscbau, no 24, lune 2, 1936, 1-4 

DamsUdta TadMatt, lune 21 and 23, 1936 

The organizer, added works by proscril 
artists to tile I >ortmund exhibition 

Frankfurt am Main, Volksbildungsheim 

hitjtklr kirns! ' I >< >■' ii' I ,ltc .ii I 

September 1-30, 1936 

Organized bv Krah durch Freude and the I Ian 

Thoma < lesellschafl 

Selected reviews 
Nalimalblatt, August 30, 1936 
Frankfurter Volkshklt, September 9, 1936 
Frankfurter Zrttuna, September 9, 1936 
Frankfurter Wocbenvbau, 1936, no 36, 10-11 

On view were the works from the Dortmund exhibi- 
tion and contrasting examples of "German" art by 
1 1 A Buhler, Thoma, Scholderer and others 

Breslau Won Liu Schlcsisches Museum de 

bildenden Kunste 

Kunsi Jrr Gtntaricbtung lom-fm i Intellectual ; 


Opened December 17, 1933 

Organized by Wolf Marx, acting director 

Selected reviews 

Scfclrsrscbr Zeilung, December 5 and 16, 1933 

ScMniscrw /llustritTlf Zritun?, 1934, no 2, 2-3 




bibition included fourteen oil pain 
ing works by Adler [Mamm/BitM l)i* I 
(,™trlurm) Crosz (Drr neue MmscM, Kokoschka, 
Meidner (Srltsiporfrat), Oskar Moll i Bin It Jurck Fntiltr 
Waldaimert), Molzahn (ZwAlingc), Mueller (£sd mil 
Kind), Pechstein {Ebtpaar auj Palm), and Schlemmer 
[Drei Frauen), three sculptures, including two works ir 
brass by Margarete Moll \Madcbmkopj, WeibWbt Fufir 
\Tanzerm ]), and sixty watercolors, drawings, and 
graphic works by Campendonk, Dix iErmnerung an 
Spitgelsalt mn Brunei, Knysiriiji/irli, Feminger, Oskar 
Fischer lftriloi(frs Piiiirl, Crosz iDa donntrn sir 

Vmcbitdnt Vor gauge), Hoetger Kandinsky Irom the 
Klrinr Wfllre portfolio), Kirchncr, Klee iDir Hciligt com 
mneren Lett), Lcger I Woman Reading,. Oskar Moll 
Pechstein, Schlemmer, Schmidt-Rottluff lLirf>n(>u<ir, 
PropbrliM, StnJsrfinsw/.iMrrmj, Wusten iTrauund and 
others, and a prose poem by Kandinsky from Kl.ritJr 
Purchase prices were listed 

Halle an der Saale, Museum Montzburg 
SdirtckrmlwmirK'r (Chamber of horrors) 
November 27 1935-c July 25, 1937 
Organized by Hermann Schiebel, acting director 

Selected reviews 

M/ttddnlscrX iViilioiMlzritun.j, November 27, 1935 

The Ha 


omething of an exception, 
since it was not a temporary exhibition but a perma- 
nent installation of the gallery's own modern art 
collection, including sculptures and oil paintings by 
Feininger, Ktrchner, Kokoschka, Marc, and Nolde and 
watercolors by Kandinsky 

The general public was admitted upon payment 
of a special fee, beginning on October 18, 1936, they 
were also required to enter their names in a visitors' 
book (preserved in the Staatliche Calerie Montzburg 
Halle) Between that date and July 25, 1937 445 visi- 
tors entered their names and addresses in the book 

Dessau, Anhaltischc Cemaldegalene 
Entartete Kunst (Degenerate art 
September 19-October 3, 1937 
Over 5,000 visitors by October I. 1937 

Selected reviews 

Anhallrr Anzciger, September 20, October 2-3, 1937 

Drr MiltfUnilscrK, September 21, 1937 

DnitHrir Allilmeine Znluna, September 22, 1937 

Ffiinlt/urifr Zeituna September 22, 1937 

Kolkisclirr Brofiacrjrrr, September 25, 1937 

To commemorate the tenth anniversary of its founding 
the Anhaltische Cemaldegalene mounted two exhi- 
bitions Neuerverbungm drr Arrrulfmbm Gemaldegalene 
au\ funf Jabrbumlertm I Recent acquisitions from five 
centuries by the Anhaltische Cemaldegalene) and 
Entartttt Kunst For the latter, the works of the Bauhaus 
artists that had been exhibited in July of 1933 (see 
above) were put on view again and supplemented by 
portfolios of drawings and engravings by Bauhaus art 
ists and paintings by Crosz, lawlensky and Schmidt- 

Purchase prices were listed 


Table 2 

Venues of the 

Entartete Kunst exhibition, 1937-1941 

Munich, Archaologisches Institul 

, Hofgarte 

n arcades, 

Calenestrasse 4, rooms housing 

the plaster 



July 19-November 30, 1937 (extended) 

2,009,899 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Muncbner Ntunle Nacbricbten, July 

20, Augusl 

20, 1937 

Dfulscfct Mlgmtmt Zniung, July 25 


Drr Fiikm, luly 25, 1937 

Frankfurter Ztitung, November !4, 


[The only known extant newsreel footage of the exhi* 
bition, taken at the Munich venue, has been located 
in the Library of Congress, Washington, DC (lulien 
Bryan Collection, uncatalogued film footage) — SB] 

Poster for fnl.irlrlt Kulfst, Berlin, 1938 

Berlin, Haus der Kunst, Konigsplatz 4 
February 26-May 8, 1938 (extended) 
500,000 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Fr.tnfc/urtfr Zrifu»4, February 25 and 27 1938 
Drr An^r.f, February 26, March I and 10, 1938 
Volkisr/irr Brobacbler (Berlin edition), February 26 
and 27, 1938 

Leipzig, Crassi-Museum 
May I3-June 6, 1938 
60,000 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Ltipzigtr Nrunle Nacbmblm, May 14, 1938 

Lnpzigrr Tageatitmj), May 14, 1938 

Dusseldort, Kunstpalast, Ehrenhof 5 
June 18-August 7, 1938 (extended) 
150.000 > 

Selected reviews 

DussrUor/tr Nacbmblm. June 18, 1938 

Rkjmsck Lliidnznluiu) — Roll Eric, lur 

Salzburg, Festspielhaus 

September 4-October 2, 1938 (extended) 

40,000 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Sailburgtr Larrdnltiiung , September 5 and 6, 1938 

Salzburgn Volkblatt, September 5 and 6, 1938 

Hamburg, Schulausstellungsgebaude, Spitalerstrasse 6 
November 1 1-December 30, 1938 
136,000 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Hamburger Anzngtr, November II, 1938 

Hamburga Frrmimblall, November II, 1938 (fig 78) 

Hamburger Tagrblatl—Wacbtmcbau, November 13, 1938 

Figure 88 

Poster for EntmteU Kunst, Chemnitz, 1939, 
lithograph, 473 x 33 cm (18% x 13 in ),- Textil- 
und Kunstgewerbesammlung Chemnitz 

Figure 87 

Poster for Entartete Kunst, Leipzig, 1938, lithograph, 

59 x 84 cm (23% x 33'A in ), Museum fur Gestaltung, 



Figure 89 

Poster by Rudolf Hermann for Enlartttt KuhsI, Hamburg, 

1938, lithograph. 1173 x 82 3 cm (46'A x 32V. in I, The 

Robert Gore Rifkind Collection, Beverly Hills, 


; a : | 'Jiusl'lcUunfl 

\Z'Jl „(Sntattett gunjl" 

I ; ■ i ■• I SbettmiB. Simlmamriltlj. Serftmbotw 
;g|J Ml. Bnanlt bis le. 6wlemter 193S 

I i s I | 93oroerfaufsIarte 

I 5 I « RM. 0,35 

Figure 91 

Ticket for Enfjrlrlr KumsI, Chemnitz, 1939, Chnstoph 

Zuschlag, Heidelberg 

ftollt ' 5.-20. Rprtl 1941 II til OolhliilltlinnOt IDflllnir plot 

Stettin Szi ■•" i" I -I'" 1,,1-. ii Fcbnui 

Selected n 

Slrllinrr Cfllfl 

Zatung lanuar) 10. II h 17 24, and 28 

\V< iin.n I andesmuseum 
March 23 V"l 

A/ljonfiMf Thunntlmht LwJnZnluntl /VruluM.iwJ 

Mar li 13 ind 'i 1939 

71'ufin.jrr Gauziilmg March 23 and M 

Vienna, Kunsllcrhaus 
May '• Iuik 18 1939 
i 000 visitors 

Selected reviews 

Vdlttiicba Baktubta Vk nna edition Maj 

lune 12 1939 

(lluslrifrif Krmm-Zrilunj, Ma) 

viHs-Zniww May i 

Nmfs Wmim TagUall Ma} 

Kunsl .Jon Volk, May 1939, 36 

DttPdKSt lune 1939 '> S -'' H K<; (figs B0 81 

Frankfurt am Main kunst.iiisstrllungshaus 
Bockcnheimcr Landstrasse 8 
June 30-luly 30 1939 
40111 in visitors as of luly 22 

Selected reviews 

Fraxt/urlrr villtsWall, July I and 23, 1939 

Rhm-Afamisck Sotmlagi-Zahmg luly 9 l" 1 '' >v «< 

Chemnitz, kaufmannisches Vereinshaus. Montzstrasse I 
August ll-September 10. 1939 i closed on August 2d 

Selected reviews 

Cbonmtzrr Nrufitf Nacbricblm, August 10, 1939 

Cfemimrzn TagMatt, August II, 1939 

Waldenburg iWalbrzychi, Silesia, Cebaude der 
Kreisleitung de NSDAR AdolfHitler-Aue 
January I8-Februarv 2 1941 

Selected reviews 

Mittrlscfebsisdx GrriirijsirifuN.;, lanuary 15, 16, 17. 20. 26. 

29, 1941 

Neun Tagbtatt, lanuary 16, 18-19, 20, 31, 1941 

Halle an der Saale, Landesanstalt fur Volkhcitskunde, 
Wettiner Platz 
April 5-20, 1941 

Selected reviews 

Wf-Znlum), April 4 and 5-6, 1941 

Hflltisck Nadvfcfai, April 7 and 8, 1941 

Figure 90 

Poster for Enldrtrir Kunst. Halle 1941 


Figure 92 

Gallery in the Kronprinzen-Palais, Nationalgalene, Berlin, 1930, work later in 
Entarltle Kims! 1. Baumeister, Dm Montmrr, 2. Schlemmer, Konzrolmcbf Gmppc, 
3. Metzmger, Im Kanu, 4. Belling, Dmkhmg, 5. Belling, Kopf 


The Fight for Modern Art 

The Berlin Nationalgalerie after 1933 

Even before 1433, German museum directors 
who wanted to buy and exhibit works of 
modern art not only had to have an intuitive 
feel for quality they also had to have the 
courage to persevere in battle with the 
opponents of modern art,' opponents who were eloquent, influential, 
and often very powerful, none more so than Adolf Hitler, a man 
aggressively and radically obsessed with the desire to destroy a 
whole artistic movement In the twelve years during which he and 
his followers wielded power, innumerable works of art from national 
and municipal collections were removed, sold, exchanged, or 
destroyed on the grounds that they were "Jewish" or "degenerate" or 
the "products of cultural Bolshevism " Not even the most pessimistic 
observers could have predicted the devastation that lay ahead, but 
the approaching danger was nonetheless perceived as real As a 
result, the activities of the Berlin Nationalgalerie after 1933 were 
concentrated, at least in part, on attempts to protect the Neue 
Abteilung, the modern art collection housed in the former 
Kronpnnzen-Palais, from attack and interference and to prevent this 
department from being closed altogether 5 Although it gradually 
became clear that it was an act of resistance against a superior enemy 
force, the fight was sustained to the end, with even occasional 
victories i 

The Neue Abteilung was only one of several departments of 
the Nationalgalerie 4 It had begun to assume a distinctive profile 
after 1919, when the Kronpnnzen-Palais became available after the 
removal of the imperial family The contents and appearance of the 
collection changed repeatedly in the following years, depending on 
acquisitions and loans, so that gradually it became possible to offer 
visitors an overall survey of more recent developments in art (figs 
92, 104-5) 5 This was a result of the combined efforts of Ludwig 
Justi, director of the Nationalgalerie since 1909, and his assistants 
Alfred Hentzen, Walter Kaesbach, Anni Paul-Pescatore, Paul Ortwin 
Rave, Alois Schardt, and Ludwig Thormaehlen 

Early in 1933 an extensive restructuring of the gallery was 
completed " The chronological divisions were altered for example, 
works by the French Impressionists and German Impressionist Max 
Liebermann were returned to the main building and integrated 
with nineteenth-century works Other artists, including Vincent 

Figure 93 

Oskar Schlemmcr, Konzmlnscbt Gruppi (Concentric group), 1925, oil on canvas, 
975 x 62 cm (38% x 24% in ), Staatsgalerie Stuttgart Entartttt Kunil, Room Cl, 
NS inventory no 16176 

Figure 94 

View of the Beckmann gallery in the Kronprinz 

Palais, 1933, work later in Bltartetl 1 Paris 


van Gogh, Ferdinand Hodler, and Edvard Munch, regarded as the 
"fathers of modern art," remained in the Kronpnnzen-Palais, and 
their work was seen first by the visitors as they entered the exhi- 
bition rooms on the first (ground) floor Other foreign artists 
represented in the Neue Abteilung included Georges Braque, Juan 
Gris, Aristide Maillol, Henri Matisse, Pablo Picasso, and a number 
of Italians, such as Carlo Carra, Giorgio de Chirico, Amedeo 
Modigliani, Gino Severini, and Mario Tozzi, whose works had 
recently been acquired through a series of exchanges The second- 
floor rooms contained works by more recent German artists, such 
as the members of the Berlin Sezession, with a room each for Lovis 
Corinth and Max Slevogt, while the third floor featured an impres- 
sive series of major works by avant-garde artists including Ernst 
Barlach, Max Beckmann, Rudolf Belling, Otto Dix, Lyonel Feinmger, 
Erich Heckel, Karl Hofer, Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Paul Klee, 
Wilhelm Lehmbruck, August Macke, Franz Marc, Ewald Matare, 
Emil Nolde, Max Pechstein, Christian Rohlfs, and Karl Schmidt- 
Rottluff (figs 94, 96-99, 101) 7 

The reopening of the Kronpnnzen-Palais in February 1933 
occurred at a particularly critical time Germany was in a state of 
radical upheaval as the National Socialists sought to consolidate their 
power, and the gallery immediately found itself in the line of fire 
The target was no longer the work of individual artists nor the com- 
mitment of a handful of art lovers, but the artists' continuing right to 
express themselves The violence of the attack and the unfair means 
employed were clearly revealed in the libelous and spiteful tone that 
underlay the criticisms of Justi's plan for the Nationalgalerie and of 
his work at the gallery as a whole As early as the summer of 1932 a 
National Socialist member of the Prussian parliament, Dr M Lopel- 
mann, had entered the fray with a series of newspaper articles 
published under the title, "Der Hexenschlaf der deutschen Kunst" 
(The enchanted sleep of German art), which were directed against 

a number of leading employees at the Staatliche Museen (State 
museums) in Berlin, including lusti himself" A recently founded 
(and legally registered) society calling itself the Kunstklub (Arts 
club) also put in an aggressive appearance, organizing an evening 
discussion in January 1933 at which Adolf Behne, Paul Westheim, and 
others accused Justi of a policy toward his museum that was "not 
international, but Germanophile " 9 A third criticism, and especially 
the correspondence that resulted from it, revealed how dangerous 
the sworn enemies of the Nationalgalerie had become Robert 
Scholz, at that time still arts correspondent for the Steglitzer Anzeiger 
and Deutsche Tageszeitunt), accused lusti of "courting every fashion", 
the Nationalgalerie, he claimed, lacked "a true center" When Thor- 
maehlen subsequently described Scholz as an opportunist, Scholz 
denounced lusti and Thormaehlen to the Prussian Kultusministerium 
(Ministry of education) and demanded a "purge" at the National- 
galerie To his indignation he was informed that both the minister, 
Bernhard Rust, and the political commissioner, Hans Hinkel, con- 
sidered "any interference by unauthorized persons in unresolved 
questions of artistic policy" to be "undesirable " l0 In spite of this 
"wait-and-see" policy on the part of the responsible ministry the 
malicious campaign against lusti and others continued in secret 
On March 19 an article signed only "R WH" appeared in the 
N)ederhimit2er Neueste Nachrichien under the title, "Die Juden in den 
staatlichen Bildergalerien" (The Jews in the state picture galleries) 
It was a mediocre piece of writing, but its anti-Semitic and defama- 
tory tone fit so well into the program of the new powers-that-be that 
it was reprinted by several other periodicals, including Deutsche 
Kultur-Wacht " 

Racial hatred, factional hostilities, "cleaning-up operations," 
and Gleichschaltung (coordination) became the order of the day even 
in the small circle of employees at the Nationalgalerie Immediately 
after the article by RW H had appeared in print, a group of gal- 
lery attendants at the Kronprinzen-Palais — history records that 

Figure 95 

Max Beckmann, Panscr Fastnacbl (Parisian carnival), 1930, oil on canvas, 
214 5 x 100 5 cm (84 'h x 39% in ), Staatsgalene moderner Kunst, Munich 
EnlarMt Kunst, Room 3, NS inventory no 16002 

their names were Ciba, Dunkels, I r 1 1 .- I loflii h Si hrodei I hiei 

mann, Ulnch, and Weiss — complained that they were fori ed to 
work in the same room as paintings by "Jewish artists" or "ol lewish 
provenance " They submitted a petition to the local NSI )AP 
(Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, National Socialist 
( ,i i man workers party) headquarters demanding that lusti and his 
chief clerk, Perlwitz, be removed from office on the grounds that 
they had "encouraged lewish Marxist dealings " In this case lusti was 
able to prove his accusers guilty of slander and punish them with a 
reprimand '- What finally decided the future course of events was 
Hitlers "highly significant meeting" with a "delegation of leading art- 
ists" on June 13, 1933 Hitler "decided that the KronprinzenPalais 
should be purged in the sense outlined in his program, but that the 
works it contained should not be destroyed but preserved as docu- 
ments of a somber chapter in German history"" 

How deceptive, then, were the hopes aroused by a student 
demonstration at Friedrich-Wilhelm University in Berlin on |une 29, 
when student speakers decried "reactionaryism in art" and pro- 
claimed their support for the art of Barlach, Heckel, Nolde, and 
Schmidt-Rottluff This event appears to have convinced the Nazi 
authorities that it was now time to introduce draconian measures to 
carry out their policy Alfred Rosenberg, the leading Nazi ideologue 
and founder of the Kampfbund fur deutsche Kultur (Combat league 
for German culture), organized a counterdemonstration, u the 
Reichsinnenminister (Minister of the interior), Wilhelm Frick, 
refused permission for an exhibition prepared by the National- 
sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund (National Socialist league 
of German students), the group that had organized the demonstra- 
tion, to open at the Galerie Ferdinand Moller in Berlin, 15 and Rust, 
now minister of education for the entire Reich, telephoned Thor- 
maehlen at the Nationalgalerie to announce that its director was to 
be "sent on indefinite leave, effective immediately" Schardt, at that 
time the director of the Stadtisches Museum fur Kunst und Gewerbe 
in Halle an der Saale, was appointed to replace him '" 

By removing the widely attacked lusti from his exposed position 
and appointing Schardt, the ministry hoped at least to save the art 
collection, for essentially Schardt was just as committed a supporter 
of modern art as Justi had been Schardt had earlier worked under 
Justi at the KronprinzenPalais as a temporary assistant during the 
early 1920s, when he had helped to organize a 1923 exhibition of 
Klee's work In Halle, Schardt had continued to build the collection 
started by Max Sauerlandt, adding works by Feininger, Klee, and 
Nolde He had defended lusti at the Kunstklub debate, although he 
criticized lusti's "division and evaluation according to naturalistic, 
historical principles" as being out-of-date It was Schardt's view that 
the "new age" demanded "clear and unambiguous statements, pro- 
ceeding from characterful philosophical insights " He believed there 
were three basic trends in art that had run parallel throughout the 

Figure 96 

View of the gallery in the Kronprinzen-Palais containing works by Marc and 
Lehmbruck, 1933, work later in Etilarlclr Kunst 1. Lehmbruck, Grossr Kmmdi, 
2. Marc, Turn. Jrr blauen PjtrJc 

Figures 97-98 

Two views of the gallery in the Kronprinzen-Palais devoted to the work of Nolde, 

1933, work later in Enlmlrlt Kunst 1. Cbristus und die Smitrm, 2 Maskm IV 

millennia and which he termed classicists naturalistic and roman 
tic (modern Expressionism belonged to the latter). 1 Schardt 
presented his program "Was isl deutst he Kunst?" What is German 
.in .a .1 meeting held at the Staatliche Kunstbibliothek st.m an 
lihrar\- h was regarded by manv listeners .is sensationalist and ol 
possible assistance to those who wen- bent on attacking I xprcssionist 
ai I " Schardt was Forced to refuse the many invitations he received 
to repeat the lecture since the Kultusminister < Minister of educa- 
tion) had now intervened Forbidding him to make "any written or 
verbal statement in public until Further notice" 1 '' 

It was an unfortunate beginning Nor was it the only order with 
which Schardt had to comply On lusti's desk he found a copy of the 
"draft declaration" with its notorious paragraph from the Cesetz zur 
Wiederherstellung des Rcrutsbeamtentums (Professional civil service 
restoration act 1 ol April 7 1933, M which an employee had to sign in 
order to prove his or her Aryan pedigree The politicization of life 
had begun Schardt had to ensure that "National Socialist ideas 
were disseminated among the civil service" and that every employee 
listened to the Prussian prime minister's speech in the Landtag 
(Provincial assembly) and read Hitler's Mem KampJ?' He was also 
required to ensure that "positions in the public service that are free 
or likely to become free are filled by members of the National- 
sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei,"" and, finally he had to 
specify the number of employees on the museum's payroll, since 
plans were being made to build "air-raid shelters in government- 
owned buildings :l — preparations were already being made for war, 
and it was only 1933 

And what happened to the modern art in the Nationalgalerie^ 
Schardt planned a complete reorganization of all its nineteenth- 
and twentieth-century holdings He began by closing almost every 
building In the Kronpnnzen-Palais no expense was spared, as the 
exhibition rooms were painted using a process tested in Halle, tours 
of inspection were made all over Germany to gather information 
about new artistic trends, and loans were brought in from artists' 
studios and other museums By means of all these efforts Schardt 
planned to satisfy the highest qualitative demands :4 To preempt any 
attacks from anti-Semitic quarters he had "genealogical lists" drawn 
up, setting out the impeccable pedigree of artists such as Barlach, 
Feininger, Klee, and Marc 25 Early in November, however, Rust vis- 
ited the Kronprinzen-Palais, declined to give his permission for the 
gallery to be reopened, and dismissed Schardt, as he had dismissed 
Justi, with twenty-four hours' notice 3 '' Eberhard Hanfstaengl was 
immediately summoned from Munich and appointed the new direc- 
tor As head of the Stadtische Kunstsammlungen in Munich, 
Hanfstaengl had not yet made his presence felt in the Held of modern 
art, and no doubt he came with excellent references thanks to the 
fact that he was a cousin of Hitler's favorite, Ernst Hanfstaengl 

"i ■ is. ■ 09 

Figure 99 

View of a gallery in the Kronpnnzen-Palais containing abstract works 1933 work 
later in Entorlrtt Kunsl 1 Klee, Um dm Fiscb, 2 Matart Dk Kate 3 Klee Simpfltgmdt 
4. Kandinsky Komposition Ruhr 

Figure 100 

Emil Nolde, Maslm IV (Masks IV), 1920. oil on canvas. 86 x 66 cm (33% x 26 in.), 

private collection Enldrlrlr Kumt, Room 3, NS inventory no 15978 

When Eberhard Hanfstaengl took up his appointment at the 
Nationalgalerie, the fight for modern art had in fact already been 
lost, even if very few people realized it at the time - 7 Nonetheless, 
he succeeded in the course of the next two years in transforming 
not only the collection of older art but also the Neue Abteilung By 
ignoring or circumventing the orders he received, he was able to 
prevent a great deal of harm from being done The personnel files 
from these years are crammed with memos and express letters from 
his superiors, often marked "secret" or "confidential," inquiring 
about intermarriages with Jews 2 " or membership in banned 
parties and organizations 29 or requiring staff to take part in mili- 
tary training exercises 30 By 1935 air-raid drills were already being 
carried out," and it was discussed whether it was "necessary to take 
special organizational measures to protect the museums' irreplaceable 
works of art from the danger of destruction in the event of an air 
raid " u This was the oppressive atmosphere in which work had to go 
on at the Nationalgalerie 

One of Hanfstaengl's first actions on taking office was to reopen 
the Kronprinzen-Palais with a "provisional installation" on December 
15, 1933" But, in spite of his good intentions, what a transformation 
had taken place 1 More than fifty of the most distinctive works 
remained in storage, so that the public's perception of modern art 
was decidedly adulterated nothing by Willi Baumeister, Wassily 
Kandinsky or Oskar Schlemmer, only a single work by Klee, 
the powerful Beckmann room (fig 94) completely gone, and only 
landscapes by Heckel, Kirchner, Nolde, and Schmidt-Rottluff 
(figs 101-2) < 4 

In spite of the many concessions that had to be made, and even 
in its reduced form, the installation represented a brave declaration 
of support for the defamed artists, because a point had now been 
reached when even those who spoke out in support of such art had 
to expect reprisals and removal from office It was a risk that the 
employees at the Nationalgalerie were prepared to take over and over 
again They took pains to find alternative ways of acquiring and 
exhibiting modern art, even though the opportunities had become 
extremely limited In addition, they had difficulty in publishing their 
collection, because the periodical Museum der Gegtnwari, which had 
been edited by Nationalgalerie staff, had ceased publication " Nor 
was it considered opportune, as it had been before 1933, to publish 
a catalogue of the gallery's holdings Nevertheless, abridged inven- 
tories of the paintings and sculptures that were placed on public 
display were still being printed as late as 1934 and 1935 36 

The Verein "Freunde der Nationalgalerie" (Society of friends 
of the Nationalgalerie), formed in 1929, which had bought primarily 
works by foreign artists for the gallery lost a number of its members 
in 1933, with the result that the group had less money to spend on 
paintings, it bought drawings instead It was also difficult to pur- 
chase new works from the gallery's own budget, since it was known 
in advance that certain works would not be authorized Whereas 
Hanfstaengl could buy extremely important art by older masters,' 7 

his hands were tied when it came to more recent works In spite of 
this he still tried to ensure that the work of modern artists was repre- 
sented at the Nationalgalerie by arranging exchanges with the artists 
themselves works representing the human figure, for example, were 
replaced by landscapes or still lifes -'" The most significant addition, 
however, was an unexpected transfer to the Nationalgalerie of 
works acquired through the Reichsfinanzminister (Reich minister of 
finance) from the Dresdner Bank in 1935, including works by Bar- 
lach, Marc Chagall, Dix, Alexej von Jawlensky Oskar Kokoschka, 
and Pechstein J9 Somewhat less problematic was the purchase of 
drawings These could be bought in secret, since the ministry and 
general public rarely set eyes on them In this way the collection was 
supplemented with works by Barlach, Beckmann, Corinth, Feininger, 
Werner Gilles, Heckel, Hofer, Otto Mueller, Rohlfs, and Schmidt- 

Other works of art found their way into the gallery's depository 
as a result of confiscations by the Gestapo or Reichsministerium des 
Innern (Reich ministry of the interior) 40 One such incident deserves 
particular mention here An auction was held at Max Perl's establish- 
ment in Berlin on February 28, 1935, at which the Nationalgalerie 
acquired five drawings 4I After the sale the Gestapo confiscated 
sixty-four paintings, drawings, and works of graphic art on the 
grounds that they were "typically Bolshevist manifestations of art" 
of "pornographic character" 42 In the spring of 1936 these works 
were transferred to the Nationalgalerie for storage From these 
Hanfstaengl selected four oil paintings and a portfolio of ten 
drawings as "contemporary documents to be preserved under lock 
and key" while the remainder were burned "in the furnaces of 
the former Kronprinzen-Palais " 41 How frightened must these 
people have been, to give and carry out such orders' 

Although virtually no new exhibitions were organized by the 
Nationalgalerie after I933, 44 the gallery's employees were able to 
resist interference and outside pressure and draw up plans for a 
series of exhibitions in the Prinzessinnen-Palais under the innocuous 
title Deutsche Kunst seit Durer (German art since Diirer), with the col- 
laboration of other departments of the Staatliche Museen of Berlin 
By invoking the name of one of Germany's most famous Renaissance 
artists they were able to "bring together works created in the present 
day with those from earlier centuries " It required a certain courage 
on the part of Hanfstaengl and Otto Kiimmel, general director of 
the Berlin museums, to state in the introduction of the exhibition 
catalogue that "works of high art are always of equal standing, 
whether they were created today or during the time of the Medici, 
whether they were produced under northern skies or beneath a 
Grecian sun " 45 

Figure 101 

View of a gallery in the Kronprinzen-Palais containing work by Kirchner and 
Schmidt Rottluff 1933, work later in Enlarlrlr Kunsl 1 Schmidt-Rottluff, Dor/ am Set 
2. Schmidt Rottluff, Ronmcbn ShlWmi mil Karafli mi Qlront 

Figure 102 

Karl Schmidt Rottluff, Dor/ am S« (Village by the lake), 1913. oil on canvas, 
76 x 90 cm (29 7 /« x 35% in ), The Saint Louis Art Museum, bequest of Morton 
D May fnljrtrlr Kunsl, Room 5, NS inventory no 16107 

Figure 103 

View of the Barlach gallery in the Kronpnn 

-Palais installed in 1937 

But the days when the incorrigible employees at the National - 
galerie could pursue their work unnoticed were at an end And once 
again it was the reopening of refurbished departments that was to 
blame Reconstruction had been completed in 1936 in the main 
building of the Nationalgalerie on the Museumsinsel (the island in 
the River Spree on which Berlin's main museums were situated), 46 
and the gallery's collection of nineteenth-century works, supple- 
mented by some spectacular new acquisitions, had been rearranged 
In the Kronprinzen-Palais, too, decisive changes had taken place 47 
Another Barlach room had been installed (fig 103), 48 as well as a 
Lehmbruck room and a room with sculptures by young artists In 
the case of Kirchner, only his Bergwald (Mountain forest), a loan, was 
on view, while Beckmann was represented only by his Schneelandscbaft 
(Snowy landscape) and a still life, Glaskugtl mit KomUhren (Class ball 
with ears of wheat) 49 

In spite of this drastic reduction the Neue Abteilung found itself 
once again under attack A long and abusive article appeared on 
April 2, 1936, in the National Socialist newspaper Das Schwarze (Corps 
under the headline "Kxonprinzenpalais sauberungsbediirftig" 
(Kronprinzen-Palais in need of a purge) The anonymous author 
accused the museum director of "lacking almost all understanding of 
the cultural aims of the new Reich" and claimed that "under the guise 
of aesthetics those very things are still being propagated that it 
appears incumbent upon us to eradicate root and branch " Individual 
works of art were branded "grotesque daubings from the previous 
[Weimar] system," and the whole concept was denounced as a "cul- 
tural abomination " Nolde and Schmidt-Rottluff were pilloried as 
"cultural Bolshevists," Beckmann was their "imitator," and Macke a 
"second-rate pavement artist " 5n 

Although the author's name was not given, the language of the 
article bore a striking similarity to that of teacher Walter Hansen 
and painter Wolfgang Willrich, 51 who arrived on the scene in the 
months that followed as the true precursors of the "entartete Kunst" 
(degenerate art) campaign So extreme were their views and tactics 
that they were hated even by members of their own party johann 
von Leers (known as the "wild anti-Semite") wrote of Hansen that he 
was "as intellectually sterile as a mule he is only happy when spying 
on others, stirring up trouble, collecting material, and engaging in 
unscrupulous, irresponsible, and yapping witch-hunts", he was a 
"terrible product of the age," a "spy, an informer, and a slanderer 
by profession and inclination " 52 And as a result of his attacks on 
Gottfried Benn, Willrich was advised by SS leader Heinrich 
Himmler himself that it would be more prudent for him "to 
continue painting decent pictures" than to pry into people's pasts 
and to "persecute them until their very lives were destroyed " 53 

As early as 1934 Hansen had guided members of the Hitler 
Jugend (Hitler youth) through the Kronprinzen-Palais and hurled 
abuse at the artists and their works 54 The material he used on 
these occasions was published in 1936 as an article entitled "Neue 
Zielsetzungen und Wertungen in der deutschen Kunst des Dritten 
Reiches" (New objectives and values in the German art of the Third 
Reich). 55 Hansen placed other material at Willrich's disposal for 
his book Sauberung dis Kunsltempels (Cleansing of the temple of art) 
According to Leers, Willrich was Hansen's "machine gun, a weapon 
that the latter, inspired by his morbid urge to slander people, would 
use to 'shoot them down " 56 But the purge of the Kronprinzen- 
Palais, which the anonymous hack writer in Das Schwarze Korps had 

demanded be i arrled out before the 1936 * MympR i lames were 

Opi ni 'I in Berlin was not yet taken in hand I hi- ant Inn itics cvi 

dently still felt certain Inhibitions in the presence oi foreign visitors 

Not until October 30 did Rust order the gallery to be ( losed 

Willrich was triumphant " I )unng the months that followed, his 
hook still 111 manuscript) passed through the censors offices, includ- 
ing that oi loseph ( roebbels himself and established Willrich's 

dubious lame as an "expert" in the held ol "degenerate" art As such 
he was ordered hv Coebbels to collaborate with Hansen on an 
exhibition entitled in reference to I litter's famous admonishment to 
the German cultural community Gebi mil oiti Kihrc Zeil (Give me four 
years' timet, held in the spring oi 1937 their brief was to design a 
display crudely contrasting "degenerate" art to new "German" art 
The two "experts descended with predatory fervor on the 
Kronprinzen-Palais in Berlin and the galleries in Dresden, making 
notes on everything they saw But their spiteful overenthusiasm 
roused so much opposition that their scheme was boycotted even 
bv employees of Goebbels's Reichspropagandaministerium (Reich 
ministry of propaganda) 59 Their time, however, was not tar olt 

On June 30, 1937, the president of the Rcichskammer der bil- 
denden Kiinste ( Reich chamber of visual arts), painter Adolf Ziegler, 
was instructed to begin preparations for an exhibition in Munich, 
VerfalhkuHit seil t9io (Decadent art since 1910), and "weeding-out" 
operations were soon following one other in quick succession The 
more sensitive observers at the Nationalgalerie could see the inevita- 
ble catastrophe looming Ziegler's commission reached Hannover on 
luly 5, Essen on the 6th, and arrived at the Kronprinzen-Palais on 
the 7th Among its members was Willrich with his infamous lists, 
inspiring resentment by his "virulent manner" and prompting Ziegler 
to remark, "halt-jokingly" that a museum should be opened based on 
the "decadent art" exhibition in Munich with Willrich as its director 
so that he would then be provided for"" Hanfstaengl refused to 
"wield the executioner's axe" and appointed chief curator Rave to 
accompany the commission It is to Rave, who chafed bitterly at 
having to perform this duty that we owe a detailed account of the 
macabre spectacle of artists like Willrich and Ziegler, who had suf- 
fered an inferiority complex throughout their lives and now found 
themselves with sufficient power not only to attack the great artists 
they envied but to ridicule and revile their works with impunity 
They were like men possessed, carried along by a heady destructive 
urge, without any feeling for rights or laws A total of 141 works fell 
victim to their zeal at the Nationalgalerie 64 oils, 4 sculptures, and 
73 drawings, including the works impounded by the Gestapo at the 
Perl auction (these were described as being owned by the National- 
galerie when they were exhibited in Munich) 6I They were shipped 
to the Bavarian capital on July 10 62 

( )n luly 24, five days aftei the inauguration ol Entartclt KuhsI in 

Munich, Coebbels wrote the following lubilant entry in his diary 
" I he I ntartete Kunst' exhibition is a huge success and a 

blow It will also come to Berlin in the fall I lanfstaengl must 

go, too 1 he- old commission must now expropriate all degenerate 
paintings in the museums I he luhrer gives me power to do so 
No sooner said than done I lanfstaengl was sent on indefinite leave" 
On lulv 27, 1937"' with the result that the Nationalgalerie now had a 
second non-functioning director, a comical state of affairs that may 
explain why a third director was not appointed Perhaps ( ount 
Klaus von Baudissin had his eye on the |ob (he had played an 
inglorious role in the fight against modern art in I ssen) I l< was 
appointed to the Kultusministcnum and as director of the section 
responsible tor the arts issued instructions on August 2 for a "further 
selection ot works of degenerate art" to be undertaken in nearly 
every museum and gallery in Germany 

The commission revisited the Nationalgalerie on three separate 
days in August and confiscated 72 oil paintings, 24 sculptures, and 
251 drawings'^ (Not until October 15, however, were they moved to 
a storage facility at Kopenicker Strasse 24 in Berlin, where the works 
not exhibited in Munich had also been taken ) As with the first 
round of confiscations, the selection was often completely arbitrary 
of almost 40 drawings by Gorinth, only 5 were selected, of 70 by 
Heckel only 20, of 60 by Macke only II, and so on A handful of 
canvases by Heckel, Kirchner, and Lehmbruck were hidden away 
The paintings acquired from the Dresdner Bank were also left 
untouched because they had not been entered in the inventory"" 
(Loans, including works owned by the Verein "Freunde der 
Nationalgalerie," had already been returned to their owners before 
the commission arrived 67 ) 

The Kronprinzen-Palais stood empty (it was later handed 
over to the Akademie der Kunste), and it was unclear for a time 
whether the Nationalgalerie would retain the nearby Prtnzessinnen- 
Palais A portrait exhibition was planned but was dismantled again 
before the official opening"" A "gallery of foreign artists" was then 
considered, for which the ministry demanded to see lists and 
photographs " g After an official visitation on September 15, 1937, 
permission to open was refused A lightning visit by Baudissin 
and Propagandaministerium official Rolf Hetsch followed, and on 
November 3 twenty-one "doubtful" works by foreign artists that had 
been exempted from confiscation the previous August were also 
taken away to the storage facility on Kopenicker Strasse 70 Following 
this third confiscation very little remained of what had originally 
been an important collection of modern art Only for a limited 
number of donated works was the expropriation order reversed and 
the art returned 7I Also, a "purge" was carried out at the ministry of 
culture, and one hundred examples of "decadent Jewish art" were 
transferred to the Nationalgalerie for "safekeeping ~ : 

As a result of the loss of its Neue Abteilung, the Nationalgalerie 
was effectively prevented from collecting in an entire area of art 
The gallery had become a historical institution and was no longer 
allowed to buy works by living artists Fortunately, however, Coeb- 
bels's plan to turn the Kronprinzen-Palais into a museum of Nazi- 
approved modern German art using purchases from the annual 
exhibition in Munich came to nothing 75 Nor was the gallery pro- 
faned by being used for a local variant of the Entartete Kuml exhibi- 
tion, which was held instead in the Haus der Kunst (House of art) 
near the Reichstag (Parliament) building in 1938 74 

By this date (1939) it was not the museums that owned their 
works of art any longer, but the German Reich As a result of a law 
passed in 1938, "confiscation" had become "expropriation " The 
Nationalgalerie "had no more to do with [its art] than with the Sis- 
tine Madonna " 75 The insurance had to be canceled, 76 and all the 
entries in the inventory crossed off 77 Museums were no longer asked 
for their works of art, loan contracts were no longer signed The 
Institut fur Deutsche Kultur- und Wirtschaftspropaganda (Institute 
for German cultural and economic propaganda) in Weimar, which 
organized the circulation of EnUirtete Kunsi, inquired after the prices 
of recent works only because it wished to play this information as 
its trump card 7 " 

It was in September 1938 that Rave first became aware of a con- 
fidential list of "internationally exploitable" works, with the details 
of prices to be charged on the international art market The list 
included forty-rive oil paintings and eight sculptures from the 
Nationalgalerie Their sales value, Rave noted to his consternation, 
was lower than their insurance value n While works formerly owned 
by the Verein "Freunde der Nationalgalerie" were sold secretly 
and directly to dealer Karl Buchholz, 80 the Propagandaministenum 
concluded a series of official sales and exchange contracts with 
Buchholz, Hildebrand Gurlitt, Ferdinand Moller, Bernhard A 
Boehmer, and the painter Emanuel Fohn (see the essays by Andreas 
Hiineke and Stephanie Barron in this volume) In all, 237 works from 
the Nationalgalerie — about half the modern collection — were sold 
or exchanged," 1 of the profits — money and art — the Nationalgalerie 
received only a sixth in compensation, although its losses amounted 
to more than one million reichsmarks 82 

But the 1937 catastrophe was very soon overtaken by an even 
greater disaster in the form of the Second World War In 1939 all the 
museum buildings were closed and the works of art taken to safety 
to the vaults of the Reichsbank, the antiaircraft towers near the zoo 
and in the Friedrichshain, or, ultimately the mines in western Thu- 
ringia The transported art included the handful of works at the 
Nationalgalerie that had escaped expropriation 83 

The Nationalgalerie buildings were severely damaged by high- 
explosive bombs during the final months of the war, 84 but as soon as 
hostilities were over, the task of rebuilding began with great enthusi- 
asm, in spite of the terrible devastation and lack of even the essen- 
tials People were rid of their fears and full of hope Although much 

had been lost, many of the works of art returned from their places of 
safekeeping 85 Justi, appointed general director of Berlin's museums 
in 1946, organized the first survey of these works in the rooms of the 
Schlossmuseum Entitled Wiedmeben mt Museumsgut (Reunion with 
museum pieces) 8 " or, more aptly Vcrn Hahchepsut bis Htckel (From 
Hatshepsut to Heckel), it provided visitors with their first oppor- 
tunity for many years to see works by artists who had long been 
vilified The first rooms in the Nationalgalerie were reopened in 
1949, and the following year saw the inauguration of a small room 
given over entirely to twentieth-century works 87 

The political situation soon deteriorated, however, as a result 
of the growing hostility between the western allies on the one hand 
and the Soviet Union on the other It was for this reason that the 
art treasures stored in western Thuringia found their way into a 
Neue Nationalgalerie founded in the western part of Berlin In the 
years that followed, this new museum also reacquired a number 
of previously expropriated works 88 The Nationalgalerie on the 
Museumsinsel in the eastern part of the city was able to reclaim 
those works in Boehmer's estate that had been confiscated earlier, 
authorized by the Soviet military administration, who repealed the 
1938 expropriation law 89 Moller, too, was living at this time in the 
Soviet-occupied zone but fled to West Berlin to escape the threat of 
dispossession Only Kirchner's Interieur (Interior), which Moller had 
offered for purchase to the museum in Halle, where it had remained, 
came back to the Nationalgalerie in East Berlin 90 As the political 
situation worsened, so too did the position of cultural politics 
The Stalinist doctrine of "Socialist realism" became the norm, and 
war was declared on so-called formalism, a movement to which 
those artists who had been vilified by the Third Reich belonged 9I 
As Viktor Klemperer observed, the very existence of the spirit and 
language of the Third Reich seemed threatened 9: The measures 
taken by the Nationalgalerie to "purge" its collection once again, 
however, were not as drastic as those undertaken by other museums, 
protected as it was by Justi's eminence Great works of modern art 
were already to be seen there as early as 1954 and (following the 
famous exhibition of art from the Dresden and Berlin museums sent 
back from the Soviet Union) from 1958 onward 9 ' ■ 

Figure 104 

View of a gallery in the Kronpnnzcn 1'al.ns O 
and Picasso, 1929/30, work later in fnturtrtr Ku 
2. Kirchner, Str<wrmzmr 

ork by Harth, Kirchner, 
iner, Dir Mnslrr dn Crack, 

Figure 105 

View of a gallery in the Kronpnnzen-Pala 
1932/33, work later in fntartrlr Kunst 1. Fe 
3, Belling, DrtMaruj 

work by Belling and Feminger 
i //, 2 Belling, Kopf, 


1 I arlier directors ol the Nationalgalene had been unable to realize their plans to 
tollrt i modern art in a systematic way Max lordan, tor example, director Irom 1874 
to 1896 had wanted to add Arnold Bockltn s works to his collection and Hugi 
Ischudl, director Irom 1896 to 1904 was eager to buy more French Impressionist 
works Both directors had to bow to majority decisions by a Landeskunstkomm 
(Provincial art commission i set up by the Prussian Landtag Provirx ial assembly 
while Tschudi also had to respect the right ol veto ot Emperor Wilhelm II Ludwig 
lust, appointed in 1909, had a freer hand, especially during the Weimar Republic 
Even so, he was accused of "attempting to prevent political change" when, imme- 
diately following the upheavals ol 1918 he bought works by Harlach, Heckcl, and 

2 Even before 1933 National Socialist attacks on modern art had not been taken 
lying down by the Nationalgalene lusti complained, for example, about what he- 
called "the Zwickau scandal," when proceedings were initiated against Hildebrand 
Gurlitt, director of the museum in Zwickau Musrum dn Gljaiwart I [1930] 49-60) 

1 le also wanted to condemn the purge at the Weimar Museum in 1930, but the direc- 
tor of the Staatliche Kunstsammlungen in Weimar, Wilhelm Kohler, refused to get 
involved in a public protest lest it jeopardize plans to transfer the exhibition ot mod 
ern art to Erfurt, he preferred to treat the incident as a "trifle" (Staatliche Museen 
zu Berlin, Zentrales Archiv, Nationalgalene Archiv IZA/NCA], Acta Cen 19. Bd I, 
Bl 264 i Another Nationalgalene staff member who spoke out was Alfred Hentzen, 
who protested against Paul Schultze Naumburg in D« Rimi) S, no 35 (August 26, 
1932), writing under the pseudonym "Walter Pennel", he also supported Ernst Barlach 
in an open letter to Wilhelm Stapel, the editor of the periodical OmIscEms Volltstum, 
published in Dtutscbc Zutun/l, December 17, 1933, 6, 10 

3 A more complete account of the activities at the Nationalgalene during this 
period may be found in Paul Ortwin Rave, Kutntdihtilur m Drillrn Rricfc (Hamburg 
Cebruder Mann, 1949, ed Uwe M Schneede, Berlin Argon, 1987, all subsequent 
references are to the 1987 edition), idem, Dir Grscriicfetr dn Natioruiupltru firrlm (Berlin 
Nationalgalene der Staatlichen Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 1968), Alfred 
Hentzen, "Das Ende der Neuen Abteilung der National-Calene im ehemaligen 
Kronpnnzen-Palais," labfbuch Slijtung Prtussiscbtr Ku/lurbrsilz 8 (1970) 24-89, also pub- 
lished separately under the title, Dk Btrlmtr Ntilwnal-Galtnt im liildtnturm (Cologne 
Crote, 1971, all subsequent references are to the 1971 edition), idem, "Die Entstehung 
der Neuen Abteilung der National-Calene im ehemaligen Kronpnnzen-Palais," 
Jabrbucb Stifttmg Prtmsiscbtr Kullurbaitz 10 (1972) 9-75, and Annegret landa, ed , Das 
Sc.hic.ksal rmrr Sammlmj: Aufbm utid Zrrslorand dn Nrurn Abuiunq itr NalwnaUakrit im 
(batuilitim Krmprinzm-Palais Unttr den Linden 1918-1945 (Berlin Staatliche Museen zu 
Berlin, 1986, Berlin Neue Cesellschaft fur bildende Kunst, 1988, all subsequent 
references are to the 1988 edition) 

4 Director Ludwig Justi's "artistic empire" (to quote from his obituary by Alfred 
Hentzen) was made up of several specialist museums in 1933 nineteenth-century 
art was located in the Nationalgalene's main building on the Museumsinsel, works 
by Karl Fnedrich Schinkel were in the former Prinzessinnen-Palais, the portrait col- 
lection was in Schinkel's Bauakademie. sculptures by Christian Rauch were in the 
Orangene at Schloss Charlottenburg, and the collection of models and plaster casts 
was in the arcades of the metropolitan railway at the Lehrter Station, see Rave, Dir 
Cncbrcfate itr Nalionalgaltric, 69-1 13 

5 A few photographs have survived in the gallery archives of exhibition rooms 

at the Kronpnnzen-Palais in 1919, 1927 and 1930 (figs 92, 104) Exhibition catalogues 
documenting this period are Verzeicbms der m ebemlijni Kwnprmzen-Palais iiusdrstr/ltrn 
Kumlwerke ( 1919, 2d ed 19201, Ludwig lusti. Drutscbr Malkunsl im nrunzrbntm lahrhun- 
irrl (1920, rev and enl ed 1922 (, idem, Drulscfcr Zrichmfcunsl im nrunzrrinlm tabrbmjert 
(1919, 2d ed 1920, 3d ed 1922), Vennchms in GrmiUr uni Mdwcrkc in Jrr Nationol- 
G.ilrnr zu Brrlm 1 1921, reissued 1923, 1926, 1928), Justt, Von Cormtb hi Kite 1931 

6 The gallery archives preserve an invitation to a viewing on February 15, 1933, 
with a description of the rehung gallery by Ludwig lusti 

7 Thirteen photographs of this installation have survived (see figs 94, 96-99, 
101 ) A catalogue — Niitiondl-Ga/rrir Vcrzcicbnis in Gmaldt uni Biliwerke itr Neuen 
Abtnlunii im rrirmjddrn Kronprinzen-Palais — had been prepared, but it was never printed 

(a proof copy has survived in the Nationalgalene library) Alfred Hentzen charac- 
terized the collection as follows "The Neue Abteilung in the former Kronprinzen- 
Palais surpassed all the other forty or so museums in Germany that were then collect- 
ing modern art in any appreciable quantity, for the majority of them it was a model in 
terms of both choice and objective There was nothing comparable in other European 
countries between the wars, and when Alfred H Barr founded the Museum of Mod- 
ern Art in New York he referred explicitly to the examples in Germany especially 
to Berlin It was for this reason that the Kronprinzen-Palais assumed quite a special 
significance in the fight for modern art that began in 1933" (Dir Berliner Nalwnal- 
Gakrit, 5 

8 Lbpelmann's article was published in the Naliotiahcihnu) (Essen), August 17, 

1932, see also the comments by "-g-" on Justi's (unpublished) reiomder in DeuHche 
Kullur-Wacht 4 (1933) 15 Justi sent a typewritten copy of his remarks to various per- 
sons who he hoped would use their influence to help him One such person was 
Eberhard Hanfstaengl, at that time director of the Stadtische Kunstsammlungen in 
Munich, who replied on September 5, 1932, that he would inform leading members 
of the NSDAP of lustis stance "in a suitable way and at a suitable opportunity" He 
described "such serious misdemeanors by those members of the party who are active 
in the cultural sphere" as "one of the most difficult and also one of the most unfortu- 
nate chapters, a state of affairs that has been recognized, at least in part, at the very 
top" (ZA/NGA, Klemm-Mappe "1933," Bl 1-38) 

9 The Kunstklub was a registered society with an address at Meinekestrasse 27, 
near the Kurfurstendamm It advertised a discussion evening on Wednesday, April 7 

1933, at which Adolf Behne was to speak on "Nationalgalene, Kronprinzen Palais, 
mal so, mal anders" (Now like this, now like that) (Berlin, Zentrales Archiv, Akademie 
der Wissenschaften der DDR, Nachlass Justi) Justi's rejoinder appeared in Deulsches 
Volksttm I (1933) 1-7, and in his Mrmoirfti //, unpublished memoirs (typescript, 
ZA/NGA), 163, see also Felix A Dargel, Nacht-Ausgabe (Berlin), January 5, 1933, 
Hentzen, "Die Entstehung der Neuen Abteilung," 70, and Janda, Dm Scbtcksal emer 
Sammlung, 61-62 

10 Robert Scholz, "Neuordnung im Kronprinzen-Palais," Sleglitzer Anzti^rr (Berlin), 
February 15, 1933, for a fuller account of the episode see Josef Wulf, Die btldenden 
Kunslf im Dritlm Retch Eme Dokumentation (Gutersloh Rowohlt, 1963), 399-403 

1 1 The article was originally published in the Niederlamttzer Neueste Nachrtcblen, 
no 69, March 19, 1933, and reprinted in Neue Kreis-Zeitung Nalionale Runifsctwu Krm 
Liebenwerda (Bad Liebenwerda), no 67, March 20, 1933, and in an abridged form 
in Dfulscfer Kttltur-Wacbt 6 1 1933) 7 The Nationalgalerie's reactions to the claims 
advanced in this article were not printed (ZA/NGA, Klemm-Mappe "1933," 

Bl 56-58) 

12 "The majority of the employees at the Nationalgalene" protested against these 
reproaches in a letter to the minister of culture (ZA/NGA, Acta Gen Pers VI, 
602/33) One year later those who had been punished complained to the minister and 
demanded that the reprimand be lifted Hanfstaengl's view was that "a lifting of the 
reprimand by the ministry would merely gratify those officials who wished to 
harm their superiors by their mendacious claims" and it was therefore "in the interests 
of discipline to uphold the sentences" (ZA/NGA, Acta Spec Pers I, 198/34) 

13 Richard Pfeiffer, "Die Entscheidung," DmlscJjr Kuhur-Wacbt 13 (1933) 7-8, the 
date of the artists' "audience" with Hitler is given by Hildegard Brenner, Dir Kumtpolilik 
des Nattonahozialtsmm (Reinbek Rowohlt, 1963), 255 n 2 See also the somewhat 
inaccurate version of events in Ludwig Thormaehlen, Ertnnerungen an Stefan George 
(Hamburg Rowohlt, 1962), 276-78, Thormaehlen had been to see Max von 
Schillings in order to get him to sign a letter to Hermann Goring in which several 
prominent figures from the world of art — including Franz Bock, Georg Kolbe, August 
Kraus, Leo von Koenig, Franz Lenk, and Wilhelm Pinder (ZA/NGA, Klemm-Mappe 
"1933," Bl 40) — asked for protection for Ludwig Justi According to Thormaehlen, 
Schillings announced that he was to visit Hitler, and to his dismay he was joined by 
German Bestelmeyer and Paul Schultze-Naumburg Schultze-Naumburg allegedly 
brought "specially prepared material" with him, including an article by Felix A 
Dargel in Drr Atitfnfj supporting modern art and reproducing Erich Heckel's Madonna 
von Ostende, which was on loan to the Kronprinzen-Palais This material so enraged 
Hitler that he gave instructions for the "purge" and demanded that "a particularly 
eager eulogist of this decadent art be dismissed from the party press without delay" 

14 Alfred Rosenberg, "Revolution in der bildenden Kunst," Vblhscher Beobacbter, 
no 187, July 7, 1933 

15 The following documents relating to the student demonstration have survived in 
the Nationalgalene archives a telegram from student leader Otto Andreas Schreiber 
to the Nationalgalene, July 4, 1933, the catalogue of the exhibition in the Galerie 
Ferdinand Mbller, and a letter from Dr Rudolf Buttmann, department head at the 
Reichsministerium des Innern (Ministry of the interior), with minister Wilhelm Frick's 
permission for the exhibition to open "without the participation of the student organi- 
zation" (ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 20, Bd 4, 1320/33 and 1326/33) According to Brenner 
(Dif Kunstpolitik, 65, 68 n 14), Justi offered to "pay the traveling expenses of any 
speakers who wanted to speak in other towns as well" (258 n 8), see also Hentzen, 
Die Berlmer Natioml-Galerie, 8 

16 Bernhard Rust, letter to Ludwig Justi, July I, 1933 (Berlin, Zentrales Archiv, 
Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, Nachlass Justi, Nr 126), see also Thor- 
maehlen, Ennnerungen an Slejan George, 279 

17 Alois Schardt, letter to Bernhard Rust, November 9, 1933 (ZA/NGA, Acta 
Spec 53, 2237/33) 

18 Criticism of Schardt appeared in, among other places, Weltkunst, July 16, 1933, 
and the Netu Zurcber Zeitung, August 28, 1933 

19 Schardt to Rust, November 9, 1933 (see note 17) Schardt's book on the same 
subject was similarly refused publication (it was circulated in manuscript form instead, 
and among those who were sent copies was Ernst Barlach) 

20 ZA/NGA, Gen Pers 1190/33, 1304/33 Not only were officials required to sign, 
so, too, were white- and blue-collar workers and temporary employees 

21 ZA/NGA, Gen Pers 1479/33 

22 ZA/NGA, Acta Gen Pers 1586/33 

23 ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 7, Bd 4, 2111/33 

24 Schardt to Rust, November 9, 1933 (see note 17) Schardt wanted the Romantic 
school and Expressionists to be housed in the Kronprinzen-Palais, with contemporary 
art in the Pnnzessinnen-Palais, classical and naturalistic art in the mam building, and 
the Schinkel collection in Schinkel's own Bauakademie A new museum would be cre- 
ated for history painting The first building to be refurbished was the Kronprinzen- 
Palais on the first floor were works by Blcchen, Friednch, Runge, and others, on the 
second, Feuerbach, von Marees, and Thoma, and on the third, Barlach, Feininger, 
Lehmbruck, Macke, Marc, Munch, Nolde, and Rohlfs See the descriptions in Rave, 
Kumtdiktatm, 33-34, and Hentzen, Dir Brrlmtr National-Galerie, 12, six photographs of 
the interior have survived 

25 ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 19, Bd 5, 1314/33 (Barlach), 1344/33 (Feininger), 1337/33 
(Klee), and the file "Ahnen-Listen," containing genealogies of the three artists in ques- 
tion, with copies of letters relating to Marc 

26 Rave, Kunstdiktatur, 33-34, and Hentzen, Dit Brrlmtr National-Galene, 12, see also 
Janda, Das Scbicksal emer Sammlung, 64-66, n 28 

27 The extent to which the situation was misunderstood at the time emerges, for 
example, in Gottfried Benn's letter to Kathe von Porada of August 5, 1933, in which he 
discussed the closure of the Kronprinzen-Palais "And now Beckmann' Because he's 
been taken down' Ah, the good boy, everything must run perfectly smoothly every- 
thing must work, these are heroes and champions 1 The battle must be worthwhile, 
guaranteed in advance, no failure at a late hour, ideally insured with the Allianz [an 
insurance company], genius insured against failure, genius insured against destruction, 
genius insured against schizophrenia and being taken down from the wall — my dear 
Frau von Porada, as long as financial values are involved, you'll find respect and silence 
on my part, but if you come to me with art, I'm pitiless 1 " (cited in Gottfried Benn 
(886-1956 [exh cat, Marbach am Neckar Deutsches Literaturarchiv im Schiller- 
Nationalmuseum, 1986], 207) 

28 ZA/NGA, Acta Gen Pers, Bd 6, 1781/35, 2203/35, similar regulations are 
found in 1145/36, 2800/36, 72/37, 866/37 

29 ZA/NGA, Acta Gen Pers 1504/35, 2103/35, 107/26 

30 ZA/NGA, Acta Gen Pers , Bd 6, 1354/34, 345/35, 369/35, 403/35, 209/35, 
617/35, 1851/35, 1269/36, 1710/36, 255/37, 1049/37, 1251/37, 1389/37 1408/37, 1516/37, 
also Acta Gen 22, Bd 7 617/35, 59/36, 943/36 

31 See ZA/NGA, Acta Gen Pers references cited in note 30 

32 ZA/NGA Vmi.mi - vol 1851 15 Bernhard Rust wroti to Otto KUmmcl 
general dlrectoi ol the Berlin museums on < tetobei 23 1935 on the subject ol Ins 
article In Gassdmb una U/tsdwn 5 no 6 1935) 

i < .' \ \t . \ i 'iiiiu i N.iiH 111,1 l^.i lent- Aiisstcllun^cn the exhibition opi ra d 
.n the same time .is spe< lal exhibitions "I the work ol Karl I eipold and the S< ftinkel 
collection In the Bauakademie 
M An Inventory ol the works in storage is in ZA Ni ,A < Irdnei I ntartete Kunsi 

I HI II i 

35 Only three volumes ol Ali^rwm Jrr (.c/nrir.irl had been brought out between 
[930 and 1933 \ dissertation on the subject by Kurt Winklei (Freie, 
West Herlm is currently in preparation 

36 \fazeicbnis do Kmalwtrke in Jet Neuen Abttilung det Natiom iJ t \a\mt m ebenutluini 
Knmprinzen-Palais Berlin Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn 1934 rev. ed i l »<s 

37 National-Gakrit Die wiebfafsten Erwtrbungat m den fabrrn i933-t937 (Berlin 
Deutsche! Kunstverlag 1938 

^s In 1934 Bariach's Da Apostti was exchanged foi Ltsmdt Moncbti in 1935 Beck- 
mann's Dm lifh was exchanged for < kbsenstall and i.liihuiel mil KorwcfircM, I lofer's 
Geipjffo tor BenjRjrdbc and StfJIcften mil Goitiisr, ami his Selhsthildnis ol 1928 for another 
self-portrait ol 1935. and Noldes Die Amite lot W /'Mr and Rfl/e SoHHOiblumm 

39 ZA/NGA, Ordnei "Dresdnei Bank," 1474/35, 283/36, and passim Chagall's 
Vitebsk was given to the collector l)r Feldhausser in exchange tor Kirchner's 
Ftbmirnkustf 1936 

40 In N35 Holers Hm;l 1 iM t iM.hjfl was transferred from the Reichsministenum des 
Inncrn, followed rn 1937 by Kirchner's Blicfc ins Tobel and Pechstein's Schneelandschafi 

41 The auction was advertised tn UriltunsI on February 10, 1935 The National 
galene purchased drawings bv Crodel, Heckel (two), Herbig, and Kleinschmidt 
(ZA/NGA, Acta Gen 10, Bd 17, 515/35 F III 2206-10) 

42 The confiscation order was announced in the Deutsche Alliiemewe Zeitunt) ol 
March 6, 1935, see Brenner, Die Kumtpolttik, 184, doc 20 

43 The works selected to be preserved were paintings by Hofer, Mueller (two), 
and Pechstein and drawings by Adler, Dix, Heckel, Mueller, Pechstein, Radziwill, and 
Schlichter these were all confiscated and taken to Munich in 1937, where the paint- 
ings were exhibited in Cfftartete Kunsl as belonging to the Nationalgalene The burning 
ol remaining works is attested by Hentzen, building inspector Bahr, and workers 
Gerdau and Ulnch I the latter was among those who had signed the letter denounc- 
ing lusti in 1933 ', photographs survive ol paintings by Kleinschmidt and Schmidt- 
Rottlutf that were destroyed (ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 24, Bd 7, 345/37) 

44 See the list of the many exhibitions held under Justi in ZA/NGA, Autographen- 
Sammlung Ordner "Geschichte Nationalgalene Ausstellungen " 

45 There were six exhibitions in the series Deutsche Kunst sal Durer at the 
Prinzessmnen Palais I) Das Bildms m der Plastik (The portrait sculpture), 1934-35, 
organized and catalogued by Alfred Hentzen and Niels von Hoist, including works 
by Barlach [Daubler), Lehmbruck. and Marcks, 2) Der Tanz m der Kunst (The dance in 
art), 1934-35 organized and catalogued by Hentzen and Hoist, including works by 
Macke and Minkenberg, 3) Das Emtfmsbild (The eventful picture), 1935, organized by 
Hentzen and Hoist, catalogued by Anni Paul-Pescatore, 4) Das Stilkben (The still life), 
1935—36, catalogued by Hentzen, Hoist and Paul-Pescatore. including paintings by 
Corinth. Heckel and Slevogt, 5) Das Sittenbild (Genre painting), 1936-37, organized 
by Hoist, Paul Ortwin Rave, and Wolfgang Schone, catalogued by Paul-Pescatore, 6) 
Cross* Deutsche in Bildmssen ibrer Zfif (Great Germans in portraits of their age), 1936, 
organized by Hentzen, Hoist, and Rave, catalogued by Adolf Ernst Napp and Paul 
Pescatore, including works by Corinth, Lehmbruck, and Macke (no portraits of living 

46 The greatest amount of work was done in two large rooms on the second floor 
that were lit by natural light from above Dropped ceilings of glass had previously 
been installed, hiding the nineteenth-century ceilings Alter the renovation these 
rooms were bright and uniform in color (see Weltkunst, June 14, 1936) 

47 Nineteen photographs have survived from 1936-37 and are preserved in the 
photograph collection of the Nationalgalene Archiv 

48 The Barlach installation featured two loans, the huge Kammrelief, from a private 
collection and Der Racket, owned by the city of Berlin 

19 Paintings by Klee, Kokoschlu verc hung with % rl 

artists see 1 einmgei I Int. 

Si hmidl <'d . /» Irtzln Stundt r linstlmcbrifta I 

Kiinstla da zmanzigttat Uhr\ kri Dn den VEB Verlag dci ■ 

lists of works exhibited before and ifterth 
( (rdnei I ntartete Kunsi I Bl i 9 

so I he Natlonalgalerle wanted to lodge a protest Hentzen, Dir On ■ 

Galerit, 19) and I lanfstaengl asked the Kultusministerium foi help in ■ ombatlng these 
malicious attacks Although no official denial was issued avi ministry 

ollu ials ensured that the artk le was not reprinted in other newspapers A reioindcr bv 
Paul Fechtei appealed in Deutsche Zukunji Apr. I I? 19 6 
5i It is particularly significant that Georg Bicrmann is also criticized m tht 
since he was repeatedly attacked bv I lansen and Willnch Hansen quotes the article 
in a note on page 10 ot his pamphlet Neut Zielsetzungen unj Wcrlutufen m Jc Ihut < 
Kunst des Dritten Retches (see note 55), but without mentioning tru 

52 lohann von Leers, letter to Georg Biermann, November 28 1437, utcd in 
Wull. Die bildenden Kunste, 358-59 An attack on Leers appears in a document among 
Willnch's papers in the Hansen Art hi\ ZA N< , A in which Will rich accuses Leers 
ol having been heavily involved in the student n vi ilts i J 193 ) The document is 
described as an enclosure from a letter to Oberiandwirtschaftsrat 5enior agricultural 

adviser i Hanns Deetjen, to whom Willnch sent topics ot all his letters to his emplover 
Reichsbauernfuhrer I Reich (arm leader. Richard Walther Darre 

53 Heinrich Himmler, letter to Wolfgang Willnch, September 22, 1937, cited in 
Gottfried Bow, 241-42 

54 Eberhard Hanfstaengl, letter to Paul Kleinschmidt December I 1 * 1935 ZA 
NGA, Schnftwechsel 1935, Bl 305-6), see also Janda, Das Scbteksal ewer Sammtung, 
79 n 155c 

55 Wiedemann [Walter Hansen], "Neue Zielsetzungen und Wertungcn in der 
Deutschen [sic] Kunst des Dritten Reiches," Hansiscbe Hocbschul-Zatung 18, no I May 
I, 1936) 2-3, reprinted as a pamphlet with footnotes I Hamburg, 1936, preserved in 
ZA/NGA) and also in Der SA-Mann, 1936, no 32 (August S no 33 August 15), 

no 34 (August 22) This article included the hrst presentation of the comparison 
(entirely Hansen's own invention) of a medieval masterpiece, the statue oi Uta from 
Naumburg Cathedral, to Werner Scholz's "degenerate" painting Die Braut, a com- 
parison that was repeated with photographs in the Etttartrte Kunst exhibition 

Another of Hansen's articles, "Schluss mit den kulturellen Falschmunzern Rmil 
Nolde, ein Kampfer — gegen den Kulturbolsehewismus" ,v appeared m Die llcwcgung . 
no 15, April H, 1936 He also planned two essays for the Scbnftenreiben des Kunstpoh- 
tiscken Arcbivs "Verfallskunst 1918-1933 am Pranger" and "ludischer Einfluss im 
deutschen Kunstschaffen seit 1800'' 

Hansen started the Kunslpolitiscbes Archiv Entartete Kunst on orders from the 
Kultusministerium The archival material was handed over to the Nationalgalene on 
December 13, 1938 (ZA/NGA, Ordner "Entartete Kunst I," Bl 236, 2245/38t It con- 
tained 194 photographs of works by vilified artists From the Hamburg Museum fur 
Kunst und Gewerbe, printed matter, a page from Wiltrich's papers, and 188 photo- 
graphs from the 1937 Entartete Kunst exhibition in Munich, and has survived virtually 

56 Johann von Leers, letter to Georg Biermann, November 28, 1937, cited in Wulf 
Dte bildenden Kiinste, 358-59 

57 On November 8, 1936, Weltkunst reported that the top floor was to be closed 
Lists of works exhibited before and after the closure can be found in ZA/NGA, 
Ordner "Entartete Kunst I," Bl 1-2, 11-15 

58 Wolfgang W.llrich, letter to Richard Walther Darre, November 1, 1936 "It is 
typical of the confusion rampant today that last Sunday Rust's ministry was publicly 
forced to admit that, more than three years after we came to power, the modern 
wing of the Nationalgalene with its collection of cultural Bolshevism has not yet been 
cleaned up in a way that accords with National Socialist philosophy What a disgrace 1 
(cited in Wulf, D,e bildenden Kunste, 351) 

59 Wolfgang Willnch and Konrad Nonn letter to Richard Walther Darre, April 
30, 1937, cited in Wulf, Die bildenden Kunste, 313-16 Willnch claimed that "if the min- 
ister seriously intends to vilify the leaders of this riffraff by contrasting them to the 
National Socialist view of art and if I myself am to be appointed consulting expert, 

I will not dissociate myself from such a move, although I know that I will incur the 
personal and mortal enmity of these people For it goes without saying that I accept 
full personal responsibility for this choice of material " 

60 Rave, Kumtdthatur. 144, minutes kept by Rave during the first round of expro- 
priations are published on pages 142—43 

61 Ziegler's list is preserved in ZA/NCA, Acta Spec I, Bd 39a, 1447/37, lists of 
works confiscated from the Nationalgalene are in ZA/NCA, Ordner "Entartete Kunst 
I," Bl 10, 29-30, 69-77 The numbers assigned to the Nationalgalene works in the 
confiscation register of the Propagandammistenum were 14126-45, 14288—320, and 
14326, those in Entartett Kumt m Munich were assigned numbers between 15934 and 

62 A shipping invoice from the firm of Robert Haberlmg St Co is in ZA/NCA, 
Acta Spec I. Bd 39a, 1447/37, insurance premiums are documented on a receipt in 
the Zentrales Archiv (I Ceneralverwaltung [ZA I CV] 144, Beleg Nr 67) The pre- 
mium receipt contains no mention of the confiscated works from the Reichsmimste- 
num des Innern, listed in their place is Dix's portrait of Karl Krall, which is missing 
from the Nationalgalene list The archives (ZA I CV 144, Beleg Nr 45) also contain 
shipping invoices for a fifteen-hour period on July 6 and 7 which may relate to loans 
Not all the works intended for Munich were in fact exhibited, see Mario-Andreas von 
Luttichau, '"Deutsche Kunst' und 'Entartete Kunst' Die Munchner Ausstellung 1937'' 
in Peter-Klaus Schuster, ed , Dit "KunststaA" Mmdm (937 Nalionulsoznilismus und "Enlar- 
Irle Kuml" (Munich Prestel, 1987), 122-81 

63 Die Tapbucbtr von lostpb Gorbbth Samtlicht Fragment!, ed Elke Frohhch (Munich 
C K Saur, 1987), pt I, vol 3, 211 

64 ZA/NCA, Acta Pers Eberhard Hanfstaengl, see also Hentzen, Die Berliner 
National-Galmt, 62-63 Hentzen was also sent on indefinite leave, an absurd situation 
not least because he had been appointed curator as recently as June 30 and, like 
Hanfstaengl, had been awarded the Olympia-Ennnerungsmedaille (Olympic com- 
memorative medal) on July 2 He was subsequently transferred to the Cemaldegalerie 
(ZA/NCA, Acta Gen Pers 835/37) 

65 Minutes kept by Paul Ortwm Rave during the second round of confiscations are 
in ZA/NCA, Ordner "Entartete Kunst I," Bl 16-19 In the confiscation register of the 
Propagandammistenum these works were assigned numbers 12069-405 All the other 
works in the Nationalgalene were confiscated after these entries were made, in other 
words, from the second half of October onward The lists of works are in ZA/NCA, 
Ordner "Entartete Kunst I," Bl 24-49, 85 (under the heading "Munich group," 
although they were not exhibited there), and accompanying letter (Bl 66-68) They 
were shipped to the warehouse at Kbpenicker Strasse 24 by the firm of Gustav 
Knauer on October 14, 1937 (Bl 78-82, an invoice of October 15 for insuring the 
shipment is in ZA I CV 144, Beleg Nr 164) Rave's instructions to the cashier's office 
of the Staathche Museen to pay "senior attendant Gadecke, museum attendant 
Schroder, and employee Ulrich" three marks for a hot meal because they had to 
work in the drawings department during the confiscations has a farcical ring to it 
(ZA/NCA, Acta Spec I, Bd 39a, 1447/37) 

66 The only painting affected was Kirchner's Ftbmarnkustt, which had been 
exchanged for Chagall's Vitebsk (from the Dresdner Bank) and was on view in the 
Kronprinzen-Palais when the expropriation commission arrived (see note 39) 

67 ZA/NCA, Acta Spec 24, Bd 7, 1542/37 Nineteen paintings, watercolors, and 
drawings were entrusted to Eduard von der Heydt at the Thyssen Bank, Behrenstrasse 
8, Berlin The only loan from the Verein "Freunde der Nationalgalene" impounded by 
the commission on this occasion was Matares Die Katzr, plaster models of Kathe Koll- 
witz's Flttrnpaar remained in the main building The works m the Thyssen Bank were 
brought back to the gallery on May 4, 1939, and a number of them were sold 

to Karl Buchholz (see note 80) 

68 ZA/NCA, Acta Cen 44 and Spec 24, 1660/37 entry at August 24, 1937 

69 See records in ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 59, Bd I, 1883/37, 1902/37 1332/38, 
1815/38, and Hentzen, Die Berliner NatwnaUGatmi , 41 

70 The list for the third round of confiscations is preserved in ZA/NGA, Ordner 
"Entartete Kunst I," Bl 61-62, 1980/37, see also Bl 53, 110, 118 A sculpture by Her- 
mann Haller (see note 71), which was not on the list, was not impounded until 
November 9 and taken away on November 20 (ZA I CV 144, Beleg Nr 66) The 
numbers assigned to these works in the confiscation register of the Propaganda- 
mmistenum were 15662-82 

71 The works of art that were returned were Corinth's Familit Rum/)/, Jnnlnl- 
Landscbajl, and Das Irojaniscoe P/erd, de Fiori's Marlmt Dietrich, Grauel's Hodtendes 
Madcben, Haller's Kmendes Madcbn, Host's Noormbtr, Montanan's Kronigtmg, Munch's 
Snou> Shovrlm, Smtenis's Sltbs&ildltis, Sironi's Kompositum, Sondergaard's Abmd am Meer, 
and Tagore's Bmstbtld tints JnJtrs, Mudchtn in rolnn Gtwand, and Zinei Vogtl 

72 On July 12, 1938, there was a transfer of 100 works from the Kultusministenum 
to the Nationalgalene "for storage" (ZA/NGA, Ordner "Entartete Kunst I," Bl 180— 
201, 1302/38), on July 19, 1938, 178 works were transferred from the ministry and 59 
from the Deutsche Akademie in Rome (Bl 189-91, 202-4, 1342/38), and on April 14, 
1939, an additional 20 works were transferred (Bl 258-69, 749/39) Most of this art 
was lost during the war Ernst Barlach's Dtr Summler and Charlotte Berend-Connth's 
Toledo were saved In 1939 5 oils and 15 watercolors by Karl A Lattner were trans- 
ferred to the gallery from the psychiatric and neurological clinic at the University of 
Creifswald I Bl 245-54, 71/39) 

73 As early as 1936 Baudissin had expressed the opinion that Goebbels should 
prevent museums from buying works by living artists and that "in future the 
Reichskammer der bildenden Kunste should reserve the exclusive right to acquire such 
works" (letter to Mayor Dr Reismann-Crone, cited in Paul Vogt, Das Museum Folkwang 
Essen Die Gescfeicfete einer Siimmlund lunger Kunst im Rubrgrhiet [Cologne DuMont 
Schauberg, 1965], 116) On February 23, 1937 Hentzen wrote to Wilhelm Fehrle that 
since the closure of the gallery "an unresolved question remains We do not know 
whether it is still our job to run the modern art section or not, and until this question 
is settled, we cannot make our purchases either" (ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 24, Bd 7, 
679/37) On July 24 of the same year Goebbels noted in his diary "Kronprinzen- 
Palais to take a quarter of the works from Munich From there every year Good idea" 
(Die Tagcbuchrr, pt 1, vol 3, 211) The Nationalgalene subsequently acquired Ludwig 
Kaspar's Sitzende (ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 25, Bd 1, 1108/37), two drawings by Gerhard 
Marcks 1 1 131/37), and Clara Westhoff-Rilke's bust of Rainer Maria Rilke for the por- 
trait collection (674/38) 

74 According to the list of "Kunstwerke in der Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst,'" 
which was opened in Berlin in March of 1938, there were eighteen oils, ten water- 
colors, and two sculptures from the Nationalgalene (ZA/NCA, Ordner "Entartete 
Kunst I," Bl 94-95) 

75 Otto Kiimmel, letter to the Nationalgalene, September 28, 1939 (ZA/NCA, 
Acta Spec 24, Beih 2, 662/38) 

76 The insurance coverage was terminated on October 5, 1938 (invoice of October 
13, 1938, in ZA I CV 1952, Kap 155/50/51, Bl 40) 

77 Paul Ortwin Rave, letter to Bernhard Rust on the subject of Otto Kummel, Sep- 
tember 13, 1938 (ZA/NGA, Acta Spec, Beih 2, 662/38), the minister's consent is 
dated December 7, 1938 (2155/38), see also Perlwitz's letter to Rave of February 14, 
1939, relating to the form of cancellation in the inventory with corrections by Rave: 
"Expropriated by Reichsk d bild Kunste, therefore to be deleted, see 2155/38 " 

78 Dr Ludwig Wang, Institut fur Deutsche Kultur- und Wirtschaftspropaganda, 
Weimar, letter to the Nationalgalene, March 25, 1939 (ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 14, Bd 
4, 618/39) 

79 Paul Ortwin Rave, letter to Bernhard Rust, September 13, 1938 (ZA/NGA, 
Acta Spec 24, Beih 2, 662/381 Campendonk's work was reduced from a valuation 
of 800-1,000 reichsmarks to 200-400, Heckel's from 4,000-5,000 to 500-800, 
Kokoschka's from 6,000 and 15,000 to 800 and 900, and Lehmbruck's from 1,500 to 
600 A list was enclosed headed, "Beschlagnahmte Werke (international verwertbar)" 
(Expropriated works [internationally exploitable]), with prices added by hand and in 
the case of works from the Nationalgalene a note of their insurance values Rave also 
sent his report to the Finanzminister, Johannes Popifz, for his information (letter 

of September 14, 1938) A similar list is also preserved in the Arntz archives (Los 
Angeles, The Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities, Archives 
of the History of Art, Wilhelm F Arntz Papers, III D, box 26) 

W I tucrcd in the Inventor) i A works ou ncd by the vercin I reundc dcr 
Nattonalgalerle Munch design tor a set lor Ibsen's Gbosts sold to Buchhol foi 
2^00 reichsmarks on September 2 1939 Feininger*s Stgtiboott X u sold to Buchholz 

■ reichsmarks Picasso's Tablt unto Lutroid Bovlqj Fmil sold to Buchholz (or 
$000 retchsmarks Gris's Bottfc ej Bordeau> already sold to Buchholz in 1937 for 
s|(H) retchsmarks Braqucs W/ (.ifr sold to Buchholz for 700 rcichsmarks, Rohllss 
( emu and Hfcs* ClodemUimn sold to Buchholz on ( k tober J, 1939, for 500 retehs- 
marks and Nolde S SmmerMumen and Hoben und WWJfcni. sold to Hans von Flotow for 
700 rcichsmarks on ltd) 29 1939 rurthei inquiries arc in ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 29, 
Belli I Rd I 1826 19 Ana Spec 24, Bd 10 625 12 

81 A manuscript on this subject with excerpts and compilations by Andreas 
Huncke is in ZA NGA Irum the Zentralcs Staatsarchiv Potsdam, Best 50011015, 
■1017, -1018, -1019) See also Huneke's essay in this volume and his article, "Dubiose 
Handler openeren im Dunst der Macht Vom Handel mit cntartcter Kunst,' in Hans 
Albert Peters and Stephan von Wiese eds Aljnd Fkcbtbam Sammler. Kumthandfo. 
Urffjfr exh cat DusseldorJ Kunstmuseum 1987), 101-7 On Moller see Eberhard 
Roters Gakrk Ferdinand Mbila Die Gescfacbfe einei Galeriefiir modeme Kunst in Deutschland 
1917-1954 Berlin ( iebrudei Mann 1984 on Fohn see Annegret landa, "Werke von 
loseph Anton Koch im Tausch gcgen Lntartete Kunst, ' in A J Gar stent/ J A Koch 
(exh cat, Berlin Nationalgalene, 1989), 16-19, and Kurt Martin and Wolf-Dieter 
Dube Scbatkmy S$t und Emanuel Fohn (exh tat. Munich Bayensche Staats- 
^cmaldesammlungen, 1965) Copies of exchange contracts are preserved in ZA/NGA, 
Acta Spec 24, Bd 9, 942/40, 970/41, and photocopies of some of the correspondence 
are in the Arntz archives (see note 79), box III I B and C 

82 "Compensation" to the Nationalgalene was in three parts i the Nationalgalene 
took fourth place behind the Stadtische Galene in Frankfurt am Main, the Folkwang 
Museum in Essen and the Stadtische Bildergalene in Wuppertal) 1 1 The National- 
galenc received six works of art from various exchange contracts one Menzel, three 
drawings by loseph Anton Koch, one Dreber and one Oehme i ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 
24, Bd 9, 970/41) None of the museums was asked about the division and distribution 
of the art, since endless discussions would have ensued Only Wuppertal's director, 
Viktor Dirksen, expressed gratitude for its new Overbeck (ZA/NGA, Acta Spec 24, 
Bd 9, 264/42), the other galleries simply confirmed receipt The total value of these 
works was 7530 reichsmarks, 2) On lanuary 24, 1940, Hermann Goring, who had 
acquired a number of works for himself, had the sum of 165,000 reichsmarks trans- 
ferred to the gallery in payment for van Gogh's Daubigny s harden I which had cost 
250,000 reichsmarks'), three paintings by Munch, and one by Signac I ZA/NGA, 
Ordner "Entartete Kunst 1," Bl 274, 105/40), he still had Franz Marc's Turm der blauen 
Pferde and two other van Goghs, but these were not paid for, 3) A total of 44,490 
reichsmarks was handed over in cash iZA/NCA, General-Etat 265/42) 

83 StaatUcbe Museen zu Berlin. Nattonal-Galene Gemalde des 20 Jabrbunderts < Berlin 
Akademie, 1976 1 and Die Gemalde dcr Nationalgalene Verzeichmt, Deutsche Malerei vom 
KlassiZismus bis zum Imprcsstonimus, Ausldndiscbe Malerei von 1800 bis f«iO (Berlin Staatliche 
Museen, 1986) 

84 For an account of events during and after the war see Irene Kuhnel-Kunze. 
Bergung — Evakuierung — Ruckfubrung Dit Berliner Museen in den labren m9-t959 [Jahrbucb 
Stiftuna htmstscber Kulturbesttz, special ed 2 1 1984), Berlin Gebruder Mann, 1984) 

85 Klees Blumenjrrsser and Lehmbrucks Torso were found to be missing 
Lehmbrucks Die Kmende and the models for Kathe Kollwitz's Elternp.iar were destroyed 
in the Nationalgalene building 

86 The works on view were Barlach's Landschajt (lithograph i, Beckmanns 
Selbstbildms (etching), Heckel's Frublmgslandscbaft and Selbstbildms, Hofer's ZtDO Figure*, 
Kirchners Rbeinbntckc and Alpcnlandscbaft (woodcut), a plaster model of Lehmbrucks 
Die Kmende (loan), Oskar Moll's Badende, Mueller's Frauen unter Baumen (lithograph), and 
Pechsteins Stilleben 

87 Ludwig Justi, Ausstellung in der Nationalgalene, 2d ed (Berlin Das Neue Berlin 
Verlagsgesellschaft, 1950), 57-60 

88 Vtrzacbms der trreimgten Kunstsammlungen Nationalgalene (Preussischer Kulturbesttz), 
Galerit des 20 Jabrbunderts (Land Berlin) (Berlin Gebruder Mann, 1968 i 

K9 Author!; ation dated ( h tobei B l94o" by the Kulturabteilung dct Sowjetischen 
Militaradministrarion (( ultural department oi the Soviet military administration foi 
the Deutsche Verwaltung fur Volksbildung in dcr Sowjetischen BcsatZUngSZOrM 
man administration lor education in the Soviet occupied zom In 1947 Kurt Ri 

the Ami fur Rutkluhrung von Kunstgutern I tepartmeni lot tin rest 
oi in drew up an inventory oi the items in Boehmer*s estate m ( tistrow and those 
field hv iMnller in /ennui > ith a Berlin provenance were given to lusti 

in ItiK oi 1949 Rctltti's lists and COpiCS "I the relevant correspondence arc in !' 

the Amtz archives (see note 79] which also contains a detailed report by Reutn of his 

activities in the immediate postwar period Some ol these were lust published by 
( .erhard Strauss, director of the Amt Museen und Sammlunj, " • - rums 

and collections), in "Dokumcntc zur entartcten Kunst, in Adolf Bchne and Gerhard 
Strauss, eds, Ftstgabe an Carl Hcftt zum 70 GtburtStag I'otsdam Iduard Stichnote 
1948, 53-60 

90 Correspondence relevant to the Kirthncr is in the Arntz archives see r, 
and Roters (mltnt Ferdinand Molltr 

91 Gesetzblatt der DDR, no 85, July 17, 1951 in the Verordnung uher die Errichtung 
der Staatlichcn Kommission fur Kunstangelegenhetten Ordinance concerning the 
establishment of a state commission for artistic matters) of July 12, 1951, it is stipulated 
i paragraph 5) that the duties of the commission include "ensuring that formalism is 
defeated in every area of art, that the fight against decadence is resolutely continued 
and that a realistic art is developed by picking up the traditions left by the great 
masters of classical art" 

92 It is enough to compare statements about Barlach from 1933 and 1937 with one 
from 1952 Alfred Rosenberg, Volkischcr Beobacbter, no 187 July 7, 1933 "Men from the 
l^ndsturmmanner 'German home guard.' ;are] depicted as small, half idiotic mixtures 
of undehnable types of humanity with Soviet helmets Wolfgang vTillrich, SaubenmA 
des Kunsttmpels Bine kunslpoltUsche if t zur Gesundung dcutsiher Kunst im Geiste nor- 
dischet Art (Munich I F Lehmann, 1937i 146 "dull-witted, manic creatures incapable 
of active service, indeed, unsuited to any form of activity Wilhelm Girnus, Neues 
Deutschland , lanuary 4, 1952 "his creations are a gray passive, despairing mass, eking 
out their miserable existence in bestial dull-wittedness and showing not the least spark 
of a strong, living sense of resistance Barlach prefers to look for his types among 
beggars, vagabonds, and tramps, in short, among those passive sections of the 
lumpenproletanat that lead lives of utter hopelessness" 

93 Photographs of the interior have survived from 1954 and 1960 Other museums 
did not fare so well pressure was placed on the Staatliche Kunstsammlungen in 
Weimar, for example, where the Bauhaus room had to be dismantled in the early 
1950s following instructions from the Staatliche Kunstkommission. and in 1949 at the 
Kulturhistonsches Museum in Rostock, Dr Freimann planned an exhibition of works 
confiscated in 1937 from VCest German museums that had been found in Boehmer's 
estate and then taken to Rostock, but she was prevented from proceeding with the 
exhibition and dismissed (see Reutti documentation in the Arntz archives [see note 
79], box 21), another exhibition planned toward the end of the 1950s in Rostock 
was also banned 

Figure 106 

Confiscated works of "degenerate" art stored in Schloss Niederschonhausen, Berlii 

1937, identifiable work is by Dix, Hoter, Lehmbruck, and Rohlfs 


On theTrail of Missing Masterpieces 

Modern Art from German Galleries 

Forty years after the Enliirtclf Kuttst exhi- 
bition opened in Munich in 1937 Robert 
Scholz, one of the most important and 
influential art critics of the National Socialist 
regime wrote 
Tliere can be no doubt that this demonstration was indefensible as <w action, even 
if it did include, for the most part, examples of the most appalling artistic deca- 
dence It had been preceded by a "clean-Up operation" designed to purge the 
country's museums of all examples of decadent art, and the Munich exhibition 
included only a portion of the works removed in this way As later became clear, 
ibf instigators of this clean-up operation were henchmen in the pay of individual 
art dealers who wanted to gel their hands on the frozen assets of the different 
museums, in other words, works such as those of the French modernists that were 
already inlcrmiliOMiilly recognized It was well-known modern art dealers who 
were involved in the sale of expropriated works and who, after 1945, declared they 
had acted out of their concern for modern art, as a form of resistance Not even 
the most pruriently spying researchers on contemporary German history have 
managed to uncover the real facts about this dark chapter in the country's 
recent past ' 

All of us who are involved in the present exhibition and who 
have contributed to this volume must stand accused of "spying 
on contemporary German history" But, to tell the truth, in none 
of the documents that we ourselves have examined have we encoun- 
tered any reference to the state of affairs referred to by Scholz 
What we did repeatedly get wind of was the trail that Scholz left 
behind in the years between 1933 and 1945 Although this trail is 
not so important in the present context that we need to follow it in 
detail, it is one that I will often have occasion to mention, and it will 
also help to throw light on the "real facts," at least to the extent that 
these facts have proved ascertainable 

But first let me provide some background In September of 
1932 Scholz numbered the sculptor Richard Haizmann among those 
"figures who, on their own initiative, have dared to venture into the 
world of firsthand experience and unhackneyed means of expres- 
sion", the Entartete KhiisI exhibition held in Berlin in 1938, however, 
in which Haizmann was represented by a number of sculptures, was 
described by Scholz as an "inferno of cultural Bolshevism " In Jan- 
uary 1933 he discovered in the works of Erich Heckel and Karl 
Schmidt-Rottluff "essential elements of a feeling for form and for the 

world that may be described as 'German ", by 1938 he had come to 
think of the art of the first third of the century as "mestizo art 
an art that results when the Nordic racial element is eliminated and 
suppressed " In 1932 he praised the art dealer Ferdinand Mullet one 
of those dealers who was later to sell impounded works abroad) as 
someone "for whom the art market is not only a job, but at the same 
time a matter of innermost conviction", in 1933, in his memorandum 
"Reform der staatlichen Kunstpflege" (Reform of the state patronage 
of the arts), he himself demanded a "purge" of the museums, and in 
1977 he claimed that it was the art dealers who were to blame 3 

Among those who had railed at modern art even before 1933 
was Bettina Fetstel-Rohmedcr In March of 1933 she observed in the 
pages of the Deutscher Kunstbericht (German art report), of which she 
was the editor, that "what German artists expect from the new gov- 
ernment" was, among other things, 

that all products of cosmopolitan and Bolsfort'isl purport be removed from 
German museums and col/fclions They can first he shown to the public in 
a heap, people can be told what sums were s/)f)il on them, together with llif 
names of the gallery officials and ministers of culture who were responsible 
for acquiring them, after which these inartistic products can have but a 
single use, which is as fuel to heal public buildings ' 
Such defamatory exhibitions were indeed held the same year, and 
in 1939 a number of the impounded works were burned Feistel- 
Rohmeder was only one writer among many who fomented this 
incendiary mood In 1933, however, there was still a sizable group 
of people prepared to defend Expressionism, above all, as German, 
Nordic art And they were able to do so because there were dif- 
ferences over the politics of art even among the Nazi leadership 
Alfred Rosenberg, one of the most violent opponents of modern art, 
was appointed "representative of the Fuhrer for the overall philo- 
sophical and intellectual training and education of the NSDAP" 
(Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist 
German workers party]), although he had few administrative powers 
in this capacity It was the Kultusminister (Minister of education), 
Bernhard Rust, who was responsible for the Berlin Akademie der 
Kunste (Academy of arts), the art colleges, and the museums 
Initially there were officials employed by his ministry who tried to 
mediate and mollify, so that Rust had to defend himself more and 
more against the reproach that he was less than wholly consistent 

Figure 107 

Wassily Kandinsky Improvisation 28 (second version), 1912, 

1114 x 162 cm (43% x 637* m 1, Solomon R Guggenheim 

The Propagandaminister (Minister of propaganda), Joseph Coebbels, 
creating the Reichskulturkammer (Reich chamber of culture) as an 
instrument of power, began by seeking links with a relatively wide 
circle of intellectuals and artists in the hope of finding famous names 
to add luster to the Nazi cause, although he was successful in no 
more than a handful of cases His own sympathies in the visual arts 
lay with "Nordic" Expressionism 

An uncertain situation developed in which Nordic Expression- 
ism was vigorously defended by a number of art historians and a 
group within the Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund 
(National Socialist league of German students) The latter group 
organized an exhibition at the Galerie Ferdinand Moller in Berlin 
under the title Drensxj deutsche Kiinstler (Thirty German artists), but 
the exhibition was allowed to go ahead only after the Studentenbund 
had withdrawn its sponsorship Among the artists represented were 
Ernst Barlach, Heckel, Wilhelm Lehmbruck, August Macke, Franz 
Marc, Gerhard Marcks, Otto Mueller, Emil Nolde, Christian Rohlfs, 
and Schmidt-Rottluff 4 

The arguments for and against Expressionism were effectively 
decided by the speech that Adolf Hitler delivered at a conference on 
culture held during the Nuremberg party congress in September 
1933, when he announced, "In the field of culture, as elsewhere, the 
National Socialist movement and government must not permit 
incompetents and charlatans suddenly to change sides and enlist 
under the banner of the new state as if nothing had happened, so 

they can once again call all the shots in art and cultural policy 
One thing is certain under no circumstances will we allow the 
representatives of the decadence that lies behind us suddenly to 
emerge as the standard-bearers of the future " 5 Even so, arguments 
about Nordic Expressionism were still being adduced as late as 1937 
to justify exhibitions of Expressionist artists at public or private gal- 
leries or publications about such artists Art dealers who succeeded 
in organizing exhibitions of works by artists who had otherwise been 
condemned included Aenne Abels in Cologne, Karl Buchholz, Ferdi- 
nand Moller, and Karl Nierendorf in Berlin, Giinther Franke in 
Munich, Fritz Carl Valentien in Stuttgart, and Alex Vomel in 
Diisseldorf All of them had constant problems with the Nazi 
authorities, but they gave encouragement to artists depressed by 
their enforced isolation and contributed directly to the artists' 
livelihood by selling some of their works to private collectors 

It was in 1935 that policy toward the arts began to harden in 
Hitler's state Exhibitions were closed, works of art confiscated, 
museums sold "degenerate" art in order to rid themselves of these 
incriminating works Count Klaus von Baudissin, appointed director 
of the Museum Folkwang in Essen in 1934, joined forces with Moller 
the following year to sell modern works from the museum's collec- 
tion By July 1936 the situation had reached a point where Baudissin 
was happy to accept 9,000 reichsmarks for Wassily Kandinsky's 
Jmfirot'isiiIioH 28 (1912, fig 107) With Kandinsky's approval, Moller 
acted as intermediary in the sale of several of the artist's works 
(including this one) to the Guggenheim Museum in New York 
Baudissin made propagandist capital out of the sale, penning a news- 
paper article in which he claimed that "the high price attained could 
benefit a type of art for which we really care A decent photo- 
graph is quite sufficient as a souvenir of this attempt to Russianize 
German art " 6 This incident, together with Rust's announcement of a 
"purge of museum holdings" in a speech delivered to the Akademie 
der Kunste at the beginning of November 1936, had two conse- 
quences there was an increase in demand from art dealers anxious 
to negotiate the sale of works of art in German museums, and a 
number of museum directors redoubled their efforts to sell the 
"degenerate" art in their own collections At the museum in Halle an 
der Saale letters of inquiry arrived in quick succession from Vomel's 
and Abels's galleries When the Halle director approached the 
Reichskammer der bildenden Kunste (Reich chamber of visual arts) 
about this matter, he was told that there was no objection to his 
selling works of modern art from his collection to the dealers in 
question 7 Early in 1937 works by Otto Dix, Marc, Mueller, Nolde, 
and Max Pechstein in the Dusseldorf collections were sold to Kunst- 
handlung Bammann, while paintings by Dix, Oskar Kokoschka, 
Paula Modersohn- Becker, and Nolde went to Moller's gallery 8 

Figure 108 

Emil Nolde, AbmdmiU (The Last Supper), 1909. orl on canvas, 86 x 107 cm 
(337b x 42V* in ), Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen £nl<jrtrtr Kunst, 
Room 1, NS inventory no 15944 

Shortly after the Essen Kandinsky was sold to New York, 
Baudissins predecessor in Essen, Ernst Gosebruch, who had been 
dismissed by the Nazis, had written to Nolde, urging him to 
safeguard those works that were in jeopardy In the spring of 1937 
Gosebruch offered the Halle town council 30,000 reichsmarks for 
Nolde's AbmdmaU (The Last Supper, hg 108) Although the price was 
much more attractive than it had been in the case of the Kandinsky 
the municipal authorities feared that, if they agreed, "works rejected 
by the movement" might find their way abroad They sought 
assurance from Rosenberg's office and received a reply from Scholz 
in his capacity as head of the fine arts department to the effect that 
there were presumably "reasons for the purchase that directly affect 
National Socialist policy toward the arts " For that reason, he went 
on, "the material advantages of such a sale must at all costs be sec- 
ondary to the higher political points of view" On July 2, 1937, the 
Halle city fathers wrote to Gosebruch declining his offer Six days 
later the AbendmM was impounded, together with other oils, water- 
colors, and drawings in the Halle collection, and taken to Munich 
in preparation for the EnUirtek Kuml exhibition 9 

The driving force behind this exhibition was Goebbels, who 
saw it as a chance to strengthen his own power base at the expense 
of Rust's position Goebbels was a pragmatist when it came to power, 
and no conviction carried weight for him unless it served his own 
particular ends This explains why there was now no longer any talk 
of Nordic Expressionism His diary entry tor June 4, 1937 reads, 
"Pitiful examples of cultural Bolshevism have been submitted to me 
But I shall now intervene And in Berlin I intend to organize an 
exhibition of decadent art " He read Wolfgang Willnch's recently 
published Saubcnutt) des Kumllempeh i Cleansing of the temple of 
artl and entrusted the task of preparing the exhibition to Hans 
Schweitzer, Reich commissioner for artistic design On lune 18 it 
was decided to hold the exhibition in Munich to mark the "Tag 
der Deutschen Kunst" I German art day), and at the end of the 
month — Schweitzer having proved "too uncertain in his 
judgment" — Goebbels authorized the president of the Reichs- 
kammer der bildenden Ktinste, Adolf Ziegler to impound 
examples of "Verfallskunst" i decadent art) for the exhibition '" 

H U N E K F 

It has so far proved impossible to ascertain exactly how many 
works of art fell victim to this first round of confiscations From the 
lists that have survived in a number of museums it is clear that more 
than six hundred works were subsequently installed in the exhibi- 
tion The art that was not shown or that was removed from the 
exhibition shortly after it opened was shipped to Berlin soon after- 
wards and added to the stacks of works that had been impounded 
during a second round of confiscations 

By the rigorous consistency with which he had material for the 
exhibition impounded in various museums, Goebbels encroached on 
Rust's area of competence, with the result that the latter wanted at 
least to implement a systematic "purge" of the museums himself 
Accordingly he dismissed two officials from his ministry and 
replaced them with Baudissin He then invited the directors of Ger- 
man museums to a conference in Berlin on August 2, 1937, when he 
informed them of a decree issued by Hermann Goring on July 28 
that applied actually to Prussia only and was merely a recommenda- 
tion in other regions of the German Reich What Rust instructed 
the directors to do was simply to record and store those examples of 
"degenerate" art still in their collections, an operation in which they 
were enjoined to stick to the list of artists represented in the Entartete 
Kuml exhibition " Most writers on the subject continue to claim that 
Gonng's decree formed the basis for the second round of confisca- 
tions, but this is untrue Goebbels had already obtained an "order 
from the Fuhrer" on July 27 empowering Ziegler to impound "all 
those products of the age of decadence" that were "still held by all 
the museums, galleries, and collections, whether owned by the 
Reich, the individual regions, or the local communities" This decree 
was sent out on August 4 and was immediately followed by the 
arrival of variously constituted confiscation commissions, whose 
members were all from the Propagandaministenum (Ministry of 
propaganda) or the Reichskulturkammer Baudissin himself was 
therefore not a member but, at best, an observer for the Kultus- 
ministerium Goebbels had completely bypassed Rust, in order not 
to lose face altogether the minister of education could now only 
advise the museums to "support Professor Ziegler's work," while 
orders not to alter anything in the collections by selling or exchang- 
ing art came from the Propagandaministerium itself, which also kept 
a tight control on the entire process of "disposal" of the works that 
had been impounded l2 

The confiscation commissions set about their task with alacrity 
going far beyond the circle of artists who had been represented in 
Enlarlele Kunst It is difficult to define the boundaries of what was 
described as "degenerate " "Distortion" of natural form, particularly 
of the human figure, and "unnatural" colors were the most crucial 
arguments Sometimes it was the identity of the artist that was deci- 
sive, especially if he or she belonged to the Novembergruppe 
(November group), for example, or to similar left-wing associations 
Conversely, an early work by one of the Nazi's favorite sculptors, 

Arno Breker, was also confiscated Lehmbruck's sculptures were 
spared in Halle, whereas in Dresden, by contrast, a number of 
impressively realistic works by the painter Robert Sterl were 
impounded Approximately seventeen thousand works by more 
than a thousand artists fell victim to this operation " A handful of 
"degenerate" works in various collections escaped the commissioners' 
attention, or else they mysteriously remained ih silu in spite of 
appearing on lists of works to be confiscated And sometimes there 
was an opportunity especially in the case of works of graphic art, to 
remove them surreptitiously from the group to be shipped off and to 
replace them with less important works, a ploy used by Willy Kurth, 
the curator of the Kupferstichkabinett in Berlin ' 4 In principle, how- 
ever, between the months of August and October of 1937 German 
museums were despoiled of their entire holdings of modern art 

The impounded works were taken to Berlin, where Walter 
Hoffmann, general secretary of the Reichskammer der bildenden 
Kiinste, was initially responsible for their safekeeping During the 
second half of September he was able to rent a warehouse on 
Kopenicker Strasse owned by the Berliner Hafen- und Lagerhaus 
He proposed insuring the works, but Goebbels considered such a 
move to be "unnecessary" In October 1937 Goebbels appointed 
Franz Hofmann, until then director of the Stadtische Galerie in 
Munich, to the Propagandaministerium, 15 and it became his job 
to deal with the impounded works Hofmann's consultant, ministry 
official Rolf Hetsch, began by drawing up an inventory Hetsch 
had published a Buch der Frtundschaft (friendship book) for Paula 
Modersohn-Becker in 1932 and had planned to publish a book on 
Ernst Barlach, modern art was therefore by no means unfamiliar 
to him, a point that would be important at a later date when the 
works of art were to be disposed of But well before any decision 
had been made about the disposition of the works of art, Ziegler, 
acting on behalf of the Schlesisches Museum in Breslau, turned over 
a portrait of a man by Edvard Munch (which had been impounded 
from Breslau) to the Nasjonalgalleriet in Oslo, exchanging it for a 
landscape by Caspar David Friedrich depicting the Sudeten Moun- 
tains ' 6 This is the only known instance of such a transaction. 

Goebbels visited the warehouse on Kopenicker Strasse in early 
November, and on January 13, 1938, he showed the impounded mate- 
rial to Hitler, noting in his diary "The result is devastating Not a 
single picture finds favor Some of them we intend to exchange 
for decent masters abroad "' 7 Expropriation was now decided on, and 
a "law effecting the confiscation of products of degenerate art" was 
passed on May 31, 1938 '" It related specifically to works already 
impounded during the summer and autumn of the previous year and 
contained hardship clauses allowing for special provisions in individ- 
ual cases Two weeks earlier Goring had expressed the idea not only 
of exchanging works but also of selling them abroad in return for 

Figure 109 

Paintings stored in Schloss NiederschSnhauscn, identifiable work is hv l hagall, 

Delaunay Ensoi and Picasso 

Figure 1 10 

Art stored in Schloss Niederschdnhausen. Barlach's Magdeburg Cathedral war 
memorial is in the background and a version ol his CVislws und Johannes (Christ 
and John I is at right 

foreign currency an idea that met with Coebbels's approval "We 
hope at least to maki i imi mi mi y from this garbage "" A commis- 
sion was set up under Goebbels's nominal chairmanship, "to dispose 

ol the products ol degenerate art I he members were I lofmann, 
Scholz (at the tune head ol the hue arts department in the "Rosi n 
berg bureau"), Schweitzer and Zieglei I leinrich Hoflmann, the 
Reich's photographic reporter. ( arl Meder, consultant from the art 
trade in the Rcichskammer der hildenden Kunste. art dealer Karl 

Haherstock, ami antiquities dealei Max laeuber At the same time 
Hetsch drew up a list of "internationally disposable works, and the 
first task awaiting the commission members when they met in lune "I 
1938 was to look through this list and make whatever additions they 
felt were necessary 2 " That month Goring selected thirteen paintings 
from the collection — four each by Vincent van Gogh and Munch, 
three by Marc, and one each by Paul Cezanne and Paul Signac — 
which he appears to have instructed the art dealer Angerer to sell 
on his account 2I A painting by Paul Gauguin was appropriated by 
Haberstock, who pocketed most of the foreign currency earnings 
by exchanging it for a Rubens that had been supplied to Hitler 
although it had been stipulated that members of the commission 
should "avoid even the semblance of private dealings on the art 
market in order to obviate all harmful propaganda that foreign 
countries might use against Germany" 22 

Meanwhile Hofmann began preparations for the sales campaign 
in collaboration with Hetsch One of their main tasks was to move 
the "exploitable" stock from Kopenicker Strasse to a place where it 
could more easily be kept under surveillance Accordingly 780 
paintings and sculptures and 3,500 watercolors, drawings, and 
graphic works were transferred to Schloss Niederschonhausen the 
following August (figs 106, 109-13, 119-20) 2i On September 12 a 
painting and two sculptures that had been denounced in an exhibi- 
tion entitled Europas Schicksalskampf im Osloi ( Europe's fateful struggle 
in the east), held to mark the NSDAP party congress in Nuremberg, 
were demanded in Berlin by Hofmann, 24 as (apparently) were a con- 
siderable number of works from the version of the Enltirtrtr, Kutist 
exhibition currently on view in Salzburg 71 paintings, watercolors, 
and sculptures were withdrawn for sale and shipped to Berlin 25 

Preparations were completed by September 17, 1938 26 By this 
date several offers had already been received from foreign dealers, 
although the loss of records prevents us from reconstructing these 
offers in detail Among the galleries that appear to have inquired 
after possible purchases were the Galerie Zak in Pans and the 
Colnaghi Gallery in London Certainly the former later acquired 
a number of canvases, while the latter offered to take the entire 
collection, writing subsequently to Hitler 

We should like to add that we are probably tbe only English firm of any 
Size thai has never shown degenerate art from any country nor recom- 
mended il lo any of our clients, since the whole of this trend in all its vulgar 
dishonesty is heartily repiujnanl to us Only after our return did word 

H u N E K E 

Figure 111 

Sculpture by Lehmbruck and other art < 

ed in Schlo^s Niederschonhai 


1 1 



A *■ 

i*^ " : ^E'» 

II 1 



Figure 112 

The central panel ot Tmil Noldes confiscated altarpiece Lthm Qtrisli (Life of Christ, 

figs 321-291 is taken to Schloss Niedersthonhausen lor storage, 1937 

Figure 113 

Art stored in Schloss Niederschonhai 

reach u> from Paris ilmi somebody m lirrlm bad invited two ktvisb 
firms from Paris, Wildenstein t I o and Stligmann t ' o but they 
were most certainly not acting as you would have wished Youi stana 
towards this humbug art is beginning to b»J such widespread ap\ • 
abroad that in spite o| efforts by Jewish dealers, tot international market 
for such products may start to aim way at any moment ^ 
I his oiler was rejected, as was a similar one from the Zurich trust 
company Hides 

Contact had already been established at this time between 
Huchholz and the Oslo dealer Harald Halvorscn, who early in 1939 
auctioned fourteen paintings by Munch that had been impounded in 
Germany, the appraisal was £6,350. 28 Buchholz had written to the 
Propagandaministerium on August H, I93H 

/ have rftfiivd if request jrom (be director of a major American institution 
for paintings by Kokoscbka I would most humbly entreat you to let me 
know if t/jf pieces formerly in museum ownership Lome up for sale. Over 
and above this inquiry, I would also be interested in an inventory of the 
entire stock, since my work as a modern art dealer means that I know inter- 
ested parties abroad who would be prepared to buy works oj ibis kind -^ 
Early in October he wrote to the various museums, asking for photo- 
graphs of the impounded works from their collections By now he- 
was able to add the sentence, "I take the liberty of expressing this 
wish since I have been commissioned by the Propagandaministcnum 
to help with efforts to sell these pictures abroad " ,u 

While Buchholz was still concluding initial sale agreements, 
other dealers wrote to express their own interest in the sale Gurlitt 
asked about paintings by Munch and subsequently reached agree- 
ments for more extensive purchases in personal conversations with 
Hetsch 3I Until 1930 Gurlitt had been director of the museum in 
Zwickau in Saxony where he had begun to build up an impressive 
collection of modern art before being dismissed from his post He 
was then appointed chairman of the Hamburg Kunstverein (Art 
association), finally establishing himself in that city as an art dealer 
At the beginning of November Moller wrote to the wife of the Ger- 
man foreign minister, Joachim von Ribbentrop, following a report 
that a decision was about to be made at one of the commission's 
meetings concerning a sale of "degenerate" art in Lucerne 

Although I cannot imagine that permission will be granted, I should none- 
theless like to point out how unfavorable an impression would arise if this 
auction were to be allowed to go ahead After all. ibese <ire works by artists 
who are world-famous and who are not Jewish From trie point of view of 
foreign policy, this auction could be felt as an insult to those states to 
tubicb ibf drlisls in question belong If it should prove impossible to 
avoid disposing of these things, the German art dealers could still be 
entrusted with the task of selling the things to foreign collectors on their own 
initiative, without causing loo much of a sensation, and of handing over the 
whole of the foreign currency that they receive for them ,2 
Thanks to Ribbentrop's mediation, Moller was then promoted into 
the ranks of those dealers who were actively involved in this matter 


The meeting that concerned Moller took place on November 
17, 1938, and was the first to be held by the "Verwertungskommis- 
sion" (Disposal commission), as it was known By then, however, it 
was no longer a question of giving permission for the firm of Fischer 
to go ahead with the auction in Lucerne, but simply of listing the 
works set aside for the auction and specifying their reserve prices 
Paintings by Munch and sculptures by Ernesto de Fiori, for example, 
were removed from the list for political reasons Similar considera- 
tions persuaded Scholz to propose that Munch's works in general 
should not be described as "degenerate" art The commission 
planned to draw up a press statement to that effect, although, as 
noted above, it still gave permission for fourteen of Munch's paint- 
ings to be sold by Halvorsen ." 

The contract with the Calene Fischer was ready to be signed 
by the end of November Hofmann wrote to Goebbels to inform 
him of developments, adding that the warehouse on Kopenicker 
Strasse containing the "undisposable remainder" of the paintings was 
needed to store grain and therefore had to be cleared "I would sug- 
gest, therefore, that the rest be burned in a bonfire as a symbolic 
propaganda action I myself would be happy to deliver a suitably 
caustic funeral oration " 14 Although Goebbels had already consid- 
ered the possibility of destroying the remaining paintings as early as 
December 12, 1938, it was not until the end of February 1939 that 
Hofmann received permission to burn them Of the members of the 
commission, Haberstock, Scholz, and Taeuber had in vain raised 
doubts about the propriety of such an act of destruction, and at least 
Haberstock and Scholz asked to be released from all responsibility 
in this matter 15 On March 20 five thousand works of art were 
burned in the courtyard of Berlin's main fire station, albeit without 
the propagandist spectacle that Hofmann had hoped to provide "" 
That more works were not involved is due principally to Buchholz 
and dealer Bernhard A Boehmer, each of whom had removed a con- 
siderable number of works from the Kopenicker Strasse warehouse 
shortly before for sale on a commission basis In doing so they were 
working in close collaboration with Hetsch (it was probably Hetsch 
who drew Boehmer into the scheme, since the two men were on 
good terms) ,7 Boehmer had been a friend and pupil of Barlach and 
lived on the latter's estates in the town of Ciistrow in Mecklenburg 
Surviving photographs taken either in or outside Barlach's studio 
show works removed for sale,'* including a group of paintings by 
Wilhelm Morgner (fig 114), Max Peiffer Watenphul's Blumemtilleben 
(Still life with flowers), Dix's Der Scbiitzengraben (The trench, bought 
in January 1940 for $200 by Boehmer 19 and not burned in 1939, 
as has been repeatedly claimed), and Marc's Rote Rebe (fig 115, 
described as a "borderline case" and handed back to the Staatsgalerie 
in Munich in March of 1940 40 ) Buchholz had stored some of the 
works from the Kopenicker Strasse warehouse in his rooms on 
Leipziger Strasse in Berlin, while others appear to have been housed 
in a warehouse on Wilhelmstrasse, where works by Oskar Schlem- 
mer and Ceorg Schrimpf, among others, were found 4 ' 

Figure 1 14 

Painting by Wilhelm Morgner photographed on the grounds of Barla 

in Custrow 

:hs studi< 

After a series of delays the contract with the Calerie Fischer in 
Lucerne was finally signed in March of 1939 The auction, involving 
some 125 works, took place on June 30 While preparations were 
still underway both Buchholz and Curlitt had made contact with 
the director of the Kunstmuseum Basel, Ceorg Schmidt, in order to 
negotiate a sale of works of art other than those to be available at the 
auction From Curlitt, Schmidt acquired Marc's Tierschicksale (Fate 
of animals) and from Buchholz a number of other important works, 
including Lovis Corinth's Eccf Homo (fig 31) and Kokoschka's Die 
Windsbraul (The tempest, fig 37) Schmidt also had to handle the 
Berlin art dealer Wolfgang Curlitt, who was trying to interfere in 
the deal currently being transacted with Buchholz and Hildebrand 
Curlitt 42 Like Valentien in Stuttgart, Wolfgang Curlitt negotiated 
only a handful of sales the only transactions he is known to have 
arranged were for two paintings by Corinth in 1940 and one by 
Henn-Edmond Cross in 1941 4 ' Something of a special case were the 
three exchange contracts negotiated by the Austrian-born, Italian- 
based painter Emanuel Fohn with the Propagandaministerium in 
Berlin in 1939 He offered a handful of paintings and drawings by 
Romantic artists and received in return a respectable collection of 
modern art 44 

The vast majority of the works were handled by the four dealers 
Boehmer, Buchholz, Hildebrand Curlitt, and Moller Works had to 
be sold abroad in return for foreign currency, sales to interested par- 
ties in Germany were expressly forbidden Nevertheless, all four 
dealers sold "degenerate" art to German collectors and private gal- 
leries as well as to foreign customers, in some cases they kept the 
works for themselves Details of provenance and the number corre- 
sponding to each work's entry in the confiscation register (generally 
stamped on a small label or written on the canvas stretcher in blue 
crayon) were to be removed before the sale (although this was often 

Rgure 115 

I ran; Star, s Rota RA Red dtrcri m Bariach's studii 

not done, so that the numbers are of use to us today in identifying 
the works and determining their provenance) The dealers received 
their commission in reichsmarks — between 10 and 20 percent — 
once the foreign currency had been received Only for those works 
from the Kopenicker Strasse warehouse that were more difficult to 
sell did they receive 25 percent 45 There may have been the occa- 
sional "trick," however, as when Hildebrand Gurlitt asked Basel to 
pay his commission on the 6,000 Swiss francs for Marc's Tierscbicksale 
to an intermediary in Switzerland, even though the sale price 
already included a commission of 1,000 Swiss francs, which Gurlitt 
demanded all over again in reichsmarks 4 '' 

When the Nazis declared war in September of 1939 the Propa- 
gandaministenum questioned whether the sales should be called off 
Hut Hofmann insisted 

The question as !o bow the remainder of llir collection m Scfc/oss 
Scbbnhausen should be disposed of has now become particularly acute in 
view of the need lo obtain the foreign currency that can he raised by tins 
means The business negotiations between our German intermediaries and 
interested parties abroad, which began to falter for a time during the early 
days of the war, have been taken up again in the meantime, in some cases 
directly, while in other cases new ways are being sought to sell to Ameri- 
can, Norwegian, Swiss, and Dutch customers above all.* 7 
But it now became increasingly difficult to obtain foreign currency 
As a result, the four dealers hit on the idea of exchanging twentieth- 
century works for nineteenth-century art Sixteen such exchange 
contracts have survived from the period between November 1939 
and March 1941 The most drastic was concluded with Boehmer on 
July 16, 1940, when a relatively weak painting by Carl Gustav Carus, 
Heimkehr der Monche ins Kloster (Monks returning to the monastery, 
now in the Museum Folkwang in Essen), was exchanged for six 

wi M ks by Karl I lofer, five l>v I le< kel, tour each by Lyonel Feininger 
and Muellei three bv Maurice de Vlaminck two 
(.loss and NiiUIc and one eai h by < Irosz Kokosi hka, Rudolf Levy, 
Heinrich Nauen, Ernst Wilhelm N.iv Si hit mmi i and Paul Adolf 

Seehaus, together with ten sculptures by liarlach and one each by 
loachim Karsch, Marcks, and Ewald Matare — a total of forty-eight 
works of art, many ol them ol considerable importance 4 * 

It is clear from this transaction how die pne e ol "degenerate" 
art had plummeted, spiraling downward under inflationary pressures 
It was only now that modern German art began to conquer the 
world market, but although the sudden increase in demand helped it 
to become better known, it did not result in high prices Paintings by 
Mueller and Rohlts, for example, were sold for sums in the region of 
$30 in the years around 1940, while works bv I emmger, Heckel, and 
Schmidt- Rottluff raised between $40 and $60 each Max Beckmann, 
Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, and Hofer, were valued somewhat higher, 
with Beckmann's Rugbyspieler i Rugby players) and Holer's Spaziergang 
( Promenade) each making $180, while Kirchner's Die Master der Britcke 
(The masters of Die Briicke, tig I16i brought in one of the top 
prices, $200 Apart from works by French artists, very few other 
paintings passed this $200 limit, the main exceptions being Paul Klee 
and especially Marc (a watercolor by the latter sold for $800, the 
same price as Kokoschka's large oil Dif Wmiis/'riiul), together with 
Corinth, Kokoschka, Lehmbruck, Modersohn-Becker, and Nolde 
Paintings by lesser-known artists such as Heinrich Campendonk or 
Schlemmer brought between $5 and $20 (or up to $50 in excep- 
tional cases) Not that these prices were intended to reflect the 
National Socialists' contempt for such art Hofmann noted in a letter 
to Moller, "In selling works abroad, only the commercial interest is 
crucial, regardless of differing views on the German side" 4 '' Every- 
thing points to the fact that the four dealers — especially Boehmer 
and Buchholz who, unlike Gurlitt and Moller, concerned themselves 
not only with works by the most famous artists — were at one with 
Hetsch in their efforts to sell as many of the expropriated works as 
possible The burning of the "undisposable remainder " must have 
made it clear to them that a similar fate threatened every work that 
was not sold 

A relatively large number of works found their way to the 
United States during these years There were long-established 
links here with patrons of modern German art such as William R 
Valentiner, Alfred H Barr, Ir, Hilla von Rebay Emmy (Galka) 
Scheyer, and I B Neumann, and also with expatriate art dealers such 
as Karl Nierendorf and Curt Valentin, both of whom had chosen to 
go into exile after 1933 Valentin had run Buchholz's gallery in Berlin 
and subsequently opened a branch in New York, the Buchholz Gal- 
lery Curt Valentin This, of course, was a ready-made platform from 
which Buchholz could sell to America 


Figure 116 

Ernst Ludwig Kirchner, Die Mmlfr dtr Bruckt (The 
on canvas, 168 x 126 cm (66'/. x 49% in ), MuseL 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16040 

of Die Brucke), 1926/27, i 
Ludwig, Cologne Etitarttlt Kunst 

In the records kept by the Propagandaministerium relating to 
art dealers, the list of works sold to Valentin mentions only the sums 
paid 50 It is possible, however, to work out more or less accurately 
a number of transactions on the basis of the known dates The first 
two contracts with Valentin, dated February and May 1939, came 
to a total of $6,945, and although the details of the sales cannot be 
reconstructed, they may possibly have comprised one painting 
each by Georges Braque, Andre Derain, Kirchner, and Mueller, 
three oils and six watercolors by Klee, five watercolors by Mueller, 
four gouaches by Beckmann, and seven statues by Lehmbruck, 
including a bronze version of his Grosse Kniende (Large kneeling 
woman, fig 290) But even this does not exhaust the list 51 

Among the Klee watercolors sold to Valentin was the Die 
Zwitschermaschine (The twittering machine, fig 117) from the Berlin 
Nationalgalerie, and thereby hangs a curious tale The work was still 
on view in the Entartete Kunst exhibition and was not included in the 
original shipment to Buchholz, who sent a reminder at the end of 
March 1939 On April 4 it was recalled from the exhibition, which 
was currently in Weimar Buchholz followed this up on April 17 with 
a letter to Hofmann 

/ am writing to ask you if you would be kind enough to sell Die 
Paukenorgel (Tlie drum organ) to an American lover of Klee's work for 
$75. Tfeis work was included fry mistake in one of the first ma]or consign- 
ments in place of Die Zwitschermaschine, since title and subject can, 
after all, mean a great many different things In different people where works 
of this kind are concerned It now turns out that Die Zwitscher- 
maschine is still here and that the work over there must therefore depict 
Die Paukenorgel / should like lo think that you might sanction this sale 
retroactively, so that Die Zwitschermaschine, which has already been 
granted a licence and paid for, can also be included in the shipment. 57 
Evidently annoyed by the way in which these titles had been mixed 
up, Hofmann noted in the margin of the letter, "Get rid of Zu'ifscber- 
nwscbiMf & Paukenorgeb" 5 - {Die Zwitschermaschine is now in the Museum 
of Modern Art in New York ) 

Whereas there is some uncertainty about the two previous con- 
tracts, the following agree in every detail with the sums of money 
paid in June 1939 $9,720 was paid for two works each by Klee, 
Marc, Henri Matisse, Modersohn-Becker, and Nolde, and one each 
by Derain, Feininger, and Kokoschka, along with twenty-five water- 
colors by Nolde, five by Klee, and two by Marc, and two sculptures 
in cast stone of Lehmbruck's Crosse Kniende and Sitzender Jiingling 
(Young man sitting, fig 289), in December $2,190 was paid for five 
oils by Kirchner, three each by Feininger and Klee, and one each by 
Hofer and Kokoschka, in addition to two watercolors by Klee and 
one hundred drawings by Kirchner, also in December $400 was paid 
for single works by Feininger, Klee, Macke, and Schmidt- Rottluff, 
and Heckel's triptych Die Genesende (The convalescent) 54 

The next series of sales is again shrouded in mystery Included 
in the list is a contract mentioning two other copies of Lehmbruck's 
Gross? Kniende and Sitzender Jiingling, but it could not be effected since 
these two pieces were not owned by a museum but belonged to the 
town of Duisburg, where they were on public display The Nazis had 
removed the Crossf Kniende from its position in the Tonhallegarten 
and placed it in an office block On April 17, 1940, the city fathers 
inquired of the propaganda office in Essen whether the sculpture 
could be taken away and melted down, since a campaign was cur- 
rently underway to collect metal for armaments As the result of a 
misunderstanding, it was assumed in Berlin that the Duisburg statue 
was the version that had been shown in the Entartete Kunst exhibition 
in Munich and that it had therefore already been expropriated In 
consequence, it was offered to Buchholz to sell On May 14 the 
propaganda office in Essen wrote again, this time asking if the 
Sitzender Jiingling — currently on display in the Duisburg cemetery 
and said to be causing offense to members of the general public and 
armed forces alike — could be sold as well This was confirmed, and 
fourteen months later Hetsch reported that Buchholz had sold both 
sculptures in America 55 In fact, they never left Duisburg 

Iigure 117 

Paul Klec, /)if Zu'/(silifrm.isJtiMf The twittering machine!, 1922, watercolor and 

pen and ink on till transfer drawing on paper mounted on cardboard, 64 I x 48 3 cm 

(25% x 19 in ), The Museum ol Modern Art, New York, purchase fnlurtrtr Kunsl, 

Room C2, NS inventory no unrecorded 

A contract of December 1941) with Valentin again tallies only 
approximately with a list of works that Buchholz had offered, com- 
prising three oils by Schmidt-Rottluff, two each by Campendonk 
and Kokoschka, one each by Feininger, Heckel, and Nolde, a 
sculpture by Lehmbruck, fifty graphic works by Kokoschka, one 
hundred by Nolde, and two hundred by various other artists 5c Of 
these, Buchholz retained a number of works for his own collection, 
including Heckel's Unicrbaltunt) (Conversation), for which he never- 
theless appears to have made his partner Valentin pay $25 Attempts 
to follow the trail of works of art are often made more difficult by 
fictitious sales of this kind, but it was necessary to go through 
the motions of such transactions because "degenerate" art was not 
officially allowed to remain in Germany 

The last two contracts signed by Valentin in 1941 are again 
unambiguous in March he paid $700 for Corinth's Tod und Madchen 
1 Death and the maiden I and Kokoschka s Nolre-Dame zu Bordeaux, 
and in April he paid $325 for seven oils by Beckmann, including 
the Kreuzabnahme (Deposition, fig 164) shown in the Eitdirlflf KhhsI 
exhibition The Beckmann oils in particular spent some considerable 
time on sale in America ,7 The Kreuzabnahme was one of twenty-three 
works by various artists that were shown at the Landmarks in Modern 
German Art exhibition held at the Buchholz Gallery Carl Valentin 
in New York in April 1940, containing works formerly owned by 
German galleries 

I he salts t .mipaign ended On lune in 1941 I In final tigures 

vary considerably even it we in< lude ill s.ilcs exchange deals, goods 
on commission, and works that had already been returned to the 

museums, and even if we are generous in estimating the number of 
winks in each ol these groups, there are still some live thousand 
works of which there is no trace What happened to the remain 
ing works in the Sch loss Niedeisc honhausen storage facility is 
completely unclear, as is the fate ol the art that was to be sold on 
commission but then returned and the works that were returned in 
November of 1941 after frtiturlftc Kunsl had ended It is unlikely that 
the art dealers handed back to the Nazi authorities all the works on 
commission, but they could not circumvent the situation altogether 
The Propagandaministerium then handed over the statement of clis 
position to the Kultusministenum The only point on which Rust was 
able to assert his authority (and he did so repeatedly) was on the 
question of compensation following requests by those museums that 
had been affected by the various rounds of expropriations Rust had 
been assured that compensation would be made, but, in view of the 
low prices involved, such payments turned out to be decidedly mea- 
ger The Nationalgalene in Berlin, for example, was awarded only 
165,000 reichsmarks for several paintings, one of which, by Van 
Gogh, had cost 250,000 reichsmarks, Halle received 15,980 
reichsmarks, Mannheim 29,800, and Munich 120,285 (this last 
figure no doubt inflated by the self-portrait of van Gogh that was 
auctioned in Lucerne) " H A handful of museums also received 
nineteenth-century works that had been exchanged for art of the 
twentieth century although this form of payment, too, was not 
remotely commensurate with the losses 

Even after the campaign was over, museum holdings were by no 
means safe Scholz, for example, who had been appointed director of 
the Halle Museum in 1939 in addition to his activities at the "Rosen- 
berg bureau," gave instructions in 1941 or 1942 for a painting and a 
series of drawings by Liebermann to be sold through Hildebrand 
Gurlitt, arguing that the interested client was probably a Jewish 
emigre who could take the "painted piece of cardboard" out of the 
country without any further ado (This was the same Liebermann 
whom Scholz was to describe as a "realistically gripping Impres- 
sionist" in 1970 S9 ) As in so many other cases, the trail of these 
works by Liebermann has been lost 

Every exhibition whose organizers take up this disrupted trail 
and succeed in discovering the present whereabouts of works 
believed to have been lost adds to our picture of the art of the first 
third of the twentieth century And it is good if German academics 
can work alongside them, thus requiting some of the guilt that 
accrued under the pretext of "German" attitudes toward individual 
artists as well as toward European culture in general during the years 
of Nazi domination ■ 

h u N e k t 


1 Robert Scholz, Archittklm und UUmdt Kunsl 1933-19-15 (Preussisch Oldendorf 
Schiirz, 1977), 45-46 

2 Robert Scholz's earlier, more favorable opinions appear in 'Herbstliche Kunst 
wanderung," SlraJilzrr Anznow, September 30, 1932, and in his feature article on the 
Lrbmdc Drulscbr Kunsl (Living German artl exhibition held at Calerie Cassirer, also 
published in the Sterilizer Anztujrr, January 24, 1933 His later, negative assessments can 
be found in "Kunstbolschewistisches Inferno," Kolliiscrirr Brobucblrr, February 26, 1938, 
and 'Der nordische Cedanke in der Kunst" (public lecture delivered on October 21, 
1938, on the occasion of the 1938 NorJucbt Wocbt [Nordic week] in Hamburg), 7 
Scholz's memorandum of 1933 is mentioned by Joseph Wulf in Dir bildoidot Kunste im 
Drillm RricJj Einr Dokummlilion (Frankfurt/Berlin/Vienna Ullstein, 1983), 449 n I 

3 Bettina Fetstel-Rohmeder, "Was die Deutschen Kunstler von der neuen 
Regierung erwarten", cited in An^rifl an} dit Kunsl Dtr/asc/mliscrir BiMrrsturm mr jiitifzig 
lahm (exh cat edited by Andreas Huneke, Weimar Kunstsammlungen, 1988), 29 

4 See Andreas Huneke, "Der Versuch der Ehrenrettung des Expressionismus als 
'deutscher Kunst' 1933 und die objektiven Crunde seines Scheiterns," FunJilioHfH und 
Wirfeunowrism drr Kunsl im Sozialismm BmrbatttB Prolokoll (Third annual conference of 
the section on aesthetics of the Verband bildender Kunstler der DDR [Association 

of visual artists of the CDR], Binz, March 27-30, 1978), 91-100, an abridged version 
is in Zunsc/ioi Widmtand md An/wssuni) Kunsl in DfulscMnnu 1 1933-19(5 (exh cat by Bar- 
bara Volkmann, Berlin Akademie der Kunste, 1978), 51-53 

5 Adolf Hitler, speech at NSDAP rally Nuremberg, September 2. 1933, published 
in Dir RrJro Hitlrrs am Rncfesfwrtatai im (Munich Franz Eher, 1934), 29-30 

6 Klaus von Baudissin, "Das Essener Folkwangmuseum stosst emen Fremdkorper 
ab," Milionnl-Zriluni) (Essen), August 18, 1936, see also Paul Vogt, ed, DoJeumrnlnlion zur 
GrscJiicblr uVs Musrum Folkmaxj (9I2-39J5 (Essen Folkwang Museum, 1983), 106-13, and 
Eberhard Roters, Galirii Ftrdiiumd Mdllrr Dit Gocbicfctt ana Galcricjiir modtmt Kunsl in 
DmlscWan.) 1917-1956 (Berlin Cebruder Mann, 19841, 160-61 

7 Alex Vdmel, letter to the Museum Halle, November 25, 1936, Aenne Abels, 
letter to the Museum Halle, December 11, 1936, Bernhard Grahmann, letter to the 
Reichskammer der bildenden Kunste, Halle-Mei-seburg, December 19, 1936, Reichs- 
kammer der bildenden Kunste, Halle-Merseburg, letter to Grahmann, February 16, 
1937 (Stadtarchiv Halle, 321-4/10, 2-5) 

8 Vtrbotm, mfolgt Kumliiitlnlur m l RricJj (exh cat by Barbara Lepper, Duisburg 
Wilhelm-Lehmbruck-Museum. 1983), 14-15 

9 Ernst Gosebruch, letter to Emil Nolde, 1936 (Seebull, Stiftung Ada and 
Emil Nolde), Gosebruch, letter to Johannes Weidemann, June 15, 1937, Bernhard 
Grahmann, letter to Weidemann, June 25, 1937, Weidemann, letter to the "Rosenberg 
bureau," June 6, 1937, Robert Scholz, letter to Weidemann, July I, 1937, Weidemann, 
letter to Gosebruch, July 2, 1937 (Stadtarchiv Halle, 321-4/5, 1-12), see Andreas 
Huneke, Die/flscfeislisclw Aklion "Enlartilc Kunsl" 1937 in Halfc (Halle Staatliche Galerie 
Montzburg, 1987), 11-12 

10 Die Tiigtbucbir ron hapb Gotbbth Sumllicfcr Frai/mrnlr, edited by Elke Frohlich 
(Munich K C Saur, 1987), pt I, vol 3, 166, 171, 178, 189 

11 Huneke, Dir /nscbisuscfer Aklion, 13-14 

12 Ibid, 14 

!3 The numbers quoted by writers on the subject differ by as much as five thou 
sand works The inventory of confiscated art runs to around 16,500 entries, but some 
of these have been left blank, while others cover entire portfolios of graphic works or 
a group of several watercolors or oils 

14 Alfred Hentzen, Dir Brrlmrr N,ilion,i/-C<llrnf im BiMrrslurm (Cologne Grote, 
1972), 39-40 

15 Memorandum of September 22, 1937, Walter Hoffmann, letter to Joseph 
Goebbels, October 6, 1937, Goebbels, letter to Adolf Ziegler, October 21, 1937 
(Zentrales Staatsarchiv Potsdam [ZStA], Best 5001-743, Bl 8, 15-16, and Dir 
Tagdriicbcr, pt I, vol 3, 285 

16 "Tausch von beschlagnahmten Produkten entarteter Kunst gegen Werke 
deutscher Meister des XVIII und IXX lahrhunderts" (Exchange of confiscated 
products of degenerate art in return for works by German masters of the eighteenth 
and nineteenth centuries), Nr I (Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Zentrales Archiv, 
Nationalgalerie Archiv, Acta Spec 24, Bd 9, 942/40, V d 809) 

17 Dir Tajtbiicbtr, pt I, vol 3, 325, 401, 403 

18 The "Gesetz uber Einziehung von Erzeugnissen entarteter Kunst," with justifica- 
tion and explanation, is preserved in Potsdam (ZStA, Best 5001-1012, Bl 27-321 

19 Dir Taj&iidxr, pt 1, vol 3, 445, 494 

20 Draft of "Erlass des Fuhrers und Reichskanzlers" (Decree by the Fiihrer 
and German chancellor, ZStA, Best 5001-1012, Bl 24), Franz Hofmann, letter to 
the "Verwertungskommission" [Disposal commission], June 8, 1938 (ZStA, Best 
5001-1020, Bl 49a) 

21 The works handed over to Hermann Goring were van Gogh's Ddurndny's 
Garden, Wbral Field, and Youm) Loom, Marc's Turn, drr blaum Pftrd, and Drn Rrfcr, 
Munch's rjmrr.Kr, Einomttrr by tor Sra, MAandwly, and Show Sbovelen, and Signac's 
Port, all from Berlin, Cezanne's Quarry, Essen, van Gogh's Dr GacJjrt, Frankfurt, 
and Marc's Hirscfe im Waldc, Halle 

22 Haberstock received Gauguin's Horsemen on tbe Brac/i (Cologne, ZStA, Best 
5001-1020, Bl 35), see Haberstock, letters to Franz Hofmann, June 5 and June 23, 
1939 (ZStA, Best 5001-1020, Bl 53-54) 

23 Franz Hofmann, letter to Joseph Goebbels, July 22, 1938 (ZStA, Best 
5001-1020, Bl 38-40), "Bestand in Niederschonhausen" (Holdings in 
Niederschonhausen, ZStA, Best 5001-1015, Bl 26-50) 

24 Franz Hofmann, letter to the Amt Schonheit der Arbeit (Beauty of work office), 
September 12, 1938 (ZStA, Best 5001-743, Bl 85, reference kindly supplied by 
Chnstoph Zuschlag) 

25 "Von der E A K aus Salzburg zuruckerhalten" (Received back from EntarMt 
Kunsl in Salzburg, ZStA, Best 5001-743. Bl 75-76) 

26 Franz Hofmann, letter to Joseph Goebbels, September 17, 1938 (ZStA, Best 
5001-1018, Bl 3-4) 

27 P and D Colnaghi, letter to Adolf Hitler, October 19, 1938, cited in Gerhard 
Strauss, "Dokumente zur 'Entarteten Kunst," in Karl Ho/rr 1878-1955 (exh cat, Berlin 
Staatliche Kunsthalle, 1978), 226 

28 Kommission zur Verwertung der Produkte entarteter Kunst, meeting minutes, 
December II, 1940 (ZStA, Best 5001-1020, Bl 51, Karl Buchholz, letter to Rolf 
Hetsch, September 17, 1938 (ZStA, Best 5001-1017, Bl 49) 

29 Karl Buchholz, letter to the Propagandaministerium, August 8, 1938 (ZStA, 
Best 5001-1017, Bl 44) 

30 Karl Buchholz, letter to the Museum Halle, October 7, 1938 (Stadtarchiv Halle, 
Kommunales Tagebuch, April 1951, 48 verso) 

31 Hildebrand Gurlitt, letter to Franz Hofmann, October 14, 1938, and letter to 
Rolf Hetsch, October 28, 1938 (ZStA, Best 5001-1015, Bl 148, 150) 

32 Ferdinand Moller, letter to Madame von Ribbentrop, November 9, 1938 (Berlin, 
Berlmische Galerie, Nachlass Ferdinand Moller) 

33 Kommission zur Verwertung der Produkte entarteter Kunst, meeting minutes, 
November 17 1938 (ZStA, Best 5001-1020, Bl 31-32) 

34 Franz Hofmann, letter to Joseph Goebbels, November 28, 1938 (ZStA, Best 
5001-1020, Bl 19-21) 

35 Dir Tagibuchtr, 547, Franz Hofmann, letter to loseph Goebbels, February 22, 
1939, Kommission zur Verwertung der Produkte entarteter Kunst, meeting minutes, 
February 20, 1939 (ZStA, Best 5001-1020, Bl 14-18) 

36 More recent writers on the subiect have expressed doubts that this auto-da-fe 
did in fact take place, but the "good reasons" that they adduce for doubting the events 
are never given In favor of the argument that the works in question were burned is the 
fact, for example, that the painter Ulnch Ert! asked to be compensated for three of 
his works that had been burned along with the others, since they had merely been 

on loan to the Lmdenau-Museum in Altenburg, his application was turned down 
(Kommission zur Verwertung der Produkte entarteter Kunst, meeting minutes, 
May 7, 1940 [ZStA, Best 5001-1020, Bl 8]) 

37 The first contracts with Boehmer and Buchholz are dated March II, April 15, 
and April 18, 1939 (ZStA, Best 5001-1019, Bl 222-39, Best 5001-1017, Bl 8-15) 

38 A group of photographs in the archives of the Nationalgalerie in Berlin were 
previously believed to have been taken exclusively in the Schloss Niederschonhausen 
warehouse In checking them, however, I was able to identify Ernst Barlach's studio 
as the background of some of the prints (figs 114-15) 

39 Bcrnhard A Bochmci sale COntraCI l.imi.irv 23 1940 ZStA Best 50.01-1019 

wblfgang Scl :k Schmldi I leidclberg lus pursued the Fate <>l this 

painting in hi*, doctoral thesis 

4(i Kommission -or Verwertung der Produkte entartetei Kunst, meeting minutes 

December t. 1930 ZStA Besl 5O0I-I020 Bl 12 •• fctei Klaus Schustei ed 

Dolrwmrtiliitu'M :um MtioMlsozidfisltsdmi lUUn^utm ,im Mr*:.*"./ Jrt Staatsgaltrit iNOuVnui Kimst 
m Milndxn (Munich Staatsgalerie modernei Kunsl 1987-88), 68-71 
41 CeorgSchmidl Umj.mj m,i Kunil AusjcwiUtn Scbrif tot mo ihi (Olten Walter. 
1966 127 corresponds with the details given by Buchholz concerning those winks 

that he sent to Basel on commission, see also Karl Buchholz Angcbotslistc I In 

1939 ZStA Hcst 50.01 mi - HI 130 

irg krt-is I ntartete Kunst in Basel line Chronik ausserordentlii hei 
Ankaute im laluc 1939 Basbi Zritschn/l lur Gesch'CBti unj AilrrtumsktmA 78 1 1978 
163 B9 see also the expanded version of this article "Entarlett" Kunsl fiir Basel Die 
Hmusfonkrunj pot <»<» Basel Wicsc, 1990), 22-28, 50-54, 62-70 
4i Roll Hetsch letter to Wolfgang Curlitt, December 23, 1941, Curlitt, letter 
to Regicrungsrat Senior civil servant Hopl Inlv s 1941 <ZStA Best 5001-1015, 
111 6 i'i 

44 lehiuarv I I'M 1 ' I oil hv lohann C hnstian Remhart and 2 sepia paintings 
bv loscph Anton Koch were exchanged lur it mis 29 watercolors, I drawing; and 

1 portfolio ol graphit wmks 2 >>i the oils were by ( orinth, 1 each by Dix, Fuhr, 
kokoschka Maikc Marc and 4 by Modersohn-Bcckcr of the watercolors 6 were by 
Klee and the other 2s by Marc the drawing was bv KollwitZ, and the portfolio of 
graphic works by Kubin) 

fune 14 1939 18 drawings bv various Romantic artists were exchanged lor 

2 tapestries iRohlts and Tagore), 12 oils 1 1 each by Adlcr, Braque, Campigli, de Chi- 
inn Coubinc kirchner I e I .mconnier. and Schicle. and 2 each by Faistauer and 
bwlensky 127 watercolors and drawings lAdler [3). Beckmann, Chagall, Dix [7], 
leininger [6], Fuhr [2j, Gromatre, Heckel [2], lawlensky Kandinsky Kirchner [6], 
Klee t Klimt 2 Koster, Kokoschka [8], Kubir 
Meidner Modersohn-Bccker [3], Modigliani, Mue 
Schiele [ 18], Schmidt -Rottluff |6], and Tagore (2] 

December 8, 1939 1 till each by Victor Muller and Friednch Overbeck 1 draw 
mg each by Dreber and Joseph Anton Koch were exchanged lor 5 oils (Beckmann, 
Dix, Holer, Kokoschka, and Macket, 55 watercolors and drawings (Archipenko 2 
( ampendonk, Dix (4), Feminger [3], Fuhr Crosz [4], Heckel [2], Kandinsky [2], 
Kirchner (2], Kokoschka [3], Kubin, Macke |5], Marcks [5], Modersohn-Becker [2], 
Mueller [3], Noldc (2], Picasso, Rohlfs [7], Schlemmer (2], Schmidt-Rottluff |2|, and 
Sevcrmil, and 32 works ol graphic art and 9 portfolios of graphic works 'Staatliche 
Musecn zu Berlin, Archiv der Nationalgalene, Acta Spec 24, Bd 9, 942/40, V d 809, 
Nr II, III, V) 

45 Andreas Huneke, "Dubiose Handler operieren im Dunst der Macht' Vom 
Handel mit 'entarteter' Kunst,' in AlfrrJ Fltcbtbdm Sammlrr, fCunsiluWfrr, Vrrliga (exh 
cat by Hans Albert Peters and Stephan von Wiese, Dusscldorl Kunstmuseum, 1987), 

46 Hildebrand Curlitt letter to Ceorg Schmidt, August 18, 1939 (Offentliche 
Kunstsammlung Basel, Archiv, reference kindly supplied by Ceorg Kreisl, Curlitt, 
letter to Roll Hetsch, September 25, 1939 (ZStA, Best 5001-1015, Bl 141), see Kreis, 

EnUrirtr Kmst fur Basil. 53 

47 Franz Hofmann, letter to Regicrungsrat Hopf, September 21, 1939 I ZStA, Best 
5001-1020, Bl 73) 

48 Huneke, "Dubiose Handler."' 103-4 

49 Franz Holmann, letter to Ferdinand Moller, December 15, 1939 (Berlin, Berli- 
nische Calerie, Nachlass Ferdinand Moller), see also Huneke, "Dubiose Handler, "' 103 

50 "Aufstellung der Vertrage des Propagandamimsterium, Berlin, uber an Herrn 
Valentin gelielerte Wcrke entarteter Kunst und uber dessen Zahlungen" (Inventory ol 
contracts with the Propagandaministertum. Berlin, concerning works of degenerate art 
delivered to Mr Valentin, and their payments, ZStA, Best 5001-1017. Bl l(,4 

51 "Namcn und Daten der vermittelten Vcrkaufe." June 3, 1939 (ZStA, Best 
5QOI-10I7 Bl 99-1001 

52 Karl Buchholz. letters to Franz Holmann, March 31 and April 17, 1939 (ZStA, 
Best 50011017 Bl 178, 1801 

[4], Liebermann, Macke III], 
Her [6], Nolde[5|, Rohlfs [7], 
, and 87 works of graphic art 

s< Audi, r Huneki Vf/eg mit Zwitschet el PaulKleeund 

die Aktion Entartete Kunst," inPaulfClw Vortriigti khscIm/Ui'cIki 

dm ii mix Dambtr csi (Dresden Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 1984 65-70 
54 Karl Buchholz letter to Fran: Hofmann, September 12, 1941 Buchhol 
to Hofmann November II 1939 Hofmann letter to Buchhol December IE 19 • 
(ZStA Besl 5001-1017 "I 143 43 105, 107 respectively 

I im i im nr ili< Duisburg Lehmbrucks are preserved in I'" 1 d 

Reichspropagandaaml Propaganda offlo Essen letter to the Reichskammer del 
biidenden Kunste, April 17 1940, Ministerialral Assistant government department 
headi Biebrach, letters to Reichspropagandaaml I ssen April 17 and May I s 1940 
Rcichspropagandaamt I ssen, letters to Biebrach May 14 and May 21, 1941). Karl 
Buchholz, letter to Franz Hofmann, April 19 1940 Roll I letsi li lettt i 
propagandaamt, Essen, September 14, 1940 (ZStA Best 5001-1017, Bl 120-29 ei 
Siegfried Salzmann, Hihiiti) mil ^rr rsNifmlrM Fm Beitrag zur CescbicbU its Kimstsktutdals 
i Duisburg Museumverein, 19HI 

56 Karl Buchholz, letter to Franz Hofmann, May 22 1940 (ZStA, Best 50.01 l"l" 
Bl 291) 

57 Karl Buchholz, sale contract, February 15 1941. Buchholz, letter to Franz 
Hofmann, January 27. 1941 'ZStA Best 50.01-1017 HI 270, sin 

58 Hentzen, Dir (tVrlinrr N,ilion,il-(„ilrrir, 45 I luneke, Dir fascbisiisdx Minn, IK 
Enfurlrlr Kunsl b\scMajmbmcahiimm in ier Slaitiscbm Kmstballe Mmiibein 1937 exh cat 
by Hans-lurgen Buderer, Mannheim Stadtische Kunsthalle, 1987' 36, Kommission 
zur Verwertung der Produkte entarteter Kunst, meeting minutes, December 6, 1939 
(ZStA, Best 5001-1020, Bl II), Dagmar Lott, "Munchens Neue Staatsgalerie im 
Dnttcn Reich," in Peter- Klaus Schuster, ed , Dir "Kmslsladt" Mum dm (<u7 Nuliomil- 
sozialismus und "Entaruie Kunsl" (Munich: Prcstel, 1987), 297 

59 Robert Scholz. Vom Eros dir Kunsl (Munich Turmer, 1970), 29, Biirgermeister 
May letter to lohannes Weidemann, September 12, 1941 iStadtarchiv Halle, 321-4/5, 
24), see Andreas Huneke, "Werke Max Liebermanns in Halle Zum 50 Todestag des 
Kunstlers," Galiriespiytl (Halle Staatliche Galeric Moritzburg 1985 no 2, 8-14 

H II N r K I 

Figure 118 

Marc Chagall, Dii Prist (Rabbitur) (The pinch of snuff [Rabbi]), 1912, oil on canvas, 117 x 895 cm (46V» x 35'/, 

Kunstmuseum Basel Eiitorlrtt Kmst, Room 2, NS inventory no 15956, Fischer lot 17 

s I II' II A N I I IIAkkiiN 

The Galerie Fischer Auction 


n the spring ot 1938, while the Eiiliirlflf 
Kunst exhibition was on view in Berlin, 
Reichsmarschall (Reich marshal) Hermann 
Coring expressed his interest in selling 
confiscated "degenerate" art for foreign 
currency Reichsminister hir Volksaufklarting und Propaganda 
Reich minister for national enlightenment and propaganda) loseph 
Coehhels escorted Adolf Hitler through a warehouse where the 
expropriated works were stored, and Hitler's response led Goebbels 
to record his own wholehearted support in his diaries "Paintings 
from the degenerate art action will now be offered on the interna- 
tional art market In so doing we hope at least to make some money 
from this garbage" 1 

The most overt manifestation of the National Socialists' desire 
to turn confiscated art into convertible currency was a remarkable 
auction ot 125 paintings and sculptures from German museum collec- 
tions that occurred in the summer of 1939 at the Galerie Fischer, 
an auction house in Lucerne, Switzerland J That auction remains a 
milestone in the history of public sales of modern art, due in part to 
the high qualitv and the special provenance of the works offered, but 
the events connected with the unique sale have not previously been 

The works of "degenerate" art that had been seized from 
German museums, on Goebbels's instructions, during the summer 
and fall of 1937 were divided in August 1938 between two storage 
facilities in Berlin 780 of the most valuable paintings and sculptures, 
along with 3,500 graphic works, watercolors, and drawings, were 
housed in Schloss Niederschonhausen (figs II9-20), 1 the remaining 
16,000 works were crammed into storerooms rented by the National 
Socialists at Kopenicker Strasse 24 

In the late spring of 1938 Goebbels had established an eight- 
member Kommission zur Verwertung der Produkte entarteter Kunst 
Commission for the disposal of products of degenerate art), which 
met periodically between that date and 1941 to advise on the disposi- 
tion of these valuable assets Goebbels was the nominal chairman of 
the commission, which was run by Franz Hofmann, assistant depart- 
ment head at the Propagandaministerium (Ministry of propaganda), 

assisted by Rolf Hetsch The other members were Karl Haberstock, 
a Berlin art dealer, Heinrich (Hoffmann, the Reich's official photo- 
graphic reporter, Carl Meder, consultant from the art trade in the 
Reichskammer der bildenden Kunste (Reich chamber of visual artsi, 
Robert Scholz, head of the department of fine arts at the "Rosenberg 
bureau", Hans Schweitzer, Reichsbeauftragter fur kunstlerische Form- 
gebung l Reich commissioner for artistic design) and a member ot 
the 1937 commission for the confiscation of works of art for Entarkk 
Kunst, Max Taeuber, an antiquities dealer, and the organizer of 
Enliirlflf Kunst, Adolf Ziegler, president of the Reichskammer der 
bildenden Kunste 4 The commission authorized four dealers — 
Karl Buchholz and Ferdinand Moller of Berlin, Bernhard A Boehmer 
of Giistrow, and Hildebrand Gurlitt of Hamburg — to sell works 
of "degenerate" art for hard currency The negotiations during 
the late 1930s are the subject of Andreas Hiineke's revealing essay 
in this volume 

At its first meeting on November 17, 1938, the commission 
reviewed the Propagandaministenum's suggestion of a public sale of 
one hundred twenty-five masterworks selected from the confiscated 
hoard As part of its deliberations the commission slightly modified 
the ministry's proposed list of objects by withdrawing paintings 
by Edvard Munch and Max Slevogt and sculptures by Ernesto de 
Fiori Their final list included eighteen paintings and one sculpture- 
removed from the Enliirfrlf Kunst exhibition either immediately after 
the Munich showing or during the presentation in Berlin Certain 
key works were also deemed essential to a lucrative sale, since it was 
acknowledged that the international art market placed the highest 
value on non-German paintings The most important of these were 
Vincent van Gogh's Selj-Portnvt, Paul Gauguin's From Tahiti, and four 
works by Pablo Picasso (for information on and illustrations of the 
individual works of art sold at the auction, see the appendix to this 
essay) The commission discussed the reserve I the minimum bid that 
would be accepted) on the van Gogh and made suggestions about 
insuring the works to be offered as well as the method of payment 
after the sale 

Figure 1 I 1 * 

Confiscated "degenerate" art at Schloss 
Niederschonhausen, Berlin, work later in the Fischer 
auction 1. Gauguin, From Tiihiti (lot 44), 2- Van Gogh, 
Stlf-Porlmil (lot 45), 3. Picasso, Head of a Womm (lot 
117), 4. Matisse, Still life (lot 94), 5, Picasso, The Sola 
Family (lot 114) 

Figure 120 

Confiscated art at Schloss Niederschonhausen, 
work later in the Fischer auction 1, Picasso, The Sola 
F,mily (lot 114), 2, Picasso, Two Harlequins (lot 115), 
3. Vlammck, Waliaej (lot 124), 4. Lehmbruck, 
Mahhakopf (lot 74), 5. Lehmbruck, Torso (lot 75) 

Aftei I litlei s rise to powei neutral Switzerland had bet ome 
a haven albeit temporarily foi German artists (and collectors, 
who emigrated to keep their collections intact) writers musicians, 
.mors directors and other political refugees Many set 

tied in Swiss titles hoping to pursue their careers with relatively 
little disruption Some Stayed only long enough to make arrange- 
ments to emigrate elsewhere in Europe or to Palestine or the United 
States Some remained permanently, others returned to Germany 
alter the war^ Switzerland, an international meeting point, was 
a logical and proximate place tor a sale of art confiscated by the 
German government, and apparently Swiss law did not prohibit 
the proposed auction 

In the tall of 1938 Haberstock advised Hofmann that Theodor 
Fischer, the well-known Swiss art dealer, might be the best candidate 
to conduct such a sale Fischer was the only non-Jewish Swiss dealer 
who had both international contacts and extensive experience in 
public auctions In the 1920s he had worked in Berlin with the emi- 
nent dealer and publisher Paul Cassirer, an early German champion 
ot Paul Cezanne, Munch, and the Sezession and Brucke artists, as 
well as Ernst Barlach and Kokoschka In 1929 Fischer had established 
himself in Lucerne, conducting sales of tine and decorative arts 
and antiques The more important auctions, attracting hundreds of 
observers — too many indeed for his premises — were held in salons 
of the Grand Hotel National, directly across Haldenstrasse 

The first letter in the Galerie Fischer archive pertaining to the 
proposed sale is addressed to Hofmann and dated October 8, 1938 
In it Fischer maintained that an international auction under his aus- 
pices would bring the highest return for the National Socialists 
He had obviously been contacted prior to this, probably by Haber- 
stock, about his qualifications for and interest in such a project 6 
Haberstock would have made it clear in advance that one of the con- 
ditions of any sale would be that the proceeds be deposited in a 
foreign -currency account, whence they would be available to the 
Reich, Fischer wrote in his letter of October 8 that he foresaw no 
obstacle to his compliance with this condition He offered to come 
to Berlin to discuss the project and went on to propose that his com- 
mission be 15 percent on all objects except the six most valuable — 
the Gauguin, van Gogh, and four Picassos — for which it would drop 
to 6 percent Furthermore he would cover all costs of the prepara- 
tion of the catalogue Eleven days later, on October 19, he wrote to 
Haberstock informing him that he was corresponding with Hofmann 
and sending to the latter sample catalogues from his gallery as mod- 
els On October 24 Fischer wrote that he had negotiated a guarantee 
with the Bank of Switzerland for a transfer of auction proceeds to an 
account in London, and he offered to undertake the arrangements 
for shipping the works from Berlin as well as insuring them with 
the Wurttembergische Transport-Versicherung (The issue of 
insuring the unsold works for return to Berlin was raised only 
the following spring ) 

On November 18, the day following the first meeting ot the 
commission, I lofmann conveyed to I ischer its recommendations for 
reserves on the most valuable pictures 7 Three days later Hofmann 
was able to send a proposed sale list of sixty-two of the most impor- 
tant works stored in the Schloss Niedcrschonhausen depot, with 
estimates in Swiss francs established by the commission Presumably 
the remaining objects were to come from the storerooms on 
Kopenicker Strasse Although Fischer still had no commitment from 
the commission that he was to be the official auctioneer and was 
anxious to conclude the arrangements in order to have time to orga- 
nize the event [Fischer to Hofmann, November 29] i, he nevertheless 
asked Hofmann on December 9 for photographs and enough data 
(dimensions and provenance) to begin preparations for the catalogue 
Only shortly before Christmas did Hofmann inform Fischer, "The 
planned auction has now finally been approved by the department 
in charge Shortly after the new year I will send you the contract 
and the list" (Hofmann to Fischer, December 21 I 

At the end of February 1939 Fischer was still uncertain how the 
Propagandaministerium wanted to title the auction, and on February 
23 he wrote to Hofmann for guidance In his response of March 8 
Hofmann stated that he was sending the final list of works via the 
German consulate in Bern and instructed Fischer that the title of the 
sale should omit any reference to a sale "by order of the Reich " This 
was to forestall the conclusion that the works were being sold for the 
benefit of a German military effort, several members of the interna- 
tional art world were openly critical of a public sale in Switzerland, 
and Berlin thought that eliminating mention of the Reich would 
allow some people to participate whose consciences might otherwise 
forbid it A significant proportion of the art world did ultimately 
boycott the auction, unconvinced that the proceeds were not 
destined to further Hitler's cause* 

On February 19 Fischer had received the first inquiry from 
abroad Curt Valentin, writing from America, must have known of 
the impending sale from colleagues in Berlin 1 ' He had emigrated 
from Germany the year before and opened a New York branch of 
Buchholz's gallery (Buchholz being one of the four German dealers 
authorized by the National Socialists to sell "degenerate" art) 
Quickly establishing himself as the leading dealer in German 
Expressionist art in America, Valentin would indeed become one 
of the important bidders at the auction 

Fischer was eager to receive the contract from Berlin because 
he was already feeling the disdain that members of the Zurich 
art crowd, competitive dealers, and some local newspapers were 
evincing toward him lu The four-page contract between the 
Propagandaministerium and the Galerie Fischer finally arrived 
in March It made the following stipulations no works other than 
those consigned by the ministry could be included in the catalogue, 

approximately 40 percent of the works should be illustrated in the 
catalogue, the ministry reserved the right to approve the catalogue 
contents before it was printed, the sale should be advertised in Tloe 
Burlington Magazine (London), the Gazette de {'Hotel Drottot (Paris), and 
Art News (New York), previews were to be scheduled in Zurich and 
Lucerne, the sale must occur in Lucerne before the end of June The 
contract also established the reserve bids, commissions (varying 
from 15 to 12'/2 to 7 percent, depending on estimated sale prices), 
terms of accounting (within eight days of the sale) and remittances 
(to be deposited in London in pounds sterling), and details of the 
transportation to Switzerland of works to be sold and the return 
to Berlin of unsold works within three weeks after the sale Finally 
a Selbstbildnis (Self-portrait) by Lovis Corinth was replaced by his 
Bildnis Tnibner (Portrait of Triibner) and Franz Marc's Pferde (Horses) 
by his hegender Hund im Scbnee (Dog lying in the snow, erroneously 
titled Weisser Hund [White dog]) 

By the middle of April Georg Schmidt, the newly appointed 
director of the Kunstmuseum Basel, had received a copy of Fischer's 
auction catalogue " Handwritten annotations in his personal copy 
(now in the library of the Kunstmuseum) reveal that he generally 
esteemed the non-German works more highly than the German 
art Drawing on his memory of objects he had seen on visits to 
Germany, he surmised that not all the modern art that had been 
confiscated by the National Socialists was being offered in Lucerne, 
excellent examples must still be stored in various ministry facilities 
During April and May therefore, he maintained a correspondence 
with both Buchholz and Gurlitt — evidently unbeknownst to each 
other — in which he pondered the acquisition of such works. 12 
Though neither dealer had ever transacted business with Schmidt, 
Gurlitt attempted to elicit the names of artists of interest to the 
director, while Buchholz offered to represent Basel in any subse- 
quent direct negotiations with Berlin 

At the time that Schmidt was making his preliminary selection 
from the auction catalogue, Fischer was in Berlin, where he was able 
to see for the first time all the art he would be selling At Schloss 
Niederschonhausen he observed that many of the paintings were 
unframed and authorized Hans Ranft, the manager of the storage 
facility to have them framed at his, Fischer's, expense before ship- 
ping them, since "framed pictures sell better" (Fischer to Hofmann, 
April 17) The framing complete, the 108 paintings and 17 sculptures 
were shipped to Zurich on April 26 by Bronner & Cie , a Swiss trans- 
port firm, arriving in plenty of time for the preview at the Zunfthaus 
zur Meise (fig 121) During the ten-day preview, May 17-27, three 
hundred tickets were sold at three Swiss francs apiece. 13 

Schmidt first visited the preview in Zurich on May 16, the day 
before it was opened to the public, and then again on May 23 in the 
company of several members of a special art commission appointed 
by the city council of Basel A preliminary wish list was agreed 
upon As a result, Schmidt was provisionally granted an initial allo- 
cation of 50,000 Swiss francs Gurlitt visited Schmidt in Basel on 


Gemalde und Plastiken moderner 
Meister aus deutschen Museen 

AUSSTELLUNG IN ZURICH: Zunfthaus z. Meise am 17.-27. Mai 
AUSSTELLUNG IN LUZERN: Galena Fischer, 30. Mai bis 29. Juni 
A U K T I O N IN LUZERN: Galerie Fischer am 30. Juni 1939 


Figure 121 

t of the Zurich and Lucerne previews of the Fischer auction 

Wednesday May 24, to continue their discussion on purchases for 
the museum Schmidt confided that he was eager to see for himself 
what might be purchased directly from the works stored in Berlin so 
that he might better plan the disposition of his funds at the auction 
in Lucerne the following month The next day Schmidt wrote to 
Buchholz of his meeting with Gurlitt and announced his plan to 
visit Berlin that weekend Before Schmidt's arrival Gurlitt met with 
Buchholz, and the two dealers agreed to work together with the 
Swiss director, splitting their commissions Buchholz, as the more 
experienced of the two, would carry on the negotiations u 

Over the long Pentecost holiday weekend, May 27-30, 
Schmidt, with the assistance of Buchholz and Ranft, was able to 
study the works at Schloss Niederschonhausen He selected twenty- 
six for possible purchase, narrowing the list to thirteen before his 
departure, instructing Buchholz to reserve them on Basel's behalf 
He also asked for reassurance as to how the proceeds from such a 
sale would be used Back in Basel to confirm his municipal funding, 
Schmidt heard a rumor that Fischer was soon to return to Berlin and 
wrote urgently to Buchholz imploring him to keep their negotiations 
secret for fear that Fischer would somehow interfere with or even 
interdict the deal On June 3 Buchholz reassured his client that the 
Propagandaministenum would honor his request and that the pro- 
ceeds would be used exclusively for art-related purposes " As soon 
as Schmidt secured the commitment of the city council, he approved 
the shipment of the thirteen paintings to Basel for a final decision 
He was eager that this be accomplished before the auction in the 
event that prices there were very high, Basel would already have 
secured important examples of "degenerate" art and Berlin could not 
change the agreed prices Among the works shipped were Corinth's 
Ecce Homo (fig 31), Kokoschka's Die Windsbraut (The tempest, fig 
37), and Marc's Tierscbicksale (Fate of animals), all of which Schmidt 
eventually purchased for 18,000 Swiss francs (about $4,000) 

(inure 122 

Theodoi I is hei fat right and colleagues in a salon ol the Grand Hotel National, 
Lucerne, before the auction on lunc 30, 1939, identifiable work 1. Matisse Batbm leitb 
,i Turtlt (lot 93i, 2. Pechstem GUioloi lot 112 3 Beclsmann DoppdbiUna Kanmal 
lot 12 4 Nolde Kubmtlkn lot 108 

Although the Neue Zurcher Zeitung. the most influential Swiss 
newspaper, devoted only a small article to the preview in its last 
days, public and art-world reaction to the impending sale was 
mounting In an article of January 1939 Paul Westheim, the eminent 
German-Jewish publisher ol Expressionist art and poetry living as a 
refugee in France, took issue with the German government's claims 
of what it would do with the proceeds l6 In articles in the Die Neue 
Weltbuhne ( 1939, nos 24, 28 ) he attempted to discredit the proposed 
Schmidt purchases tor the Kunstmuseum 

Unfavorable word had reached America as well On June 1 
Alfred Frankfurter, editor of Art News and an advisor to the American 
art collector Maurice Wertheim, cabled Fischer "To counteract 
rumors suggest you cable confidentially not for publication actual 
ownership June 30 sale and whether money obtained goes to 
Germany stop Believe would stimulate American bids " 

The next day Fischer responded "Thanks for cable stop Pro- 
ceeds June 30 disregards German government all payments are due 
to Gallery Fischer Lucerne stop Funds will be distributed to German 
museums for new acquisitions stop Rumors originate from Paris by 
big dealer endeavoring trust using political arguments although he 
bought directly from Germany for large sums stop Entitle you to 
publish this declaration Compliments//Gallery Fischer" 

There is in the Galerie Fischer archive a statement, "My Point 
of View" written in French by Theodor Fischer on June 19 concern- 
ing the impending sale and the cabal he felt was gathering against 
him He maintained that a group of dealers was colluding to stop 
colleagues from bidding, implying that this ring had begun in Paris 
but that its influence had spread to New York, spawning Frankfurter's 
cable One or two major dealers who were also doing business with 
the Propagandaministerium were the source of the boycott, he 

Fischer sent a longer apologia to potential bidders, 17 but it had 
little effect Museums and private collectors were understandably 
ambivalent about participating in the sale On the one hand, many 
of the works to be auctioned were of such quality and rarity that 
they commanded attention, on the other, sympathy for a boycott 
ran high, given the commonplace assumption, Fischer's letter not- 
withstanding, that the proceeds were destined to further Hitler's 
nefarious intentions ' In fact, in 1941 the Reichserziehungs- 
ministenum [Reich ministry of education] did make some meager 
compensation to several museums for the hundreds of works that had 
been confiscated The monies, of course, could never be used to 
replace what had been removed, nor were they sufficient to do so ) 

Following the Zurich preview the works of art were sent to 
Lucerne Midway through the exhibition there (June 1-291 Fischer 
learned of the Basel negotiations, and on June 17 he protested angrily 
to Hofmann, accusing him of undermining the auction, adding that 
in April he had explicitly replied to queries from Schmidt and the 
Basel art commission that no works in Berlin could be purchased 
prior to the sale in Lucerne 

Now I learn that you received the gentleman [Schmidt] and dosed a 
transaction with him [in Berlin] You will understand that you did quite 
a hit of damage to me I had to assume that even if it was not expressly 
stated in tbf cohInjc! that you would not go against ffcf interests of t/jf auc- 
tion to which I have given so much time and money I have also treated 
another commission from another museum in tbf same way They informed 
me of their wishes and gave me their orders These gentlemen canceled their 
orders yesterday, and I know they were aware of the events in Basel You 
must realize that such actions are worse for me than even the Jewish propa- 
ganda, ti>r)ic/j / can fight with important arguments 


ling Braque's Still Ljr (lot 14 i 

A few days later (June 20) Fischer again addressed Hofmann, asking 
permission to alter the reserves on three less valuable works — by 
Cuno Amiet, Maurice Barraud, and Georges Braque — and request- 
ing a margin of 10 to 20 percent in the reserve prices of the six most 
important paintings by Gauguin, van Gogh, Marc, and three by 
Picasso l8 He also stated his wish to have eight days after the auction 
in which to find buyers for unsold works Hofmann responded imme- 
diately (June 21), granting Fischer's first request (about the Amiet, 
Barraud, and Braque) but denying his second (with regard to the six 
masterworks), claiming he could not canvas the commission in time 
to get their approval He agreed, however, to Fischer's proposal to 
seek buyers for works left unsold after the auction 

Fischer soon learned that neither Hofmann nor Hetsch nor 
Haberstock would be attending the auction The Propaganda- 
ministerium would be represented instead by a Dr Hopf, l9 who 
would observe the proceedings and convey the details of the sale 
to Berlin (In addition to a full accounting of each transaction, 
Hofmann wanted a breakdown by French and German paintings, 
he also wanted to know who bought the most important works ) 

At three o'clock on Friday afternoon, June 30, 1939, in an elegant 
salon of the Grand Hotel National overlooking tranquil Lake 
Lucerne, auctioneer Fischer mounted the podium to commence the 
three-hour sale (fig 123) Among the 350 guests who crowded the 
hall, now ringed with sculpture to be sold, were Emil Buhrle and 
Gertrud Dubi-Muller, Swiss collectors, Alfred Frankfurter, Pierre 
Matisse, the painter's son and an art dealer in Pans and New York, 
his client, the young collector Joseph Pulitzer, Jr, of Saint Louis, 
with his new bride, Louise Vauclain, Josef von Sternberg, the Ameri- 
can film director and art collector, Curt Valentin and his fellow 
refugee and New York art dealer, Karl Nierendorf, and Swedish col- 
lector Theodor Wolfer Representatives of museums in Antwerp, 
Basel, Bern, Brussels, and Liege, as well as American, Belgian, 
English, French, Swiss, and even a few German collectors, dealers, 
and journalists, were present, along with many elegantly dressed and 
curious spectators who filled the remaining seats or stood around the 
room (fig 130) Several observers from the ministry also attended 
The representatives of the Bern Kunstmuseum had seated themselves 
anonymously in the back row, but a Fischer employee, recognizing 
them, escorted them to seats in the front of the room 20 

The auction was conducted in German, English, and French 
The bidding was in Swiss francs Every successful bidder was 
required to sign a bidder's card, although, contrary to today's prac- 
tice, bidders were not obliged to identify themselves in advance in 
order to establish their credit arrangements Many of the bidders 
were unknown to Fischer Many in fact, were buying on behalf of 
clients who cherished their anonymity at all costs, 21 though some 
dealers were representing clients who could be identified Pierre 
Matisse attended specifically to bid on his father's masterpiece, 
Bathers toitb ii Turtle, which Pulitzer wanted for his growing collec- 
tion " Frankfurter was bidding for the absent Wertheim, whose 
collection in New York comprised works by Impressionists and Post- 
Impressionists Some of the successful bidders did not attend the auc- 
tion but submitted written bids instead Of the forty individuals who 
purchased art at the sale, however, most were present 

As the sale began, Frankfurter was summoned to the front of 
the room for an urgent telephone call At that time he may have 
been informed of the German annexation of the Polish city of 
Danzig, one report says he was instructed not to bid because of 
German aggression J3 Only when Frankfurter's call had been 
completed could the bidding proceed 

One of the most eagerly anticipated lots was van Gogh's Self- 
Portmit (fig 124), formerly in the collection of the Neue Staatsgalerie 
in Munich The painting had been expropriated on March 27, 1938, 
for the specific reason that it could be expected to bring a high price 
at the auction, and it did, in fact, command the most spirited bid- 
ding, with museums and private collectors in contention The presale 
estimate was 250,000 Swiss francs When the painting was brought 
to the podium, the heightened interest of the spectators was palpable 

Figure 124 

Van Gogh's Sttf-Portrutt (lot 45 1 on the auction block 

In a nearly expressionless voice Fischer announces that he has an order 
hid of 145.000 francs [about $29,000] He repents {he number in Ger- 
miiM, French, and English It is followed hy a hid of 150,000 francs From 
now oh bids will be accepted only in increments of 5,000 francs Quickly 
the bidding climbs to 165,000 francs Going once, twice, three times — soli 1 
Much excitement in the room A man calls out that he had alreaiy bid 
(60, ooo francs Place your bets' The play cfoes on to (70,000 francs! is 
anyone bidding higher') (75,000 — once, twice, three times America has 
won against the Netherlands That Dr Frankfurter who was so urgently 
reguested on the telephone has to make out a check with a (5% commission 
for over 200,000 francs Pauvre VWnit' 24 
On behalf of Wertheim, Frankfurter had paid the equivalent of 
$40,000 for the picture (still about $8,000 below the estimate) 
Immediately after the lot was knocked down, he removed the paint- 
ing, placed it in the trunk of his car, and drove away amid a crowd of 
curious onlookers 35 

Frankfurter's strongest competition had come from the Belgian 
delegation, led by Dr lean Buissert of the Musee des Beaux-Arts, 
Liege, and Professor Dr L van Puyvelde, director of the Musees 
Royaux des Beaux-Arts in Brussels Following the sale Buissert sent a 
postcard to Dr lules Bossmant, director at Liege, "There was 
nothing to be done Particularly upset about the van Gogh (bought 
by an American for 170,000 francs + 15% it will be 240,0000 " 26 

Figure 125 
Fischer (tar ri^ht , 

( in ining I ehmbruck's Torso (lot 75) 


Figure 126 

Emil Nolde, Blumnufcirlm X (Flower garden X), 1926, oil on canvas, 72 5 x 88 cm (28 'A x 34V. in ), Musees Royaux des Beaux-Arts 

de Belgique, Brussels Edtarttte Kuusl, Room Cl, NS inventory no 16186, Fischer lot 105 

Figure 127 

Franz Marc, Zmti Koizm BU u«d Crlfc (Two cats, blue and yellow), 1912, oil ( 

Enhirktr fCimsl, Room 6, NS inventory no 16133, Fischer lot 88 

74 x 98 cm (29V. x 38V, in ), Kun' 

Bossmant had attended the preview in Lucerne several weeks before 
the sale to study the works to be auctioned In a memo discussing 
the Strategy ol the Belgian contingent he commented, as Schmidt 
had done, that the works being offered represented only a small per- 
centage of those that were confiscated Unlike Schmidt, however, he 
did not try to deal directly with Berlin Instead, he divided the works 
into three groups — non-German artists represented by masterworks 
(Gauguin, van Gogh, Matisse, Picasso), other non-German artists, 
and Germans — and recommended specific acquisitions from each 
category He felt the estimates were fair but said that the bidding 
would obviously depend on how well the auction was attended 37 

The Belgians ultimately purchased fifteen paintings — Liege 
alone bought nine — including some of the most important works 
available Chagall's Blaues Haus (Blue house), Corinth's Bildnis Branded 
(Portrait of Brandes), Ensor's Masks and Death, Gauguin's From Tahiti, 
George Grosz's Bildnis Mcbring (Portrait of Mehring), Karl Hofer's 
Tiscbgcsellschaft (Group at a table), Kokoschka's Trancespieler (Hypno- 
tist) and Monte Carlo (fig 287), Max Liebermann's Reiter am Strand 
(Rider on the shore), Marie Laurencin's Portrait of a Girl, Marc's 
Pferde auf der Weidt (Horses in a pasture), Emil Nolde's Blumcngarien X 
(Flower garden X, fig 126), Jules Pascin's Seated Girl, and Picasso's 
Two Harlequins and Soler Family 

Schmidt and representatives of the Basel art commission were 
active bidders despite the major acquisitions they had made the 
month before in Berlin Now they added eight paintings to their 
earlier purchases, including three works that had been on view in 
Etil.jrletf Kunst in Munich, Chagall's Winter (fig 183) and Rahhmer 
i Rabbi, fig 118) and Marc's Zwei Katzen Blau und Gelb (Two cats, blue 
and yellow, fig 127), as well as Corinth's Stdlehen (Still life), Andre 
Derain's View from ifcf Window, Otto Dix's Die Eltern des Kunstlers (The 
artist's parents), Paul Klee's Villa R , and Paula Modersohn- Becker's 
Selbsthildms Of his 50,000-franc budget Schmidt spent 20,000 in 
Lucerne Judging from the annotations in his catalogue, he may have 
also bid unsuccessfully for James Ensor's Masks and Death and Picas- 
so's Soler Family These went to the Musee des Beaux-Arts in Liege 

Also changing hands that day were Corinth's Bildnis des Malers 
Bernt Grbnvold (Portrait of the painter Bernt Gronvold, fig 188), 
Grosz's Metropolis (fig 216), Ernst Ludwig Kirchner's Das Boskett 
(The bosquet) and Im Cafegarten (In the cafe garden, fig 258), 
Kokoschka's Bildnis der Herzogm von Montesquieu (Portrait of the 
duchess of Montesquiou-Fezensac, fig 128), Otto Mueller's Drei 
Frauen (Three women, fig 306), and Nolde's Christus und die Siinderin 
(Christ and the adulteress, fig 342) and Kuhmelken (Milk cows, 
fig 338), all of which had been in the En-turlfte Kwns! exhibition 
in Munich 

Accounts of the auction were carried in American, Belgian, 
British, Dutch, French, Italian, Spanish, Swiss (figs 129-31), and a 
few German newspapers The articles, incredulous that the German 
government would sell such important works, universally decried 
the sale 

Figure 128 

Oskar Kokoschka, fiiUms der Htrzomn iwn Monlisquitu (Portrait of the duchess 
of Montesquiou-Fezensac), 1911, oil on canvas, 95 x 50 cm 37 i 19 in 
Cincinnati Art Museum, bequest of Paul E Geier Entartctc Kumt. Room 4, 
NS inventory no 16033, Fischer lot 65 


Immediately following the auction, on July 5, Fischer dispatched 
two photographs to Haberstock giving him an impression of the 
atmosphere at the sale He also deposited an initial ten thousand 
pounds sterling in the special British bank account — named "EK" — 
established for the purpose by the Propagandaministerium The rest 
followed in a few days He informed Haberstock that the "Jews boy- 
cotted the auction Two-thirds of the works were sold " He indicated 
that "Frankfurter and Valentin came from America, as well as a few 
private collectors Very few people came from London, Paris, or the 
Netherlands Someone came from Sweden" (Fischer to Haberstock, 
July 5) Later he added information about particular works "The 
important French pictures were all sold to Belgians I didn't know 
the museum directors" (Fischer to Haberstock, July 12) 

The proceeds of the sale totaled 500,000 Swiss francs (about 
$115,000) Compared with the prices at contemporary auctions in 
London, New York, and Paris, the sums attained at the Fischer auc- 
tion were fairly modest 28 Of the 125 lots 38 did not meet their 
reserves, though in the following months several were sold by 
Fischer, who, contrary to the terms of his contract with the Propa- 
gandaministerium, did not return the unsold works to Berlin within 
the stipulated eight days Some of these were sold far below their 
estimates Fischer accepted 1,250 francs from Nierendorf for Lyonel 
Feininger's Zirchow VI, for which a sale price of 2,100 francs had been 
estimated, and 2,900 francs from Boehmer for Corinth's Selbstbildnis 
of 1914, which had been estimated at 6,300 francs It was not until 
1941 that the remaining works went back to Hofmann 

Figures 129-31 

Scenes from the auction published in Swiss newspapers, the works by Pic 

Htadoja Woman (lot 117) and Tuw HarlnfuiBS (lot 115) 

I he miisi important work sold alter the auction was Tht Absinthe 

Drinka In Picasso lormcrly in (lie collection oi the Hamburgei 
Kunsthalle I he pictures original donoi a Mr I )alport, demanded 
that he have the right to repurchase the work and contacted the 
Swiss government I he painting was not sold at the auction, dur- 
ing the subsequent two years ol litigation it hung in the German 
embassy in Hern It was finally decided in 1941 that since Dalport 
had donated the painting to the Kunsthalle he had no further claim 
to it Haberstock subsequently permitted Fischer to sell the work, 
after seeking the latter's assurance that the proceeds would reach 
Berlin without difficulty (Haberstock to Fischer, July 12) 

/ want to avoid .il ill! u'sts a situation i» which our payment will be 
blocked i« Switzerland Ij there is any danger of this, the sale dims! be 
handled in sued .1 ii'ijy that the painting would first he returned to us, 
and the payment would he made directly m Enjlis/i pounds to us at the 
Rticbsbank to the account EK Tlie painting would he shipped directly 
to tlif purchaser after receiving the payment Your commission could be 
withheld directly by you 
The painting was sold for 42,000 Swiss francs to the well-known 
Swiss collector Dr Othmar Huber of Glarus, who had been pre- 
vented from attending the auction by congested traffic on the road 
leading to Lucerne 29 

Fischer tried unsuccessfully to sell the rest of the works of 
art In 1941 he sent a group on consignment to Bettie Thommen, 
a dealer in Basel, but all were returned unsold Several paintings 
were shipped to Boehmer on lune 28, 1941, for a total of 
24,000 Swiss francs 

Although the June 30 sale was not a resounding success 
for Fischer or the Propagandaministerium, the auctioneer and 
Haberstock did correspond subsequently on the subject of a second 
auction for graphic works i0 Fischer suggested that a Mrs Zelenka 
handle the sale, Haberstock preferred Dr August Klipstein, a dealer 
and auctioneer in Bern But the sale never took place Fischer never 
mounted another public sale for the ministry He continued to han- 
dle consignments for Haberstock, Hofmann, Boehmer, and others, 
although only a few of the works consigned by the ministry after 
1939 were examples of "degenerate" art After the war there was an 
extensive examination by the American Office of Special Services 
and the Allies of the role played by Fischer in the sale of property 
expropriated by the National Socialists, but that is the subject for 
another essay one that lies beyond the scope of the present volume 

Determining the fate of works sold in Lucerne has not been 
easy Many of the purchasers acted anonymously sent representa- 
tives, or even used fictitious names The shipping records of the sale 
are helpful in some cases, but in others there is no record of how the 
pieces left Lucerne Only sixty works were illustrated in the auction 
catalogue, and it was not possible to identify all of the others from 
the brief verbal descriptions Perhaps the publication here for the 
first time of photographs of all but one of the works sold will help in 
the location of some currently believed to have been lost or destroyed 

The lune -III s.ili ,ii ( ialerie I IS< her is a unique historical event 
I lad the prices achieved been more dramatic, the Propaganda- 
ministerium might have been encouraged to consign more works for 
public sale The auction did provide an opportunity lor enlightened 
museums and private collectors to purchase major works ol art that 
under normal cm umstant es would never have come on the market 
As The Burlington Magazine commented afterward, "Revolutions have- 
often in the past led to the dispersal ol art collections and thus 
aroused interest in particular schools of art in new quarters There 
is little doubt that in the present case new admirers will be found 
for these rejected works in an atmosphere free from political 
prejudice." 33 Antiques remarked in 1941 

It is an interesting commentary that in the "New Order' the govern- 
ments are so poor that they must steal art masterpieces from their peoples to 
tfet foreign exchange with whah to buy raw materials for more guns < )nly 
the democracies are prosperous enough to keep their masterpieces and to 
preserve (fee old cultural and human values Art, like butter, yields to guns 
under fascism " 

While the loss to Germany was irreparable and the circum- 
stances surrounding the Fischer auction certainly made buyers 
uneasy those who did purchase not only greatly enriched their col- 
lections but also saved these works from probable destruction The 
legacy lives on today in public and private collections in Antwerp, 
Basel, Berlin, Bern, Bremen, Brussels, Cambridge (Massachusetts 
Chemnitz, Cincinnati, Cologne, Duisburg, Hagen, Halle, Hamburg, 
Hannover, Karlsruhe, Krefeld, Liege, Mannheim, Minneapolis, 
Munich, New York, Saint Louis, Stuttgart, and Zurich These works 
all share a very special provenance ■ 


1 Joseph Coebbcls, diary entry for July 29, 1938, see also entries tor May 18 and 
December 13 of the same year. Die Tagihikher iron Joseph Goebhel* Samtiicbe Fr.jjmnttr, 
ed Elke Frohlich (Munich K C Saur, 1987), pt I, vol 3 

2 The Galerie Fischer has been in business continuously at the same address in 
Lucerne since 1929 1 am extremely grateful for the cooperation of Mrs Fischer and 
her family in enabling me to carry out my research for this essay Marco Cramen, 
auctioneer at the Galerie Fischer, had done much preliminary research on the history 
of the gallery and the lune 1939 auction, he was extremely generous in making the 
extensive gallery archives accessible to me and in sharing his tiles and ideas with me 
during the past three years I am most appreciative oi his assistance 

All quotations from letters to or from Theodor Fischer in this essay are taken 
from the correspondence preserved in the archives of the Galerie Fischer unless 
otherwise noted 

3 Lists of the works stored in Schloss Niederschonhausen are in the Zentrales 
Staatsarchiv Potsdam, Best 5001-1015, Bl 26-50 The list oi graphic works is in the 
archives of the Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Nationalgalene, Berlin 
-4 Andreas Huneke, "Funktionen der Station Entartete Kunst, '" in Slalwim ie< 
Modern lexh cat, Berlin Berlimsche Galerie, 1988' 49 

5 Helmut F Pfanner, "The Role of Switzerland for the Refugees," in The Muse 
Flee Hitter, ed Jarrel C Jackman and Garla M Borden I Washington Smithsonian 
Institution Press, 1983), 243 


6 Haberstock must have been in direct communication with Fischer about a 
sale even prior to the first meeting of the commission Since the former was well 
connected to the members of the Reichskammer der bildenden Kunste and the 
Propagandamtnistenum, he would have been in a position to indicate to Fischer some 
of the works that were being considered for disposal Evidently the commission pro- 
posed no other candidate to mount the auction 

7 Franz Hofmann, letter to Theodor Fischer, November 18, 1939 "Concerning 
the arrangements for the reserves, only in the case of the Stlf-Portrait by van Gogh do 
the gentlemen [of the commission] request that an adjustment be made the painting 
cannot go for less than £10,000 The other reserves have changed insignificantly 
mostly reductions " 

8 See the interview with Othmar Huber in R N Ketterer, Dialog Bildende Kunst 
Kuttstbandel (Stuttgart Belser, 1988), 132, and Georg Kreis, "Entartete" Kunst fur Basel 
Die Herausforderung oon t939 (Basel Wiese, 1990), 20 

9 Curt Valentin, letter to Theodor Fischer, February 19, 1939 "I'm not sure if you 
will remember me, but our mutual friend Dr Bernoulli can give you information about 
me As I hear it, you are planning for May or June an auction of about 125 works for- 
merly in the possession of German museums I am extremely interested in this auction 
and indeed here one finds many interested as well — as many I imagine, as in your 
area Please send a complete list and, if possible, photos or citations as to where 
they are reproduced Perhaps you could even send a catalogue proof if you are at 
that stage of production It all takes so much time here for an auction Is it possible 
that my gallery could be a central place for American bids^ On which basis would 
you suggest we might work together"' I have been interested in these affairs for a 

long time and am prepared to be a strong bidder myself When you send the list 
please include estimates" 

10 Kreis, "Entartete" Kunst fur Basel, 27 n 43. 

11 Fischer ordered 1,400 copies of the catalogue printed, which seems to be 
consistent with the quantity of sales catalogues produced bv the gallery for other 
auctions A bill, dated April 30, 1939, from Buchdruckerei Keller & Co for the print- 
ing of the "Katalog 'Entartete Kunst " and other catalogues is in the Fischer archives 

12 The most extensive documentation on Schmidt's activities with regard to 
"degenerate" art is found in Kreis's "Entartete" Kunst fur Basel, which reveals the contents 
of restricted files in the archives in Basel and Potsdam 

13 Since certain clients of the gallery received complimentary entrance cards with 
their copies of the catalogue, it is impossible to ascertain exactly how many people 
actually previewed the works in either Zurich or Lucerne The gallery records note 
430 paid admissions for the preview in Lucerne during the month of June 

14 Kreis, "Entartete" Kunst jUr Basel, 12-13 n 26-27 

15 Ibid, 168-69 

16 One of the first and most vocal critics of the auction, Paul Westheim had 
emigrated to Paris in 1933 In January 1939 he wrote about the "strictly confidential 
intention" of the planned auction at the Galerie Fischer in "Die Ausplunderung der 
Museen Das Dritte Reich verramscht die Kunst," Neue Vbrwarts, January I, 1939 Later, 
just before the auction, he would criticize it again as an attack by the German govern- 
ment on German museums and an attempt to obtain foreign currency for the purchase 
of arms {Antifaschstiscbe Kumtkntik [Leipzig/Weimar Gustav Kiepenhauer, 1985], 59) 

17 Theodor Fischer, letter in English addressed "Dear Sir," June 1939 "We have 
been informed by friends that in America there is at present vehement propaganda 
in order to boycott this sensational public sale, pretending that the proceeds will go 
to Germany for purposes of armament This argument is ridiculous and wrong We 
therefore wish to state very clearly that all payments are to be addressed to the Gal- 
lery Fischer, Lucerne, and that the German Government has nothing to do with it 

It was always understood that the funds will be distributed in favour of the German 
Museums so as to enable them to buy other works of art The Gallery Fischer 
wants furthermore to state that she is aware that a very important art dealer in Paris 
is endeavoring to form some sort of a ring or trust in order to be able to acquire 
in Lucerne the best pictures very cheap excluding every competition This sort of 
gentlemen have already set an example by buying free-handed from the German 
Government high class modern pictures without any scruples regarding the use 
of their foreign money'' (Fischer archives, a copy of this letter was received by 
Curt Valentin and is among his papers, which are on deposit at the Museum 
of Modern Art, New York) 

18 Fischer wanted to be able to sell the highly valued works if the final bids were 
10 to 20 percent below the reserve It is fairly common to review the reserves imme- 
diately prior to a sale and to revise them if necessary 

19 This information was conveyed in an illegibly dated postcard sent sometime 
in June from Rolf Hetsch and letters of June 22 and 26 from Karl Haberstock to 
Theodor Fischer 

20 Interview with Margarete Kopp, November 1987, Lucerne Miss Kopp, who 
died in 1989, worked for Theodor Fischer and participated in the June 30 auction 

21 According to one of the German collectors who purchased art at the auction, 
it was too dangerous for Germans to attend the sale, he bought through the dealer 
Bernhard A Boehmer (private collector, letter to the author, March 15, 1990) Mrs 
Paul Geier, the widow of another buyer at the sale, recalled that her husband, "at age 
24, bought the pictures directly from the Galerie Fischer He had earlier received the 
catalogue and earmarked two Kokoschkas, a Marc, and a Hofer for his collection" 
(Mrs Paul Geier, letter to the author, March 16, 1990) According to the Fischer rec- 
ords Geier did not attend the sale, the pictures were purchased by a Mr Steinmeyer 
of Lucerne, presumably on Geier's behalf 

22 Pulitzer, who had recently graduated from Harvard, was on his honeymoon 
in June (939 At Curt Valentin's suggestion, the young couple attended the sale and 
authorized Pierre Matisse to bid for them Pulitzer bought two paintings (the Matisse 
and a canvas by Otto Mueller) and one sculpture (a Lehmbruck) This information 
was communicated in a letter of November 20, 1986, which Mr Pulitzer kindly made 
available to the author 

23 j OK, "Gemalde und Plastiken aus deutschen Museen unter dem Hammer," 
Der Bund, July 6, 1939, preserved in the Arntz archives (Los Angeles, The Getty 
Center for the History of Art and the Humanities, Archives of the History of Art, 
Wilhelm F Arntz Papers), and Kreis, "Entartete" Kunst fur Basel, 27 n 43 

24 J O K, "Gemalde und Plastiken" 

25 A clipping from an unidentified Lucerne newspaper describes the scene but 
identifies the painting as Picasso's Two Harlequins The latter, however, was among 
the Belgian acquisitions sent to the shipper Bronner & Cie in Basel for transfer to 
Belgium The shipping records of the Galerie Fischer indicate that the van Gogh 
was indeed taken from the premises by Frankfurter 

26 Jean Buissert, postcard to Jules Bossmant, June 30, 1939 (Los Angeles, The 
Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities, Archives of the History of 
Art, Jules Bossmant Papers) 

27 See travel expenses dated June 16, 1939, and a note preserved among the 
Bossmant papers (see note 26} 

28 After the auction Joseph Pulitzer, Jr., visited the Swiss collector Margit 
Hahnloser, who had not been in attendance, and recalls that she was fascinated by 
the relatively low prices achieved (Pulitzer, letter of November 20, 1986, see note 22) 

29 Ketterer, Dialog, 131 

30 Karl Haberstock, letters to Theodor Fischer, July 7 and 13, 1939, Fischer, letters 
to Haberstock, July 12 and 15, 1939 

31 Berlin provided Fischer with a complete set of photographs, but, as stipulated in 
the contract of March 1939, only approximately 40 percent of the works of art were to 
be illustrated in the auction catalogue 

32 "Fischer, Lucerne," The Burlington Magazine 74 (May 1939) xvi 

33 "Guns, Butter, and Art in Naziland," Antiques 40, no I (July 1941) 17 

Works of Art in the Galerie Fischer Auction 

( .land I Intel National I m erne 
lune 50 1939 

Theodor Fischer (far ri^hti auctioning BaHach's ScbuxbtHtla Gottval 
Hotel National, Lucerne, June 30, 1939 

Notf lo llif reader 

In the auction catalogue the works of art were listed in order by lot 
number On the following pages the works are arranged by artist and 
then chronologically The format for each entry is as follows 



Title in Fischer sale, if substantially different 

Date, if known 

Medium, dimensions 

Catalogue raisonne, if applicable (see pp 408-9) 

Provenance before Fischer sale 

Fischer sale information 

Provenance after Fischer sale 

• indicates an illustration in the auction catalogue 

Rates of exchange on June 30, 1939 
I pound sterling (£) = $468 
1 Swiss franc (SF) = $0 23 

Sale prices include commissions 

This list was compiled from material in the archives of the 
Galerie Fischer Additional information was provided by the follow- 
ing, to whom I am most grateful H Anda-Buhrle, Angelika 
Arnoldi-Livie, Sara Campbell, Norton Simon Museum, Pasadena, 
Dietmar Elger, Sprengel Museum Hannover, Lllrike Fanta, Neue 
Galerie der Stadt Linz, Katherine Fleet, Christie's, New York, Stefan 
Frey Kunstmuseum Bern, Andrea Firmenich, Kunsthalle Emden, 
Gabrielle Geier, Sigrid Godau, Karl Ernst Osthaus-Museum, 
Hagen, Hans-Jorg Gopfert, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, 
Renate Heidt Heller, Wilhelm-Lehmbruck-Museum, Duisburg, 
Rainer Hortsmann, Jochen Kronjager, Stadtische Kunsthalle Mann- 
heim, Philippe Le Leyzour, Musee des Beaux-Arts, Bordeaux, Ullrich 
Luckhardt, Hamburger Kunsthalle, Karin Frank von Maur, Staats- 
galerie Stuttgart, Peter Nathan, Jiirgen Ostwald, Kunsthalle zu Kiel 
Joseph Pulitzer, Jr, Angela Schneider, Staatliche Museen 
Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Nationalgalerie, Berlin, Martin Urban, 
Nolde-Stiftung, Seebiill, Johann Winkler, Armin Zweite, Stadtische 
Galerie im Lenbachhaus, Munich 

Cuno Amict 

Ckrysantbmen (Chrysanthemums) 


Oil on canvas, 73 x 59 cm 1 28 'A x 23V. in I 

Kunstverein, Jena, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot I, est SF 2,500, sold for SF 850 

Gertrud Dubi-Muller, Solothurn, 

Kunstmuseum Solothurn, Dubi-Muller Collection 

Alexander Archipenko 

PortMil Fmu Ktimcnw l Portrait of Mrs Ka: 

Sold as Frauenkopf ( Head of a woman | 


Painted stone, height 39 cm 1 15% in ) 

Museum Folkwang, Essen, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 2, est SF 850, sold for SF 370 

Jans, Lucerne, Albert F Daberkow, Bad Homberg, 

Sprengel Museum Hannover, 1955 

Ernst Barlach 

RwssiscJics Uebespaar ( Russian lovers) 

Sold as Hirtaifytiiif (Shepherd couple) 


Porcelain, height 20 cm (77. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Schult 89 

Staathche Skulpturensammlung, Dresden, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 5, est SF 850, sold for SF 700 

Dr W Jacobi, London, by ' 

present location unkno 

Ernst Barlach 

Drr Richer (The avenger) 


Wood, 60 x 61 x 23 cm (23V. x 24 x 9 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Schult 271 

On loan to the Neue Abteilung, Nationalgalerie, Berlin 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 3, est SF 6,300, sold for SF 3,500 

Curt Valentin, Buchholz Gallery New York, Hermann 

Schulmann, New York, Ceorg Katz, New York, Ernst 

Barlach Haus, Hamburg, 1975 

Ernst Barlach 

Scbwtbender Collvattr (God the Father hovering) 

Sold as Sibmbtnder Mann (Hovering man) 


Stoneware, height 50 cm (19 s /, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Schult 276 

Stadtisches Museum (Thaulow-Museum), Kiel, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 7, est SF 4,200, not sold 

Sold in 1941 for $50 to Bernhard A Boehmer, Gustrow, 

present location unknown 


Ernst Barlach 

Drr Wartcndt (Mann mil ^r/alldra Handm) 

(Waiting [Man with clasped hands]) 


Wood, height 65 cm (25V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Schult 293 

Staatliches Museum, Saarbrucken, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 9, est SF 2,500, sold for SF 1,150 

Bernhard A Boehmer, Giistrow; 

Walter Bauer, Fulda 

Emsi Bariach 

Cfcrishu mi lobama (Christ and lohn] 

Sold as Das Wnlmthm (The reunion 


Bronze, height 48 tm 1 18 7« in ) 

Catalogue rajsonne* Schult 306 

Stadtische Skulptursammlung Frankfurt, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 8 cm SI 2.100 sold lor SI 1.500 

Hermann Levin, Zurich. 

present location unknown 

Ernst Bariach 

BiWms WW (Portrait of Wfegener) 


Bronze, height 51 cm (20 in ) 

Catalogue raisonnc Schult 360 

Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, 1931, confiscated in 1937 

I isi her lot 6, est SF 2,500, not sold 

Sold lor $200 to Othmar Huber, Clams, 

present location unknown (possibly either the cast 

in the Kunsthalle Mannheim or that in the Bayerische 

Staalsgemaldesammlungen, Munich 

: H.irl.u h 


LtsadcMimcbe (Mo 


Wood, height 83 cm (32to in 

Catalogue raisonnc Schult 42 3 

Nationalgalenc, Berlin, 1933, conhscatcd in 1937 

Fischer lot 4, est SF 8,400, sold lor SF 4,800 

Curt Valentin, Buchholz Callcry New York, Albert 

Rothbart, Connecticut, C.alenc Beyeler, Basel. 

Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesirz, 

Nationalgalene, Berlin, 1962 


• Barraud 

Halbakl 1 Half-length nudel 

Pastel on paper, 58 x 47 cm (227, x I8'A in ) 

Stadtische Calene, Wuppertal-Elberfeld, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 10, est SF 5,200, sold for SF 820 

Certrud Dubi-Muller Solothurn, 

present location unknown 

Max Beckmann 

SrlbslbiUim mil rolrm Scfcal 

(Self-portrait with red scarl ) 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 60 cm (3I'A x 23V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Copel 194 

Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, 1924, confiscated in 1937, 

Enljrlrtr Kunsl 1 16026), returned to Berlin after Salzburg 

venue, 1938 

Fischer lot 13, est SF 1,700, not sold 

By exchange to Hildebrand Curlitt, Hamburg 

Cunther Franke, Munich, before 1945, Staatsgalerie 

Stuttgart, 1948 

FVtfurf 162 

Max Beckmann 

DofifirlbiUnis Kiiriuptil (Double portrait, carnival) 

Sold as Maskmbatt (Masked ball < 


Oil on canvas, 160 x 1055 cm (63 x 4I'A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cbpel 240 

Stadtische Calerie, Frankfurt, 1925, confiscated in 1937, 

Enliirlrlr Kunsl ( 162261 

Fischer lot 12, est SF 2,100, not sold 

Hildebrand Curlitt, Hamburg, Or Conrad Doebbeke, 

Berlin, Kunstmuscum Dusscldorf, 1953 

Fitjurt 166 


rf ^ifc- Georges Braque 




■m Stillrfm 
as Blanc Bk 

(Still life 
mm (Blue 

with chicory) 

Oil on canvas, 27 x 21 cm (10% x 8% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Gopel 323 

Stadtische Calene, Frankfurt, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot II, est SF 600, not sold 

Sold for SF 320 to Fleischmann, Zurich, Calene Aenne 

Abels, Cologne, 1958, private collection, Aachen 

SlilM-m (Still life) 


Oil on canvas, 30 x 65 cm (ll'A x 25% in.) 

Stadtische Calerie, Frankfurt, 1926, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 14, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 3,300 

Pierre Matisse, Pans, Dalzell Hatfield, Los Angeles, 

Oliver B James, New York, Emil Buhrle, Zurich, 

Mme Buhrle-Schalk, Zurich, 1953 

Marc Chagall 



Watercolor and gouache on paper, 48 5 x 62 3 cm 

(I9 1 /. x 24'/! in ) 

Stadtische Calene, Frankfurt, 1925, confiscated in 1937, 

Entarlitr Kuml ( 15957) 

Fischer lot 16, est SF 2,500, sold for SF 1,100 

Kunstmuseum Basel 

Figure (83 



Oil on canvas, 66 x 97 cm (26 x 38% in.) 
Kunsthalle Mannheim, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 15, est SF 3,200, sold for SF 3,300 
Musee des Beaux-Arts, Liege 

Marc Chagall 

sr (The pinch of snuff) 
s Rabbmn (Rabbi) 

Dit Pr, 

Sold a 


Oil on canvas, 117 x 895 cm (46 1 /. x 35'A in ) 

Kunsthalle Mannheim, 1928, confiscated in 19! 

Entartttt Ktmst (15956) 

Fischer lot 17, est SF 3,400, sold for SF 1,600 

Kunstmuseum Basel 

Fl^urr 118 

Lovis < orinth 

BiUra Wilhttm rriifma Fbrtrait of Wilhelm Trubner) 


i >il ..11 canvas «J > 4u >m 17 . s 15 I in 

( italoguc raisonne' Bercnd <. urmih 599 

Calene M C.oldschmidt Frankfurt. Stadtische Calene 

Nuremberg 1921, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 30, est SF 8,400 nut sold 

Sold in 1941 to Bernhard A Boehmer Cuslrow, 

Kunsdlaus Lempertz Cologne, auction October 1958, 

lot S3 Dc < .mi .id Doebbekc Berlin, Stuttgarter 

Kunstltabinetl Roman Norhc-rt kctterer, Stuttgart, 
auction May 1959 lot 160, Wilhelm Weick Antiquitaten, 
Herlin W-st Stadtische kunstsammlungen, 
Nuremberg, 1960 

Lovis t orinth 

Tod unj MSicbtn i Death and the maiden 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 60 cm ( 3l'/i x 237, in I 

Catalogue raisonnc Berend-Corinth 563 

W Doring, Stettin, Stadtisches Museum, Stettin 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 28, est SF 14,700, not sold 

Present location unknown 

Srl/iilriiMim i Sell portrait 


Oil on wood, 73 x 58 cm (28% x 22 - in 

( atalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth 622 

Stadtisches Museum, Stettin, cunhscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 20, est SF 6,300, not sold 

Caleric Fischer, Lucerne sold in 1941 lor U2o to 

Bernhard A Boehmer, Custrow, Staatsgalerie 

moderner Kunst, Munich. 1951 

St.llrl.rn (Still life) 


Oil on canvas, 110 x 150 cm (43% x 59 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth 795 

Nassauisches Landesmuseum, Wiesbaden, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 25, est SF 10,500, sold for SF 5,100 

Kunstmuseum Basel 

Lovis Corinth 

BiUms Wolfing Gur/ni i Portrait of Wolfgang Curlitt 


Oil on canvas, 110 x 90 cm (43% x 35'/, m I 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth 701 

Wolfgang Curlitt, Berlin, Nationalgalene, Berlin, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 31, est SF 9,400, not sold 

Wolfgang Curlitt, Berlin, purchased with his estate by 

the Neue Calerie der Stadt Lmz/Wolfgang-Gurlitt- 

Museum, Linz, 1953 

66 cm 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth 873 
Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 21, est SF 10,500, sold for SF 3,700 
Private collection, Switzerland, I Blodgctt. Portland, 
Oregon. Beatriz Schreier, Zurich. 1976, W Krisp, 
Murnau, 1985 

Note Calerie Fischer erroneously catalogued as lot 21 
another painting by Corinth that belonged to the 
Nationalgalerie, Berlin, see BiUzyklrn Ztugmvt iYr/rmtrr 
Kumt m Dtuhchltmd IS33— IMS iexh cat. Staatsgalerie 
Stuttgart, 1987), D22 


StlfeliiUdis (Self-portrait) 


Oil on wood, 685 x 84 cm (27 x 33'/» in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth 925 

Nationalgalerie, Berlin, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 19, est SF 11,500, sold for SF 6,300 


Lovis Corinth 

Bildtns dn Malm Bfrnl CrornwU 

I Portrait of the painter Bernt Gronvold) 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 60 cm (3I'A x 23V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth p 168, pi XX 

Kunsthalle Bremen, 1923, confiscated in 1937, 

Eittorlrtf KunsI (16149) 

Fischer lot 24, est SF 5,000, sold for SF 3,500 

Theodor VKjIfer, Malmb, Kunsthalle Bremen 

Figure (88 

Oil on wood, 128 x 108 cm (50V« x 42'/i in.) 
Catalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth pi XVII 
Nationalgalerie, Berlin, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 26, est SF 12,600, not sold 
Private collection, Berlin 

Lovis Corinth 

SlilMwi mil Frudrtsclwle (Still life 


Oil on canvas, 70 x 90 cm (27'/i x 35% in ) 

C atalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth 898 

Calene Ernst Arnold, Dresden, Neue Staatsgali 

Munich, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 18, est SF 12,600, sold for SF 7,500 

Kofler, Lucerne, private collection, Switzerland, 

collection, Germany, Galerie Arnold! -Livie, Mi 

private collection. United States 


Lovis Corinth 

Kmd m Brtlcfcm (Child in a crib) 

Sold as Kmd mil Lm/slallcfcni (Child with small cradle) 


Oil on canvas, 83 x 124 cm (32% x 48% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth 946 

Charlotte Berend-Corinth, Nationalgalerie, Berlin, 

1926, confiscated in 1937, Entarlrlr KunsI (I6I50) 

Fischer lot 23, est SF 14,700, not sold 

Sold for SF 8,085 to Dr Witzinger, Basel, Alfred Nevcn 

DuMont, Cologne, 1982 

Figur, .85 

ban* am Vkmittta Lucw 


( i,l on canvas 60 » » cm 23% « :"'- In 

C ataloguc raisonne Berend-C orinth ,,s " 

Nruc Staatsgalcrie Munich, confiscated 

Fischer U ]] est SI IG^SOO not sold 

By exchange lor 1275 to Hildebrand Curlitt, Hamburg 

Waller Franz, Cologne. Calene Lempertz, Cologne, 

auction R84 lot 233 private collection 

Lovis< orinth 

Rosa Rosm (Pink roses) 

Oil on wood, 82 x 65 cm I 32% x 257, in I 
Catalogue raisonne Berend-Connth 939 
Nationalgalene, Berlin, 1924, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 27, est SF 11,500. sold for SF 6,200 
Calerie Fischer, Lucerne, sold to a Swiss dealer, private 
collection, Switzerland, Calene Arnoldi-Livie. Munich, 
Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 
Nationalgalene, Berlin, 1983 

I .ivis ( .irinth 

/iiljnis (,ron) )lr,injrs I Portrait ol ( ,corg Brandcs 


Oil on canvas, 92 x 70 cm < 36% x ? 

Catalogue raisonnc Berend-Connth 982 

Nationalgalene. Berlin confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 29 est SI 7.300 sold foi SF 4,800 

koninklnk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp 

Lovis Corinth 

FlifJrr. Anmonm. unJ Katzcbm 

(Lilacs, anemones, and kitten I 

Sold as Blummstninss I Bouquet of flowers) 


Oil on canvas, 105 x 85 cm (41V. x 33ft in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-Connth 983 

Stadtische Kunstsammlung Dusseldorf 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 32, est SF 12,600, sold for SF 6,000 

Emil Buhrle Zurich, Dr D Buhrle. Zurich 

Blrck am irm Fmslrr (View from the window) 

Oil on canvas, 67 x 57 cm (26V. x 22'/i in ) 

Dr Karl Hagemann, Essen, Museum Folkwang, Essen, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 32a, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 3,200 

Kunstmuseum Basel 


Die Sdlzlricfer con Mattigm (The salt pools of Martigues) 
Oil on wood, 73 x 60 cm (28 U x 23' . in 
Museum Folkwang, Essen, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 34, est SF 3,400, sold for SF 2,900 
Dr Reber Switzerland, private collection, Bern 

Otto Dix 

Dir Ellrrn Jk Kunsllrrs (The artist's parents) 


Oil on canvas, 100 x 115 cm (39Vb x 45% in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Lbffler 1921/12 

Wallraf Richartz-Museum, Cologne, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 37 est SF 3,800, sold for SF 2,100 


Otto Dix 



Painted plaster, 58 x 48 cm (227. x 187. in ) 

Stadtmuseum Dresden, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 35, est SF 8,400, not sold 

Probably destroyed 

Otto Dix 

Frtw mil Singling (Woman with infant) 

Sold as Mutter und Kind (Mother and child) 


Oil on canvas, 75 x 71 cm (29'/i x 28 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Lbffler 1924/6 

Stadtische Kunstsammlungen, Kbnigsberg, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 38, est SF 3,400, not sold 

Bernhard A Boehmer, Giistrow, Sachs, Ha 

Hamburger Kunsthalle, 1947 


James Ensor 

Mmknt u«d drr Tod (Masks and death) 
Oil on canvas, 78 x 100 cm (30 V. x 397. in.) 
Kunsthalle Mannheim, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 39, est SF 10,500, sold for SF 6,800 
Musee des Beaux-Arts, Liege 

Otto Dix 

Anita Btrbtr 


Tempera on wood, 120 x 65 cm (47 'A x 257. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Lbffler 1925/6 

Stadtische Calerie, Nuremberg, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 36, est SF 2,500, not sold 

Swiss dealer, Otto Dix Stiftung, Vaduz, on loan to the 

Calerie der Stadt Stuttgart 


Lyonel Feininger 

Zircbow VI 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 100 cm (317; x 39V» in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Hess 162 

Stadtisches Museum fur Kunst und Kunstgewerbe 

(Montzburg), Halle, 1928, confiscated in 1937, Entartrtt 

Kunst (16081) 

Fischer lot 41, est SF 2,100. not sold 

Sold for SF 1,250 to Karl Nierendorf Gallery New 

York, present location unknown 

Lvoncl fcintnger 

fOanssaikrck ( hurch ..I the ft»i (.lares 

( )il mi canvas 100 \ BO cm <'>'- x 31V, in I 

Stadtischc Kunstsammlungcn, Kassel, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer kx 40 est SF 2.100, not sold 

Sold for SF l,2su to Karl Nierendorl Calfery New 

V.rk Kill Bomar, Fort Worth, private collection, 

Switzerland, Cialcric Thomas, Munich, private 

collection, Zurich 


Aus Tahiti (From Tahiti) 

Oil on canvas, 91 x 73 cm (357. x 28'A in ) 
Stadtischc Calcrie I rankfurt confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 44 est SI 63,000, sold for SF 50,000 
Musee des Beaux-Arts, Liege 

Srlf'stfioriMt iSell portrait 


Oil on canvas, 62 x 52 cm 24'. , II 

Neue Staatsgalene, Munich, expropriated in 1938 

Fischer lot 45. est SF 250,000 sold for si 175,000 

l)r Allied Frankfurter for Maurice Wfertheim, New 

York Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University 

Cambridge, 1952 

Mrlropota or Bficlt m dtr OossttiJl i View of the big city) 

Sold as Grosstjiit (Kig city 


Oil on canvas, 102 x 105 cm (40'/» x 41 in 

Kunsthalle Mannheim, 1924, confiscated in 1937, 

Entjrlrlr Kuml -16194) 

Fischer lot 42, est SF 600, sold for SF 700 

Curt Valentin, Ruchholz Gallery New York, Hermann 

Schulmann, New York, George Grosz, Huntington, 

New York, Richard L Feigen and Company, Thvssen 

Bornemisza Collection, Lugano 

Figuri 2(6 

George Grosz 

Porfraf Mr/triMJ I Portrait of Mehnng) 

Oil on canvas, 108 x 78 cm (42'/j x 30'i in I 
Hamburger Kunsthalle, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 43, est SF 600, sold for SF 280 
Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp 

BiMim At Scbwntrr (Portrait of the artists sister 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 70 cm ( 31'/] x 27' in 

Museum Folkwang, Essen, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 48, est SF 1,200, not sold 

Present location unknown 

Erich Heckcl 

Da Pflugtr (The ploughi 


Oil on canvas, 83 x 96 cm (32% x 37 ! A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1923/4 

Kaiser- Fnednch- Museum, Magdeburg, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 46, est SF 1,700, not sold 

Sold for $75 to Ferdinand Moller, Berlin, Staatlich 

Calerie Montzburg Halle, I94S 



Oil on canvas, 71 x 56 cm (28 x 22 in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1927/21 

Behnhaus, Liibeck, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 47, est SF 850, not sold 

Sold for $50 to Bernhard A Boehmer, Custrow, 

private collection, Hamburg 

Karl Hofer 

rnmkme (Drunke 


Oil on canvas, 106 x 81 cm (4lV« x 317. in ) 
Stadtisches Museum, Ulm, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 54, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 950 
Bohlmann, Switzerland, Emil Buhrle, Zurich, 
present location unknown 

Karl Hofer 

Mint BaillMcfet 


Oil on canvas, 100 x 80 cm (39% x 3I'A in ) 

Nationalgalerie, Berlin, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 56, est SF 6,300, not sold 

Sold for $500 to Wolfgang Gurlttt, Berlin, purchased 

with his estate by the Neue Galerie der Stadt Linz/ 

Wolfgang-Gurlitt-Museum, Linz, 1953 

B/ummsl.lltfco. (Floral still life) 
Oil on canvas, 41 x 37 cm 06'/» x I4'A in ) 
Thaulow-Museum, Kiel, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 51, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 950 
Galerie Fischer, Lucerne, present location unkn 

Karl Hofer 

lilumatwafmtle Mtidcbat (Girls throwing flowers) 

Sold as Am Faisla (At the window) 

Oil on canvas, 120 x 90 cm (47'A x 35% in ) 

Stadtmuseum Dresden, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 52, est SF 5,000, sold for SF 5,000 

Emil Buhrle, Zurich, Galerie des Arts anciens et 

modernes, Liechtenstein, Staatsgalene Stuttgart, 1967 

K.irl Hofcl 

BOm «mJ Riidi I Esther and Ruth 

Oil on canvas, 81 x 90 cm ill n J5% In 

Galene Alfred Flcchthcim, Berlin. Paul Rusch 

Dresden, Staatlichc Ccmaldctjalcrie. Dresden, 1923, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 55, est SF 4,200, not sold 

Bernhard A Bochmcr, Custrow, private collection. 

»51 present location unknown 

Karl Holer 

SclbilbiUmi (Self-portrait) 

Oil on canvas, 45 x 40 cm 17 'A x 15* in 

Nationalgalenc, Berlin, conhscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 53, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 2,500 
Steinmcycr, Lucerne, for Paul I Ceier; C inunnati 
1939, private collection 

Karl Hofer 

Tuchtimlhckift i Group at a table! 

Sold as Aljmifr am Ttscrj siizrruf I Men sitting at a table) 

Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 

Stadtische Kunstsammlungen, Kassel, 

conhscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 57 est SF 8,400, sold for SF 4,100 

Koninkliik Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp 

Karl Hofer 

Tropm-hrs Bad (Tropical bath) 

Oil on canvas, 64 x 74 cm (2514 x 29'/. in ) 

Wallraf Richartz-Museum, Cologne, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 49, est SF 4,200, not sold 

Bernhard A Boehmer, Custrow, present location 


Karl Hofer 

Wnssnikircfcni (White churches) 
Oil on canvas, 80 x 73 cm (3l'/> x 28 ! A in ) 
Thaulow- Museum Kiel, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 50, est SF 2,500, not sold 
Present location unknown 

Ernst Ludwig Kirchner 

Pferde auj dct We,de (Crazing horses) 


Oil on canvas, 71 x 80 cm (28 x 31'A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 23 

Kunstverem, Chemnitz, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 60, est SF 600, sold for SF 600 

Prof Max Huggler, Bern, for Hedy Hug-Ruggle 

Marianne Feilchenfeldt, Zurich, private collectic 


v ftm 

Ernst Ludwig Kirchner 

Dili Bmkelt (The bosquet) or 

Plalz in Dresden (Square in Dresden) 


Oil on canvas, 120 x 150 cm (47% x 59 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 198 

Joseph Feinhals, Cologne 1912, Wallraf-Richartz- 

Museum, Cologne, confiscated in 1937, 

Enlurlrlr Kuml (16137) 

Fischer lot 62, est SF 600, sold for SF 300 

Peter and Alexander Zschokke, Basel 

/m Cajegarlen (In the cafe garden) or 

Damoi im Caje (Udies at the cafe) 


Oil on canvas, 705 x 76 cm (27V* x 297, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 374 

Ludwig and Rosy Fischer, Frankfurt, Stadtisches 

Museum fur Kunst und Kunstgewerbe (Montzburg), 

Halle, 1924, confiscated in 1937, Enlartele Kuml (15992) 

Fischer lot 61, est SF 1,000, sold for SF 750 

Dr Ernst Schlager, Basel, Calerie Aenne Abels, 

Cologne, Kunstverein, Berlin, 1966, Brucke-Museum, 


Figure 258 

BP^P^r^^l^"^' ikkfei 

Ss v ' ''""ri~r^ 'f^^ll^M^B 

k ^y^JEi 

BL B§ Elii ^1 fife*! 

. ■ k HA 


Paul Klee 

Klostergartm (Monastery garden) 


Oil on canvas, 94 x 66 cm (37 x 26 in ) 

Staatliche Gemaldegalerie, Dresden, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 58, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 3,100 

Clara and Emil Friedrich-lezler, Zurich, destroyed by 

fire, 1940 

Paul Klee 

Hubs am Weg (Villa R ) (House on the path [Villa R ]) 
Oil on cardboard, 27 x 20 cm (10% x 77. in ) 
Pauline and Joseph Kowarzik, Frankfurt, Stadtische 
Calerie, Frankfurt, 1926, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 59, est SF 1,700, sold for SF 850 
Kunstmuseum Basel 

Oskai Kokoschka 

Tnmcapitla 1 1 lypnotist) 

Oil on canvas, 84 x 65 cm i »3tt K 
C ataloguc raisonne' Wingler s 

Schlesischcs Museum dcr bildcnden Kuns(, Bri 
confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 63, est SF 4,200, sold foi Si 3 100 
Musics Royaux d'Art et d'Htstoire, Brussels 

Oskar Kokoschka 

Zu'fl Kinder I Two children) 


Oil on canvas, 73 x 108 cm (28 'A x 42'/> in I 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 19 

Dr Stein, Vienna P), Adolf Loos, Vienna, Staatliche 

Cemaldegalerie, Dresden, 1927, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 71, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 2,000 

Theodor Wdlfer, Malmo, Galerie Aenne Abels, 

Cologne, Wilhclm I.ehmbruck-Museum, Duisburg, 


Oskar Kokoschka 

Bildrm in Htrzoifin com MoMtfitfuifu 

(Portrait of the duchess of Montesquiou-Fezensac) 


Oil on canvas, 95 x 50 cm (37Vr x 19V, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 33 

Museum Folkwang, Essen, 1926, confiscated in 1937, 

EnUrltlr Kunsl ( 16033 1 

Fischer lot 65, est SF 3,400, sold for SF 3,000 

Steinmeyer Lucerne, lor Paul E Geier, Cincinnati, 

1939, Cincinnati Art Museum, bequest of Paul E Ceier, 


Fiifurr 128 

Oskar Kokoschka 

Dr Hrnrulnn SthwarzwaU 

Sold as hWirnMrm (Dr S) 

(Portrait of a gentleman [Dr S]) 


Oil on canvas, 90 x 65 cm (35% x 25'/, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 50 

Hermann Schwarzwald, Frankfurt, 1911, Stadtische 

Galerie, Frankfurt, 1917, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 66, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 2,100 

Meister, Basel, Ernst Beyeler, Basel, Staatsgalene 

Stuttgart, 1951 

Oskar Kokoschka 



Oil on canvas, 75 x 100 cm I 29'/, x 19' - in 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 126 

Staatliche Cemaldegalene, Dresden, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 68, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 1,700 

Meister, Basel, Ernest Beyeler, Basel, Staatsgalene 

Stuttgart, 1953 

Oskar Kokoschka 

KalhrJralr zu Bordrm 

x (Cathedral of Bordeaux' 

Sold as Notrr-Damr 

zu Bordraux (Notre-Dame of 



Oil on canvas, 80 > 

60 cm (31'A x 23V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne 

Wmgler 175 

Nationalgalene, Be 

rlin, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 64, est SF 4,200, not sold 
Private collection, Basel, private collection, London, 
Marlborough International Fine Art, London, Musee 
des Beaux-Arts, Bordeaux, 1983 

Oskar Kokoschka 

Montr Carlo 


Oil on canvas, 73 x 100 cm (28% x 39% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 191 

Stadtische Galerie, Frankfurt, c 1926, confiscated i 

1937, EnlurWf Kimsf (16125) 

Fischer lot 70, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 2,500 

Musee d'Art moderne, Liege 

Fiowr 287 


M - - ~- _.r 

ii ft - 

Li tt\it- 

^ p \ * ■"'•> 

u/ '*jfSjn 






v ilu 

•■V'^ ' 

\ v 

UKyAfi a^ * ■**, 

Oskar Kokoschka 

Towrr Br\dgr im London 


Oil on canvas, 76 x 128 cm (297s x 50V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 198 

Hamburger Kunsthalle, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 67, est SF 8,400, sold for SF 7,200 

Josef von Sternberg, his sale, Parke-Bernet Galleries, 

New York, November 22, 1949, lot 90, Putnam Dana 

McMillan, Minneapolis Institute of Arts, bequest, 1961 

Oskar Kokoschka 

Co./rrs« (Lake Ceneva) 

Oil on canvas, 64 x 95 cm (25% x 37V. in ) 

Calerie Paul Cassirer, Berlin, 1924, Fritz Hess, 

Berlin, 1924, Stadtisches Museum, Ulm, 1931, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 69, est SF 6,300, sold for SF 3,500 

Steinmeyer, Lucerne, for Paul E Geier, Cincinnati, 

1939, private collection 

Wilhelm Lehmbruck 

SiizrnJrs Mudi l"<< Seated girl 


I,,,., cotta II ■ 19 i i" I2K a I9K in 

Staal gal "< Stuttgan i onfis, iti d in 19 

Fischei 101 72, est SI KSd -.,,1,1 l,„ SI I Mill 

Pierre Matisse fbi loseph Pulitzer, lr Saint Lou 

present location unknown 

iUijMwiMiW i Portrait ol a girl) 


Oil on canvas, 64 x 53 cm (25% x 20 in 

Stadtisches Museum Lllm, confiscated in 1937 

I, scher lot S( est Si 4 20(1 sold lor Si s.KKl 

Musee des Beaux-Arts Liege 

Wilhelm Lchmbruck 

Torso (GmriiJIrr Frdrwilorso) 

(Torso [Torso o( a bending woman]! 


Terracotta, height (including base) 93 cm 1 3nV„ m I 

Lubeck, museum unknown, conhscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 75, est SF 1,200, sold lor SI I 200 

Ray W Berdeau, New York, present location unknown 


Wilhelm Lehmbruck 

lunges MaJcben i Young girl I 
Oil on canvas, 95 x 60 cm (37V» x 23V. in ) 
Kunsthalle Mannheim, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 73, est SF 1,200, sold for SF 650 
Prof Fehr, Bern, present location unknown 

Madcbntkopf (Smtitnit) (Head of a girl [Contemplation] 

Terracotta, height 45 cm (I7V< in ) 

Nassautsches Landcsmuseum, Wiesbaden, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 74, est SF 850, sold for SF 1,400 

Ray W Berdeau, New York, present location unknowr 

Rudolf Levy 

StrlM>r» (Still life) 


Oil on canvas, 65 x 80 cm (25V. x 31'/= in I 

Wallrat-RichartzMuseum, Cologne, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 77, est SF 1,200, sold for SF 610 

Dr Ehert, Lucerne, present location unknown 


Note In the Calerie Fischer catalogue this image was 

incorrectly captioned as Drr Tisc/j 


< Liebermann 

Rnlrr ,m Strand { Rider on the shore) 


Oil on canvas, 46 x 54 cm (18 'A x 21% in ) 

Neue Staatsgalene, Munich, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 79, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 3,200 

Musee des Beaux-Arts, Liege 

Rudolf Levy 

DnThcb (The table) 

Oil on canvas, 63 x 49 cm (24'/, x I9'A in ) 
Staatsgalene Stuttgart, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 76, est SF 1,200, not sold 
Private collection, Wiesbaden 

Max Liebermann 

BiMim Otto Braun (Portrait of Otto Braun) 
Oil on canvas, 120 x 95 cm (47,4 x 377, in ) 
Nationalgalene, Berlin, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 78, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 1,100 
Lutolf, Switzerland 

August Macke 

Garlcttmtawant (Garden restaurant) 


Oil on canvas, 81 x 105 cm (31% x 41 ! A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Vriesen 353 

Herwarth Walden, Berlin, 1913, Emma Gottschalk, 

Dusseldorf, 1926, Stadtisches Suermondt- Museum, 

Aachen, 1927, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 80, est SF 1,000, sold for SF 900 

Hermann Rupf, Bern, by written bid, Kunstmuseum 

Bern, Hermann and Margit Rupf Collection 

Franz Marc 

P/rrJr auj itr WtiJr (Horses in a pasture I 


Tempera on paper, 63 x 83 cm (24 'A x 32'A in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Lankheit 4!4 

Hamburger Kunsthalle, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 92, est SF 3,400, sold for SF 2,300 

Musee des Beaux-Arts, Liege 

LifjJrnJrr Huni m Schntr (Dog lying in the snow) 

Sold as Ufcstr HutiJ (White dog) 


Oil on canvas, 62 5 x 105 cm (247. x 41'A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Lankheit 133 

Maria Marc, Reid, Stadtische Calerie, Frankfurt, 1919, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 85, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 3,200 

Ray W Berdeau, New York, Galerie Beyeler, Basel, 

Stadelscher Museums-Verein, Frankfurt, 1961 

DkimmloiPftrJt I he three red horses 


( HI on . invu 120 - 180 cm 17 ix70Tt In 
t italogue raisonne' I inkheil 131 
Museum Folkwaruj Essen confiscated m 1937 
Rschei I.. i B7 esl si 21,000 sold fai si $000 
Stelnmeyci Lucerne t.>i Paul I Geier, t incinnati, 
1939 Mrs Paul I Geiei on loan t" the ( indnnati Art 
Museum and the Busch Reisingei Museum I Ian ird 
University C amhndge 

lluml Katzt, Hud Fucbs (Dog cat and fax) 


( )il on canvas, 80 x 105 cm (3I'A x 41V. in ) 

< atalogue raisonm I ankht 11 169 

Galerie Caspari Munich Kunsthalle Mam 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 89, est SI 6,300, not sold 

Returned in 1940 by the Rcichspropaganda 

to the Kunsthalle Mannheim 

I ranz Marc 

Ztvn Kiitzra liiiu wnd (,clb (Two tats, blue and yellow 


Oil on canvas, 74 x 98 em (29% x !8'A in | 

Ruhmeshalle, Barmen, 1427 confiscated in 1937, 

Extciritir Kunsi (16133) 

I ischer lot 88, esl SI 8,400, sold lor SF 4,100 

Kunstmuseum Basel 

Fitjurt ill 

Franz Marc 

Ebtr und Situ ( Boar and sow > 
Sold as Wiukchwthu (Wild boars) 

Oil on canvas, 73 x 56 5 cm (28 'A x 22% in ) 
Catalogue raisonne Lankheit 202 
Stadtisches Museum fur Kunst und Kunstgewerbe 
Montzburgl. Halle, 1924, confiscated in 1937, 
En !,i r Mr KumsI (16141) 
Fischer lot 86. est SF 6,300, not sold 
Hem Corny and Brandenburg, Berlin, Galerie Gerd 
Roden Berlm, Calerie Aenne Abels, Cologne, Wallraf- 
Richartz-Museum, Cologne, gilt of Autohaus 
Fleischerhauer 1954, Museum Ludwig, Cologne 
Fi^urr 2M 

VSgd (Birds) 


Oil on canvas, 110 x 100 cm (43% x 39% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Lankheit 226 

Maria Mart, Reid, Staatliche Gemaldegalenc, Dresden, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 90, est SF 5,000, sold for SF 2,500 

Ray W Berdeau, New York, Collection Hasselblad, 

Goteborg, 1961, Stadtische Galerie im Lenbachhaus, 

Munich, 1983 

B,i,W< Madeira (Girls bathing) 
Oil on canvas, 100 x 140 cm (39% x 55% in ) 
Catalogue raisonne Lankheit 121 
Werner Duecher, Dusseldorf, Stadrische 
Kunstsammlungen Dusseldorf, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 91, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 3,300 
Emil Buhrle, Zurich, Marlborough-Gerson Gallery 
London, Norton Simon Foundation, Los Angeles 

«^ *?5 

Ewald Matare 

Liegende Kub (Cow lying down) 

Wood, 22 x 50 cm (8% x 19% in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Schilling 27 

Nationalgalene, Berlin, before 1928, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 81, est SF 400, sold for SF 480 

Hermann Rupf, Bern, by written bid, Kunstmuseum 

Bern, Hermann and Margit Rupf Collection 

Ewald Matare 

Wmdkuh (Wind cow) 
Sold as Stebatdt Kuh (Cow standing) 
Bronze, 187 x 31 8 cm (7% x \Th in ) 
Catalogue raisonne Schilling 15a 
Nationalgalerie, Berlin, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 82, est SF 400, sold for SF 230 
Curt Valentin, Buchholz Gallery New York, Mu 
Ludwig, Cologne 

Gerhard Marcks 

Jostfund Maria (Joseph and Mary) 

Wood, 104 x 40 x 30 cm (41 x 15 3 A x 11'/. in ) 

Staatliche Skulpturensammlung, Dresden, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 84, est SF 1,000, sold for SF 510 

Curt Valentin, Buchholz Gallery New York, Calene 

Wolfgang Ketterer, Munich, Galerie Nierendorf, Berln 

Heinz vom Scheldt, Leverkusen 


Henri Matisse 

btgaiJt (Reclining woman) 


Fired clay, 34 x 47 cm (13% x 18'/: in ) 

Museum Folkwang, Essen, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 95, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 1,020 

Theodor Wolfer, Malmd 


i Maris 

Fliaslmdscbajt (River scene) 


Oil on canvas, 73 x 59 cm (28V. x 23% in ) 

Museum Folkwang, Essen, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 96, est SF 10,500, sold for SF 5,100 

Max Mueller, Ascona, Kunstmuseum Basel 

Henri Matisse 

Baiters with a Turtle 

Sold as Dm Frauen (Thn 


Oil on canvas, 1791 x 2203 cm (70 'A x 86V. in ) 

Karl Ernst Osthaus, Hagen, 1908, Museum Folkwang, 

Essen, 1921, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 93, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 9,100 

Pierre Matisse for Joseph Pulitzer, Jr, Saint Louis, The 

Saint Louis Art Museum, gift of Mr and Mrs Joseph 

Pulitzer, Jr, 1964 

1 Itnri 

SHlUfn Still life 

Oil on canvas, 93 x 81 cm !6% x 31 in 
Robert von Hirsch. 1917, StSdtische I lalerii I 
1917, confiscated in 1937 
Rschei lot M est SF 4,200, sold for si sunn 
Ray W Berdeau. New York, Calerie Beyeler, B; 
Stadelsches Kunstinstitut und Stadnsche Calcr 
Frankfurt, 1967 

SdbstbiUnis (//.i/lulti mil BmHlrififeitrJ 

(Self-portrait [Half-length nude with amber chair 


Oil on canvas, 60 x 50 cm (23% x 19 > in 

KestncrMuseum, Hannover, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 97, est SF 1,200, sold for SF 2,300 

Kunstmuseum Basel 

Amedeu Modigliam 

DjmmMiiMis (Portrait ut ,i woman 

Oil on canvas, 47 x JO cm ' 18! \ II '. in 

I Netter, Cans, Bernheim-Jeune, Paris, 

Riccardo Cualino, Pans, Nationatgalerie, lierlin, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 98, est SF 6,300, sold for SI 6,600 

Lorenz Lehr, Switzerland, Christie's, London, auction 

December 3, 1984, lot 21, private collection 

Otto Mueller 

Zu'fi MiiAhmithr (Two nude girls) 

c 1919 

Tempera on canvas, 874 x 706 cm (34 V. x 277. in ) 

Nationalgalerie, Berlin, 1936 (on deposit), confiscated 

in 1937, Enterfrtr KuhsI (159951 

Fischer lot 101, est SF 850, not sold 

Sold for $50 to Hildebrand Curlitt, Hamburg, 

Dr Josef Haubrich, Cologne. 1942, Wallraf 

Richartz-Museum, Cologne, gift of Dr Haubrich, 

1946, Museum Ludwig, Cologne, 1976 

Fitfurr 309 

Otto Mueller 

Dra Frautn (Thi 

c 1922 

Tempera on canvas, 1 195 x 88 5 cm 147 x 347. in 

Calerie Dr Coldschmidt, Dr Wallerstein, Berlin, 

Kaiser-Wilhelm-Museum, Krefeld, confiscated in 

Enlarlrlr Kumt 115972) 

Fischer lot 100, est SF 600, sold for SF 310 

Pierre Matisse for loseph Pulitzer, Jr, Saint Louis, 

The Saint Louis Art Museum, 1958, Christie's, 

London, auction April 30, 1989, lot 24, Brucke 

Museum, Berlin, 1989 

Figure 306 




Otto Mueller 

DiimmMtiim < Portrait of a lady) 

Oil on canvas, 96 x 68 cm 1 37 'A x 26'. in 

Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 99, est SF 600, not sold 

Hildebrand Curlitt, Hamburg, present locatu 


Em.l Nolde 

Tanzmdi Kinder (Kindcrreigen) 

(Dancing children [Children in a ring] 


Oil on canvas, 74 x 88 cm 129'/. x 347. in 

Catalogue raisonne Urban 314 

Landesmuseum, Oldenburg, 1925, confisc 

Fischer lot 103, est SF 3,000, not sold 

Sold for SF 1,317 to Erhard Arnstad, Zuri 

Emil Nolde 

Kubmtlkn (Milk cows) 


Oil on canvas, 86 x 100 cm (337b x 39V« in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Urban 583 

Kaiser-Wilhelm-Museum, Krefeld, 1928, confiscated 

in 1937, Entarittt Kunsl (16098) 

Fischer lot 108, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 2,000 

Richard Doetsche-Benzinger, Basel, Kaiser 

Wilhelm Museum, Krefeld, gift of 

Mr Doetsche-Benzinger, 1949 

Figurt 338 

Emil Nolde 

Roir Abaidsannc (Brandling) (Red sunset [Breakers]) 


Oil on canvas, 87 x 102 cm (3414 x 40'/. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Urban 557 

Rudolf Ibach, Barmen, 1921, Stadtische 

Kunstsammlungen Dusseldorf, 1935, confiscated in 193: 

Fischer lot 106, est SF 6,300, not sold 

Private collection, Galerie Crosshenning, Dusseldorf, 

private collection, Switzerland 

Emil Nolde 

r garden X) 

lilumenijtirten X (Flo 


Oil on canvas, 72 5 x 88 < 

Catalogue raisonne Urba 

Kunsthalle zu Kiel, 1929, , 

Enlarltlr Kunst (16186) 

Fischer lot 105, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 2,100 

Musees Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Brussels 

Fi^urt us 

■n (287i x 347. in ) 

onfiscated in 1937, 

Emil Nolde 

Ojrislus und dit Sutidtrin (Christ and the adulteress) 


Oil on canvas, 86 x 106 cm (33% x 40'A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Urban 1038 

Nationalgalerie, Berlin, 1929, confiscated in 1937, 

Enlartrlr Kunst (15934) 

Fischer lot 104, est SF 3,800, sold for SF 1,800 

Prof Fehr, Bern, private collection 

Fi>rt 342 

Emil Nolde 



Oil on canva 

Catalogue ra 

Staatliche & 

Wind (Sunflowers in the wind) 

74 x 89 cm (29'A x 35 in ) 

>nne Urban 1030 

laldegalene, Dresden, confiscated i 
1937, Enlarlrlc Kunsl (16130) 
Fischer lot 102, est SF 4,200, sold for SF 3,500 
Private collection, Switzerland 

(mil Nolde 

lit^mm n't um J ,idl< Red and yelkm begonias) 
< ill on canvas W v 100 cm 29K \ < l >'- in 
C atalogue raisonnl Urban ion? 
Stadtisches Museum Erfurt confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 107, est SF 4.20Q sold fot SI 1 ' 

Hans Lutgens Swicseriand private collection, 


Sitznia Maicbm (Seated girl) 

Oil on canvas, 73 x 60 cm (28^ x 23'A in 
Staatliche Ccmaldegalerie, Dresden, confiscated 
in 1937 

Fischer lot 110, est SF 2,100, sold for SF 1,700 
Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp 

lules Pascin 

frukiutt I Breakfasti 


Oil on canvas, 82 x 65 cm i 32'', x 25V- ,,, 

Kunsthalle Hremen, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 109, est SF 1,200, sold for SF 2,400 

Musee des Beaux-Arts, Liege 

Max Pechstein 

Mor^rmlunifr I Morning hour) 

Oil on canvas, 70 x 80 cm (27V, x 3 1 in 

Stadtisches Museum, Leipzig, confiscated in 

Fischer lot 113, est SF 1,200, not sold 

Sold in October 1939 for £10. present locati 



Max Pechstein 

Drrfcuucfcrr (The smoker) 


Oil on canvas, 65 x 50 cm (25% x 19V. i 

Kaiser- Friednch- Museum, Magdeburg, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot III est SF 600, not sold 

Present location unknown 

Max Pechstein 

GUidiolm (Gladiolas) 

Oil on canvas, 118 x 90 cm (46'/i x 35V, in ) 
Nationalgalene, Berlin, confiscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 112, est SF 1,700, sold for SF 820 
Dr Ehret, Lucerne. Wolfgang Ketterer, Muni 
sale May 1988, private collection, Pans 


Pablo Picasso 

Absmtbtrmkerm (la buvaat assoapit) 

I Absinthe drinker [The dozing drinker]) 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 62 cm (31 'h x 24% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Zervos 120 

Dalport, Hamburger Kunsthalle, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 116, est SF 73,500, not sold 

Sold (or SF 42,000 to Othmar Huber, Clarus, 1942, 

Foundation Huber, on loan to the Kunstmuseum Bern 

Pablo Picasso 

Familimbili (Lt Jijntm sur Ihrbt it \a fam.llt SolrrJ 

(Family portrait [Soler family luncheon on the grass]) 


Oil on canvas, 150 x 200 cm (59 x 78% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Zervos 204 

Wallraf-RichartzMuseum, Cologne, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 1 14, est SF 63,000, sold for SF 36,000 

Musee des Beaux-Arts, Liege 

■ .^t^^. i 

Br ~*4 J 





{ W ] 


Pablo Picasso 

Zu'n Harlekmt (Acrofwlf tt jatm arkqum) 

(Two harlequins [Acrobat and young harlequin]} 


Couache on cardboard, 105 x 75 cm (41 V. x 29'A ii 

Catalogue raisonne Zervos 297 

Stadtische Calerie, Wuppertal-Elberfeld, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 115, est SF 105,000, sold for SF 80,000 

Roger Janssen, Brussels, Christie's, London, 

November 28, 1988, private collection, Japan 

Pablo Picasso 

Frauenkopj (Busif Jr/rmmf ) (Head of a woman) 


Oil on canvas, 46 x 55 cm (18'/. x 2IV, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Zervos 396 

Stadtisches Calerie, Frankfurt, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 117, est SF 12,600, sold for SF 8,000 

Dietz, by written bid, present location unknown 


, Rohlfs 

tanttscbafi (Landscape) 

Sold as MobnjrU (Poppy field) 


Oil on canvas, 48 x 60 cm (187. x 23% in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 179 

Stadtisches Museum, Stettin, confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 120, est SF 2,500, not sold 

Returned to Berlin, December 1939, present locatit 

No known photograph 

Christian Rohlfs 

Rosm (Roses) 


Oil on cardboard, 70 x 51 cm (27'A x : 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 707 

Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 118, est SF 2,500, not sold 

Present location unknown 

I lit 


lui^i m Ascoim I an in Vscona 

S..UI ,h sif.i,. f ,„ \ ,,n.j Street in Astoria' 

i Ml on canvas, 75 x 60 cm 29' K 23 in 
Catalogue raisonne' \fagt ~42 
Natkmalgalerie Berlin confiscated in 1937 
Ffcchei lot ii" est SF 1,700 not sold 
Sold lor $150 to Dr Hans Peters, Bad Hon™ 
Karl Ernst Osthaus Museum, I lagen 1950 


Karl Schmidt RottluH 

Hnbsllaxdtcbaft (Auti 


l )il .in canvas, 87 x 95 cm I MX \ !7% 

Stadtische Kunstsammlung, C hemnita 

confiscated in 1937 

FiSChet lot 121, est SI 400, not sold 
Present location unknown 

Karl Schmidt Rottlull 

SrlfiiifiiMnn mil /:injl,n I Self-portrait with monocle 

SoldasftUm: R Set 

(Portrait of R| Sell po 


Oil on canvas, 84x76 5 cm 

Ludwig and Rosy Fischer Frankturt Stadtisches 

Museum tur Kunsl und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), 

Halle, 1924, confiscated in 1937, Enljrlrlr Kunsl 16052 

Fischer lot 123, est SF 400, not sold 

Sold for $25 to Ferdinand Moller Berlin I rau 

Millci I ..amy Cologne, Staatliche Musecn 

Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Nattonalgalerie, Berlin, 

gift ot Frail Mollcr-Garny 1961 

Figure 171 

Karl Schmidt Rottluff 

Lupmcn m Kisr i Lupins in vase) 

Oil on canvas, 73 x 65 cm (28* » 25% in 

Staatliche Gemaldegalerie, Dresden, 

confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 122, est SF 400, sold for SF 310 

Prof Fehr Bern, Calerie Ferdinand Moller, Cologne. 

1956, private collection, Switzerland 

Flussumilscbafj i River landscape) 

Oil on canvas, 64 x 80 cm (25'A x 31 '/i in ) 

Stadtisches Museum, Wuppertal-Elberleld. 

hscated in 1937 
Fischer lot 125, est SF 1,700, sold for SF 850 
Theodor Woller, Malmd 



WaUmtj ' Woodland path 

Oil on canvas, 60 x 73 cm 23% x 28% in 

Wallral-Richartz-Museum, Cologne, 
confiscated in 1937 

Fischer lot 124, est SF 850, sold for SF 560 
Beltie Thommen, Basel, present location unknown 

Figure 133 

The vilification of jazz in the exhibition Enlartrlr Mmik, Kunstpalast Ehrenhof, 

Diisseldorf, 1938 

Mil I I A I 

M I V I k 

A Musical Facade for the Third Reich 

The Third Reich was festively inaugurated on 
March 21, 1933— "Der Tag von Potsdam" 
i Potsdam Day) Ludwig Neubeck's choral 
work Deutscbland composed lor the occa- 
sion, was heard on national radio, and the 
celebrated conductor Wilhelm lurtwangler was asked by Adoll 
Hitler personally to perform Richard Wagner's "German" opera, 
Dl> Alrislcrsmi/rr von Niimbert) iThe mastersingers of Nuremberg), at 
the Berlin Staatsoper that evening German musicians everywhere 
contributed to the solemnity In Hamburg the Reich's chief ideo- 
logue Alfred Rosenberg, spoke at the Staatsoper, where an 
enthusiastic supporter of the Nazis, general music director Karl 
Bohm, conducted Lohengrin, the magnificent Wagnerian opera that 
had impressed Hitler as a youth and with whose hero he shared the 
mystery of origin and identitv 

Music and politics: Collaboration 

In accordance with the tradition of performing at state functions in 
exchange tor official patronage, the musical establishment helped 
legitimize the new government, which in turn justified itself by 
its avowed commitment to cultural renewal and full employment 
Indeed, many musicians looked to the regime to increase its financial 
support of the arts and to create more jobs — not surprising in view 
of the disastrous economic situation and the incredibly high rate 
of unemployment for musicians at 46 percent and for singers and 
voice teachers at 43 5 percent (compared to 28 percent general 
unemployment, as reported on June 16, 1933) ' Nazi totalitarianism 
complemented the musicians' authoritarian habits and their need for 
security and recognition 

Gollaboration was not due exclusively to opportunism Many 
beneficiaries of a "business as usual" attitude and official largesse 
identified with the cultural policies of the new regime and the prom- 
ised regeneration They believed that the new state shared their dis- 
approval of the condition and direction of modern music, which they 
held to be alienated from its tradition and the public Traditionalists 
reiected the critical art of the former era — the caustic texts of Bertolt 
Brecht, the "decadent-degenerate" sounds of Kurt Weill, the "high- 
art" atonality of Arnold Schoenberg, and "primitive" jazz — upholding 
instead an art that confirmed and elevated German nature, native 

tradition, and the sociopolitical order it served These sentiments 
accorded with the idealistic features of National Socialism custom- 
arily associated with the volkisch (national, in the sense of pure 
German) movement, of which Richard Wagner had been the most 
important artistic representative To Wagner — the creator of the 
Gnamtkunstioerk (the "total work of art" that reintegrated all the arts 
into one ritualistic expression), the romantic nationalist, the pre- 
eminent subject of Nazi musicology and the maior intellectual in- 
fluence acknowledged by Hitler — music, indeed, all art, had to be 
rooted in folk and native tradition in order to be a genuine expres- 
sion of the national community it would thus help revitalize 

Music and race 

Music's redemptive qualities were promoted most vociferously by the 
composer Hans Pfitzner, whose alarmist reaction in the 1920s to the 
disintegration of tonality — dissonance, twelve-tone theory, and alien 
jazz — clearly accorded with less stridently articulated conservative 
ideas Pfitzner spoke for many and anticipated an important argu- 
ment of the National Socialists, when he attributed this "musical 
chaos," a symbol of threats to civilization itself, to an active anti- 
German international conspiracy His radical conservative defense 
of traditional harmony melody and inspiration (all claimed as char- 
acteristically German) and his attack on subversive atonality and 
jazz (identified with Bolshevism, Americanism, and lews) were 
reformulated in racialist terms by the Nazis with little violence to 
the original 

In 1932 the schoolteacher and Untersturmfuhrer (SS deputy 
commander) Richard Eichenauer established the basis of a new 
racialist musicology with his book Musik und Riissf (Music and race), 
wherein he associated "degenerate" modern music with the Jews, 
who were "following a law of their race " Music was assumed to 
reveal fixed, racially defined German characteristics and their Jewish 
opposites Eichenauer deplored the excessive Jewish presence on 
German concert stages, at the concert agencies, in the press and 
educational institutions, from the academies to the Preussisches 
Ministenum fiir Wissenschaft, Kunst, und Volksbildung (Prussian 
ministry of science, art, and popular education), where Leo Kesten- 
berg was in charge of music Yet, ultimately "the lew" played a role 
independent of actual lews as a manipulated demonic principle in a 

Figure 134 

Hans Hinkel (center) a! a lectu 

: by Joseph Goebbels, November 15, 1935 

society of anti-Semitic assumptions, a mythical abstraction associ- 
ated with all "degenerate" aspects of the music of Jews and Jewish- 
influenced Aryans alike, regardless of their particular musical orien- 
tation In fact, Jews were too small a minority to explain music's 
alleged crisis the professional census of June 1933 listed 1,915 
religious Jews among 93,857 career musicians — a percentage of 2 04, 
which music historian Fred Prieberg allows to have been doubled at 
the most during the late Weimar Republic, before Jewish emigra- 
tion 2 Ironically these Jewish musicians and audiences actually shared 
their persecutors' traditional views of their own art as largely classi- 
cal, late romantic, and folkloristic This is revealed in the programs 
of the segregated Judischer Kulturbund (Jewish cultural league), 
which was established in 1933 under the supervision of one of the 
most important arts organizers in the Third Reich, state commis- 
sioner for education and Obersturmfuhrer (SS chief commander) 
Hans Hinkel (fig 134) Nonetheless, music journalists and musicolo- 
gists joined Nazi cultural policymakers in concentrating on "the Jew 
in German music," using Wagner's well-known essay by that title for 
his analysis of the Jews in an alien culture in justification of Nazi 

The musical "revolution" 

Upon the Nazi assumption of power in early 1933 the Kampfbund 
fur deutsche Kultur (Combat league for German culture), which 
had been founded in 1928 by Rosenberg, applied the conservative 
"olkisch-racialist principles under Hinkel's leadership and initiated a 
"revolution in the streets " Members of a large and very active music 
chapter including orchestras, choral groups, and other ensembles, 
prominent musicians such as violinist Gustav Havemann, composer 
Paul Graener, music journalist Fritz Stege, Wagner scholar Otto 
Strobel, leading educators, and public officials joined the SA (Sturm- 
abteilung, storm troops) in disrupting concerts of "enemies," 
issued militant manifestos, pressured institutions into coordination 
(Qeichschaltung) with the new political order, and purged musical 
personnel and the concert repertoire, while promoting their own 
careers The word was out that party members would be hired first, 
would be favored for promotion, and would have their compositions 
performed and aired on the radio While hundreds of defamed 
musicians, including conductors Carl Ebert, Fritz Busch, Otto 
KJemperer, Bruno Walter, and Hermann Scherchen, were chased 
from German stages and out of the country others — the young and 
ambitious Herbert von Karajan, for example — joined the party and 
secured places in the new musical order More and more musicians 
demonstrated nationalist sentiment, denounced colleagues, com- 
peted for vacant jobs, assumed positions in the new cultural orga- 
nizations that carried out the purges, and contributed thousands 
of solidarity proclamations, performances, articles, and compositions 
with Nazi texts dedicated to Hitler While the world was becoming 
aware of the resurgent might of the German state and army the 
cultural realm was equally impressive for its apparent unity state 
support, and vitality 

The "spontaneous revolution" of the local party units, the SA, 
and the Kampfbund fur deutsche Kultur was in fact manipulated to 
serve the totalitarian ambitions of the regime Hitler's parallel "legal" 
measures, comforting to many people in the civil service and the 
cultural professions, actually undermined the Constitution to a 
greater degree than street action, even though these measures were 
based on presidential emergency powers defined in Article 48 of the 
Weimar Constitution Two days after the ceremonial "Potsdam Day" 
the Ermachtigungsgesetz (Enabling law) of March 23, 1933, abol- 
ished the Reichstag (Parliament) and established the dictatorship 
of the new "national" government, thus binding those who had 
acquiesced to and even endorsed each step in this terrorist-legalistic 
thrust toward dictatorial power 3 Henceforth, the shell of a Reichs- 
tag was ridiculed as the world's best-paid choral society because 
its members continued to draw salaries for meeting once or twice 
a year to listen to a speech by Hitler and to sing DtutscMand iiber 
al/es and the Horst-Wessel Lied, an SA song commemorating an early 
Nazi martyr sung on all festive occasions 

I iguxe 1 iS 

A display in the exhibition Entartett AlusiA- denigrating "the lew Arnold Schonberg- 
.is koktm hka saw him " 

Figure 136 

A Hitler lugend songtest, Berlin, August 1935 

I he government meanwhile, pursued its ami Semitic and total- 
itarian policies It organized an official boyi "it ol lewish stores foi 
April, 1933 The Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamten- 

t ti ms 1 1 'ml ess ii ma I civil seivu e restoration act) of April 7, with its 
denial ol jobs to "non-Aryans," Communists and others "who cannot 
be trusted to support the national state without reservation foi 
malized the bloodletting within musical ranks This crucial law 
reassured the beneficiaries of Nazi patronage and revealed to anxious 
victims the true nature of the regime Bureaucrats issued question 
naires to members ol public institutions, and a wave ol dismissal 
notices soon followed In the music department of the prestigious 
Preussische Akademie der Kunste (Prussian academy of the arts, in 
Berlin professors Schoenberg and I ranz Schreker were notified of 
their dismissals Schoenberg, the formulator of the twelve-tone sys- 
tem and an acknowledged leader of contemporary musical thought, 
found it impossible to make a living in Germany s A giant to his 
admirers, a lew and "destroyer of tonality" to the Nazis ' fig I3S , 
Schoenberg represented music's crisis, the embodiment of all the 
anathemas within the realm of serious music — what Pfitzner had 
identified as "the aesthetics of musical impotence "" Although in the 
eyes of later historians Schoenberg' s departure created a serious gap 
in the landscape of German music, the Nazis viewed his expulsion as 
a precondition for musical reconstruction along volkisch lines In this 
situation, as in many others, the promise of a revitalized national 
community and culture was formulated legally and implemented 
organizationally while contradictions were rationalized and excessive 
ruthlessness dismissed as necessary and temporary 

In the early months of the Third Reich Hitler never lost sight 
of the need to secure popular legitimacy by broadening the base of 
support for his minority regime Music contributed significantly by 
propagating the romantic-Dolfeiscfc component of National Socialism 
in thousands of awe-inspiring Hitler hymns, cantatas, oratorios, and 
other patriotic choral works, in addition to traditional and newly 
composed folk songs and military and political fighting songs These 
were sung by children at school and on hikes, the Hitler lugend 
i Hitler youth, fig 136), student organizations, the SA, the army 
popular choral societies such as the Deutscher Sangerbund (German 
choral association), Kraft durch Freude (Strength through joy) — 
the recreational organization of the gigantic Deutsche Arbeitsfront 
(German labor front) — and every other conceivable group at their 
festivals, party congresses, and on every possible official and recrea- 
tional occasion The promise of volkisch idealism was indeed realized 
in "the singing nation," especially among German youth — a most 
effective means of indoctrination that would intoxicate and inculcate 
a sense of belonging, identity and mission 7 Yet this expression of 
manipulated popular culture was also promoted to inspire the com- 
posers of serious music German "high culture" was meant to 
rediscover its roots in native tradition and song 

Goebbels and the enlistment of the arts 

All government ministries and party agencies collaborated in the 
projection of popular enthusiasm for the new order, but leadership in 
the endeavor was exercised by the brilliant producer and manipulator 
of images, ideas, and sounds, Reichsminister fiir Volksaufklarung und 
Propaganda (Reich minister for national enlightenment and propa- 
ganda) Joseph Goebbels In March of 1933 President Hindenburg 
had announced the creation of a Propagandaministerium (Ministry of 
propaganda) for the purpose of disseminating among the people the 
ideas of the government and the national revolution The organiza- 
tional mechanism, a Reichskulturkammer (Reich chamber of culture 
[RKK]), installed by a law of September 22, included chambers of 
literature, journalism, radio, theater, music, film, and visual arts An 
implementing ordinance designated Goebbels president of the RKK 
and instructed him to appoint individual chamber presidents who 
were to report to him Membership in this representational (but also 
controlling and censoring) agency was made compulsory for all pro- 
fessionals who were engaged in the production and dissemination of 
public information and artistic expression 

Largely nationalized, the press, radio networks, and film indus- 
try became effective instruments of propaganda Newspaper editors 
received daily instruction at official press briefings Radio program- 
ming was managed by Nazi personnel, and a growing audience was 
secured by the production of cheap radios — jokingly called Goeb- 
bclsscbnauzai (Goebbels snouts) — and encouragement to tune in as a 
patriotic duty The film industry produced eleven hundred feature 
films during the Third Reich, only one-sixth of which were devoted 
to overt propaganda (supplemented by many documentaries, news- 
reels, and so-called Tendenzjilme [literally, "films with a purpose," 
which illustrated but did not mention National Socialism]), while 
more than half were simply entertainment, which assumed an 
increasingly important role in Goebbels s refined understanding of 
propaganda Composers such as Norbert Schultze of "Lili Marlene" 
fame, creator of many other songs and a popular opera, Der scbwarze 
Pittr (Black Peter), which premiered in 1936, contributed music for 
films and newsreels including catchy hit tunes and marching songs 

The Nazi revolution was also evident in music journals in early 
1933 Milos and other progressive publications were purged, dis- 
solved, and reconstituted Those journals that had already sympa- 
thized with the "German viewpoint," such as the Zeilschnft fur Musik 
(Journal of music), expressed confidence in the new order and repre- 
sented government policies Apolitical journals gradually suffered 
G/f/cfcscfcaltMH^ The respectable Die Musik (Music) identified with "the 
new Germany" in its edition of June 1933, in which Goebbels himself 
addressed the reader "If art wants to shape its time, it has to con- 
front its problems German art of the next decades will be heroic, 
hard as steel and romantic, sentimental and factual, natural with 

great pathos, and it will be binding and demanding — or it will not 
be" The Nazi composers Hans Bullerian, Paul Graener, and Max 
Trapp agreed, they attacked the proponents of the avant-garde, 
defined "native" and "racially alien" music, and theorized about a new 
order of musical creativity and a prospective national or "people's" 
opera A bulletin section in this issue, as in all subsequent ones, 
listed the many personnel changes taking place in German music 
The latest developments in music were also reported in the party 
press, especially the Volhscber Beobacbter, which Goebbels selected 
to be the official organ of the RKK and, toward the end of the year, 
an official bulletin of the Reichsmusikkammer (Reich chamber of 
music [RMK]) The party also founded new music journals, such as 
Deutsche Musikkultur (German musical culture), which was committed 
to the uo/fa'scfc-Nazi position in music Music critics were included in 
the personnel lists of the Reichspressekammer (Reich chamber of 
journalism), finalized in 1936, the year in which a weekly cultural- 
political press conference was added to the daily briefings at the 

Professional musicological journals were also transformed The 
Zeiischrift fur Mustkwissenschaft (Journal of musicology) continued at 
first in traditional format under the editorship of the renowned musi- 
cologist Alfred Einstein No issue was published in the fall of 1933, 
however, and in January 1934 the issue that appeared concentrated 
in its introduction on the impact of politics on scholarship "The 
Deutsche Musikgesellschaft [German musical association] under- 
stood the call for national unity and solidarity" Max Schneider had 
replaced Einstein, who emigrated to the United States Henceforth, 
musicologists would contribute their prestige to the support of Nazi 
musical policy by helping to define standards of acceptable native 
"Aryan" [arkigene) and "alien" (artfremde) or "degenerate" (ottartek) 
music in cultural and racial terms They rewrote the musical past in 
accordance with these new categories to evaluate German musicians 
as heroes, possible precursors and prophets, while the words, deeds, 
and musical achievements of Bach, Beethoven, Handel, Schiitz, 
Schumann, and especially Bruckner and Wagner were cited in con- 
firmation of Nazi ideals and thus distorted to help project the 
ideological basis of a new music for the Third Reich 

At his speech inaugurating the Reichskulturkammer on Novem- 
ber 15, 1933, Goebbels had attempted to capture the new spirit with 
the catchy and frequently cited expression "stahlerne Romantik" 
(steel romanticism), which journalists and scholars turned into a pos- 
tulate for genuine "German" music The gap left by the purges of 
"degenerate" and "Jewish-dominated" music was to be filled by this 
new expression of National Socialist realism A people's opera was 
sought to replace the purged symbols of "cultural Bolshevism" Alban 
Berg's Wo2Zeck, Ernst Krenek's Jcrnny spiell auf (Johnny strikes up), 
and Weill's Die Dreijfroschenoper (The threepenny opera) Thousands 
of choral works with patriotic texts were submitted to the many 
party- and state-sponsored competitions, festivals, and traditional 
performance halls by the six thousand composer members of the 

Figure 137 

Wilhelm Furtwangler lelt and Richard Strauss at the opening of the 

Rcichskulturkammer. Berlin. November 15, 1933 

Reichsmusikkammer, including George Blumensaat, ( aesai Bresgen, 
Hans Bullerian Hansheinrich Dransmann, lohannes Ciinthei 
Friedrich lung Gerhard Maase Helmut Majewski, Heinrich Sputa 
and Richard I r ii iik tn name .1 few I lopes wen- high for tin- enter- 
gence ol a musical genius who might convey the spirit of the time in 
a new form Some thought most promising the talent of the voting 
Gottfried Mullet; whose "Deutsches Heldenrequiem" (Requiem foi 
a German hero), dedicated "into the hands ot the Rihrer" in 193 I 

excited even distinguished critics Others looked to young compos- 
ers of opera, especially Werner F.gk, whose Ihc Ztiubtrgagt (The 
enchanted hddle) of 1935 was well received lot its lolk tunes and 
libretto, as well as its traditional harmony — he spoke of "steel dia- 
tonic" in an obvious reference to Goebbels's "steel romanticism" — in 
spite of an orchestral score that was suspect, to Nazi critics, lor its 

Centralized music: The Reichsmusikkammer 

Music was integrated into the new order legally organizationally 
and ideologically and it prospered, albeit in manipulated form the 
Reichsmusikkammer represented musicians, but it also controlled 
them Gradually however, Nazi leadership was supplanted by 
Nazihed members of the profession Gontinulty was provided by its 
distinguished leaders — Richard Strauss, Germany's greatest living 
composer, was president, and Furtwangler, the most authoritative 
personality in German music, was deputy president (fig 137) — 
a governing council, and the more than 150 absorbed professional 
associations, through which individuals joined and were screened via 
questionnaire until 1936 when the membership list was closed At 
that point the RMK began to function as a virtual ministry that even 
began to represent musicians abroad in concert with the manipulated 
foreign service A network of offices at the local level and of 1,140 
representatives in each community with over 5,000 inhabitants 
ensured compliance with national policy and economic stability for 
the more than 170,000 professional members (as of 1939), who bene- 
fited from generous state and party subsidies, an expanding market 
for music at all levels of German society, and the increasing avail- 
ability of specialist positions in the many party offices and ensembles 
such as the Nationalsozialistes Reichssymphonieorchester (National 
Socialist Reich symphony orchestra [NSRSO]) under the batons of 
Franz Adam and Erich Kloss, which performed at home and abroad 
in their brown tuxedos designed by Hitler himself Goebbels also 
managed to incorporate the popular amateur choral associations, 
most significantly the gigantic Deutscher Sangerbund of nearly 
800,000 members, whose patriotic tradition invited Nazi manip- 
ulation and made it too important to be left out of the formal 
machinery of propaganda 

Music was thus centrally controlled, and conservative tradi- 
tionalists who had looked forward to the reconstruction of an 
authoritarian administration of culture, dedicated to the interests of 
professional musicians and viilkiscb principles, were reassured by the 

Reichsmusikkammer Yet the institutionalized revolution violated the 
sense of security, comfort, and certainty, the official principles of 
leadership invited arbitrariness and competition Denunciations, ter- 
ror, pressure to conform, dismissals, and power struggles continued 
to intimidate a captive profession The concentration of power in 
Coebbels's hands threatened institutions, traditional authorities, 
and rival leaders Alarmed by the purges and threats to musical 
standards, Furtwangler, the custodian of the honored symphonic 
tradition, wrote an article on April 7, 1933, in defense of musical 
standards and integrity including its Jewish component "Men like 
Walter, Klemperer, and Reinhardt, and the like, must be able to have 
a voice in Germany in the future" Again, in late 1934, he challenged 
the state directly by demonstrating on behalf of the defamed com- 
poser Paul Hindemith, an action that resulted in Furtwangler's resig- 
nation from all official positions and his temporary withdrawal from 
public appearances 8 

Strauss was also forced to resign as RMK president in 1935 after 
the Gestapo intercepted a compromising letter to his long-time Jew- 
ish librettist Stefan Zweig, to whom he excused his collaboration 
with the Nazis as "miming" the role of president, the letter only 
aggravating an already strained relationship with the authorities 
Even his successor, the conductor Peter Raabe — far more sympa- 
thetic to Nazi policy and willing, unlike Strauss, to sign dismissal 
notices based on the "Aryan" paragraph of the civil service restora- 
tion act — ran into difficulties when he resisted interference in the 
programming of the music festival of the venerable Allgemeiner 
deutscher Musikverein (General German music association) in 
1936, over which he presided 

Goebbels apparently did not trust his own appointees at the 
RMK Personnel lists, compositions, and programs had to be submit- 
ted for approval through a music office at his ministry run by the ex- 
conductor Heinz Drewes, who became increasingly important as his 
special music advisor In addition to Coebbels's violation of central- 
ization and delegated authority in his own realm, other Nazi leaders 
and ministers vied to influence German music Not only Hermann 
Goring and Rudolf Hess, but also labor leader Robert Ley and edu- 
cation minister Bernhard Rust joined Hitler and Goebbels in issuing 
instructions to musicians Coebbels's authority was most seriously 
challenged by his enemy Rosenberg, who could always be counted 
on to insist on ideological purity Yet by 1936 the conflict was essen- 
tially over, and Coebbels's pragmatism set the general tone in the 
Olympic year, when all Germany was turned into a stage The 
Kampfbund fur deutsche Kultur had been absorbed by Rosenberg's 
larger and more disciplined Nationalsozialistische Kulturgemeinde 
(National Socialist cultural community), which, in turn, was sub- 
jected to Reichskulturkammer regulations Hinkel's shift from 
Rosenberg to the RKK was symptomatic of the priority of propa- 
ganda over the implementation of volkiscb ideas in music While the 
Nationalsozialistische Kulturgemeinde continued to stage musical 
events and satisfy the interests and goals of its I'dlfascb-Nazi followers, 

Figure 138 

Furtwangler takes a bow after a concert by the Berlin Philharmonic on May 3, 1935, 

among the notables in the front row are Hermann Goring, Adolf Hitler, and Joseph 


the musical establishment under Coebbels's direction and patronage 
proved more useful in 1936 as an instrument of policy designed to 
promote an image of cultural vitality and standards (just as the 
government had realized that it needed the regular army rather 
than the SA for its planned war) 

Music was enlisted in the campaign to enhance Germany's 
international prestige and to counter international boycotts and 
mounting foreign and emigre hostility over racist legislation, acts 
of brutality aggressive international posturing, and continuing 
Glticbscbaltmg measures While foreign musicians were invited to 
contribute to this cultural facade, German performers went on for- 
eign tours to demonstrate German cultural excellence and the 
regime's generous support of the arts After years of conflict with 
the Austrian government, a modus viomdi was worked out in 1936 to 
permit Germans to participate in Austrian musical life Bohm con- 
ducted in Vienna in early 1936, and Furtwangler and actor Werner 
Krauss were allowed to perform at the Salzburg Festival in 1937'' 

Furtwangler had indeed been rehabilitated, he returned to the 
podium as an "apolitical" artist, even though he continued to violate 
ideological standards, for which he was attacked by the Rosenberg 
crowd While he made himself useful by leading the Berlin Phil- 
harmonic (the preeminent German orchestra under Goebbels's 
authority, fig 138), conducting at the Bayreuth Festival (which 
enjoyed Hitler's personal affection and protection), signing a con- 
tract with Coring's Berliner Staatsoper, and leading tours abroad, 

he withheld hi*, participation on ,inv occasion deemed bv him to 
be explicitly political and he refused to perform Nazi music 
Mom disturbing to his Nazi detractors were his intercession for 
and association with the victims ol persecution 1 he value of his 
remaining and performing in Germany outweighed ideological 
inconsistency however his birthday on lanuary 25, 1936, was for- 
mally acknowledged with a silver- framed, personally dedicated 
portrait of the luhrer and a gold and ivory conductor's baton with 
a flattering greeting from Coebbels 

Strauss also bounced back from official disgrace to lend his 
prestige to the cultural facade He remained the most performed 
living opera composer in Germany during the 1935-36 season His 
opera Fritdenstag (Day of peace) was premiered in Munich in 1937 
He composed, participated at official functions, and continued to 
preside over the Standiger Rat fur Internationale Zusammenarbeit 
der Komponisten (Permanent council for international cooperation 
among composers i, a propaganda vehicle created to replace the 
German chapter of the defamed International Society for Contempo- 
rary Music 

Music's resurgence 

The regimes need for a cultural facade clearly benefited musicians 
who had survived the purges and made the necessary adjustments 
Unemployment dropped from 23,889 in 1933 to 14,547 in 1936 In the 
held of composition the traditional order celebrated a comeback 
After three years of intimidation, purges, and the imposition of 
extramusical standards on composition many composers began to 
interpret Goebbels's "steel romanticism" not as the crude functional- 
ism of an explicit Nazi program but rather as the expression of a 
music more consistent with the tradition of autonomy and its assump- 
tions of intrinsic musical tension The influential editor of Die Musik, 
friednch Herzog, referred to National Socialism as a vital force not 
explicitly imposed but nonetheless expressed in new musical forms 

Goebbels himself admitted that the state could not produce 
art but had to restrict itself to its promotion Goring and Hinkel 
expressed similar opinions about sentiment, which, however valu- 
able, was no substitute for good art Shortly after the first cultural- 
political press conferences in July of 1936 the Propagandaministerium 
informed the select assembled feuilleton editors that the government 
no longer encouraged Nazi open-air festivals, and one year later it 
officially acknowledged failure in its attempts to foster this unique 
art form, known as Tbwt)-Tbeater (Assembly-theater), 1 " which was 
to have expressed the Nazi revolutionary experience This was 
a significant revision of official policy and a concession to artistic 
professionalism and competence that could better serve the pro- 
pagandists needs of the regime than volkisch sentiment The latter 
continued to be supported, but not in the place of high art 

Goebbels's later sensational ban on art i including musii 
icism — that is, its replacement by commentary" — announced on 
November 27, 1936, might even be construed as a defense of the arts 
from the petty attacks ol ideologists In practice, music criticism 
continued unabated in the professional journals The great masters 
were also protected from zealots who probed their racial background 
and librettos, as in the case of Handel's Old Testament oratorios, 
where Judtis Maccabeus was renamed Der FeUherr iThe general' 

Although the ideal of a people's opera was still promoted, no 
Nazi opera with a Nazi text was performed on a German stage dur 
ing the Third Reich The musicologist Eugen Schmitz allowed for the 
dramatic rendering of the life of Horst Wcssel, "but as an operatic 
tenor," he wrote, "this sort of hero could easily deteriorate into that 
form of nationalistic kitsch denounced by the National Socialist state 
and forbidden on cultural grounds' n Traditional opera, on the other 
hand, remained popular and a major social event, as before and after 
the Nazi period Reich dramaturg Rainer Schlosser encouraged Ger- 
man theaters to offer at least one new work each season, and 164 
operas were indeed premiered during the Third Reich, including 
works with modernist features By 1935-36 a younger generation of 
promising composers such as Werner Egk, Ottmar Gerster, Her- 
mann Reutter, and Rudolf Wagner-Regeny achieved breakthroughs 
with operas that incorporated musical elements denounced by the 
party press and parts of the public as reminiscent of Hindemith, 
Schoenberg, and Igor Stravinsky but operas that were performed 
and also praised " Reutter's Faust was performed at the 1936 Allge- 
meiner deutscher Musikvercin festival in Weimar over the objection 
of the fanatics Hans Severus Ziegler and Otto zur Nedden, who 
would stage the Entifrtrtf Musik (Degenerate music) exhibition in 
Diisseldorf two years later It is a measure of music's resistance 
against political pressure that even a Nazi like Raabe, president of 
both the Reichsmusikkammer and the Allgemeiner deutscher Musik- 
verein, rejected outside interference 

Typically in 1936 cities and traditional musical societies com- 
peted with party leaders and party organizations in announcing 
competitions, hosting about seventy major festivals, and offering 
prizes, subventions, commissions, and other support for compositions 
and special performances There were typical opera performances 
and premieres, festivals devoted to the masters — Bach, Beethoven, 
Handel, Mozart, Strauss, Wagner and others, city festivals, local and 
international festivals for new music and for volkisch choral associa- 
tions; Reich festivals of the Nationalsozialistische Kulturgemeinde 
and the Hitler lugend — a season of a tremendous range of tradi- 
tional, i>olfascfc-Nazi, and even "new" musical offerings 

The major event of the summer was, of course, the Olympics, 
an occasion to advertise Berlin as an international music center as 
well The RMK staged an international competition for composers 
of music expressive of Olympic and athletic ideals After national 
committees selected finalists from a paltry nine (out of forty-nine) 

participating countries, an "international" jury stacked with German 
musicians of clear Nazi persuasion — including major Nazi musical 
organizers Craener, Havemann, Heinz Ihlert, Raabe, Ceorg 
Schumann, Fritz Stein, and Trapp, as well as two sympathetic 
foreigners, Yrjo Kilpinen of Finland and Francesco Malipiero 
of Italy — awarded gold medals to Paul Hoffer for his choral work 
"Olympischer Schwur" (Olympic oath) and to Egk for his officially 
commissioned and well-known "Olympische Festmusik" (Olympic 
festival music), silver medals to Kurt Thomas for his 'Kantate zur 
Olympiade 1936" (Cantata for the 1936 Olympics) and to the Italian 
Lino Liviabella for his "Der Sieger" (The victor), and a bronze medal 
to the Czech Jaroslav Kncka for his "Euch Fliegern" (To you, fliers) 
As in the athletic competition, the Nazi state sported an interna- 
tional look, but it wanted to win and overwhelm in a demonstration 
of German superiority 

Musicians contributed heavily to the Olympic pageantry with 
performances and compositions, including festival music by Strauss 
and the young Carl Orff, who was the beneficiary of other commis- 
sions such as that for 5,000 reichsmarks from the city of Frankfurt for 
"Aryan" incidental music for Shakespeare's A Midsummer Nitjht's Dream, 
one of forty-four efforts during the Third Reich to produce a sub- 
stitute for the classic by the lew Mendelssohn Outside the Olympic 
festivities, foreign musicians such as the Vienna Boys Choir, the 
London Philharmonic, established chamber ensembles, and interna- 
tional stars Fyodor Chaliapin, Marie Costes, Claudio Arrau, and 
Alfred Cortot, among others, performed in Berlin, which helped to 
justify the city's claim to internationalism 

The cultural facade even included promotion of the activities of 
the Jiidischer Kulturbund, neatly segregated from German culture 
but manipulated in 1936 to impress the world with Nazi ideological 
consistency as well as generosity Supervisor Hinkel deplored the 
lack of publicity about the Kulturbund, with nearly 40,000 members 
in Berlin alone, forty to fifty weekly events (fig 139), and an annual 
audience of about 600,000 He suggested to ten newspaper editors 
that they attend some of these performances, which included grand 
opera in Berlin, and conduct interviews with its president, Dr Kurt 
Singer, and other leaders To counter foreign attacks on Nazi policy 
Hinkel allowed the famous Rose Quartet, a member of the Kultur 
bund, to appear abroad, and he permitted mention of "exceptional 
Jews," such as the composer Leo Blech, in German concert life 
Foreigners were assured that segregation fostered each people's 
indigenous talents The Nazis invited the world to observe the sepa- 
rate but culturally flourishing activity of Jews in Germany 14 

Music festivals continued to flourish after the year of the Olym- 
pics Here was an opportunity to display the full range of "Aryanized" 
music Party leaders sponsored these events, they attended and iden- 
tified with "this profoundest expression of the German spirit — 
German music " Their announcements of competitions proliferated 
to such an extent that eventually Goebbels insisted on approving 

any award over 2,000 reichsmarks A full complement of festivals was 
hosted in 1938 In addition to the traditional offerings, Hitler con- 
centrated on the holy of holies at Bayreuth, where on May 22 he 
commissioned a new research center in commemoration of Wagner's 
125th birthday Much contemporary music was offered that year, 
encompassing the rolfascb-Nazi variety at the Nationalsozialistische 
Kulturgemeinde and the Hitler Jugend festivals, traditional, and 
"new" sounds Baden-Baden, Stuttgart, and Wiesbaden hosted inter- 
national festivals 

The Allgemeiner deutscher Musikverein, which had been 
founded in 1859 by Franz Liszt, had continued to offer "progressive" 
music at its festivals during the Third Reich, even though its orga- 
nizers were forced to remove works of Anton Webern and Walter 
Braunsfeld from the program in 1934 President Raabe had to defend 
its integrity in 1936, he lost the fight against Gleicbschaltung in its last 
year, 1937, now noted for the presentation of Orff's Carmina Buraita 
In 1938 the Reichsmusikkammer took over its function and prepared 
for the first Reichsmusiktage (Reich music festival) under its own aus- 
pices and the close supervision of Goebbels and Drewes in 
collaboration with Kraft durch Freude 

Figure 139 

The chorus of the ludischer Kulturbund, under the direction of Berthuld Sander, 

Berlin, February I, 1936 

The Reichsmusiktage May 22-29, 1938 

I Ik culmination ol Nazi musical politics and the model for music and 
musk Festivals in the Future the Rcicbsmusiklagt opened on May 22 in 
Diisseldoif the city of another Nazi martyr, Albert Leo Schlageter 

killed in 1923 by the French occupation authorities in the Ruhr), 
and the site ol the Mationalsozialistische Kulturgemei tide's national 
conventions — "the bastion of German art," in the words of Gauleiter 
(District leader) Karl Friednch Flonan This inspiring event, labeled 
a "musical ( llvmpics" and a "military parade of German music," fea- 
tured RMK members as well .is I litler Intend and student musical 
camps, the NSRSO under Adam's baton, the Deutscher Gemein- 
dctag (Organization ol German municipalities), musical offerings by 
military and labor units, professional and amateur ensembles and 
choral groups, who performed in formal settings as well as in open 
forums and industrial plants The festival provided Goebbels with a 
platform to demonstrate his hegemony over German music and the 
success of his policy of integrating the full range of German musical 
expression with the principles and organization of National Socialism 
and of balancing the products of the past with achievements of the 
new order His proclamation at the Tonhalle on May 28 was the high 
point of the festival While he lectured on the nature of German 
music, whose essence he found in melody, he also announced new 
national prizes of 10,000 reichsmarks for the most promising young 
violinist and pianist 

The Reichsmusiktage offered thirty musical programs, including 
three symphonic performances of traditional and contemporary 
works by the Dusseldorf Stadtische Orchester (City orchestra) under 
the direction of general music director Hugo Balzer Three operas 
were performed Arabella by Strauss, Don Juans Iftztes Abenteuer (Don 
Juan's last adventure) by Graener, and the premiere of Simplicius 
Simp/icissimHs by Ludwig Maurick The musical highlights consisted 
of Pfitzner's cantata Von deutscher Seele (From the German soul), per- 
formed bv Balzer and the Dusseldorfers, and Beethoven's Ninth 
Symphony, played by the Berlin Philharmonic under the direction of 
Hermann Abendroth — works that were to symbolize German iden- 
tity and community (in the case of the Ninth Symphony a distortion 
of Beethoven's appeal to all humanity) The traditional component 
included other works of the past by Brahms, Handel, Haydn, 
Schubert, and Wagner, in addition to more music by the older con- 
temporary composers, Graener, Pfitzner, and Strauss It was another 
measure of the profession's resurgence that contemporary music pre- 
dominated, especially that of the younger generation Among the 
latter — approximately twenty-five contributors — Egk stood out with 
his well-received cantata for bass and chamber orchestra, "Natur — 
Lieb — Tod" (Nature — love — death) Heinrich Kaminski's string 
quintet, Theodor Berger's Capriccio, and Joseph Marx's piano con- 
certo Caslelli romam (Roman countryside) contained "objectionable" 
modernist elements, while Boris Blacher's work for violin and 
orchestra occasioned the most controversy, with some press com- 
ments alluding to similarities to that "noisemaker" Stravinsky The 

generally positive reviews ol this "festival ol the German musical 
community'' were punctuated by attacks on symptoms of a bygone- 
age "dissonanci constructivism," and "experimentation" 

The festival did indeed offei a i ross section ol German music 
beyond works endorsed by Nazi theory, but in accordance with 
Goebbels's concessions to the establishment and the understanding 
of the creative process he occasionally evinced In spite ol the party 
hymns, consecration fanfares, military marches, and volkisch Nazi 
invocations, the formal part of the program suggested continuity 
with the past and Goebbels's pragmatism I his was the cultural fac- 
ade tor a state that had terrorized the population into submission and 
was about to launch its imperialist war 

As musicians performed in the limelight of a nation worried 
over a deteriorating international situation, specialist musicologists 
convened to assess the state of their art Having gradually left the 
ivory tower to respond to the state's totalitarian demands for their 
input, some musicologists had begun to offer lectures and papers on 
the German folk song, German and alien qualities in a variety of 
musical expressions and, ultimately the application of race theory to 
the categories and methodology of musicology By the time of the 
festival the profession was prepared to contribute to the discussion 
of what constituted native German music Some of its foremost 
members gathered on May 26-2H to deliver approximately twenty- 
five papers at five panels I ) "German Music," chaired by Josef 
Muller-Blattau, whose paper reflected the orientation of his newly 
published book, 2) "German Masters," chaired by Theodor Kroyer 
from Cologne, a musicologist otherwise little involved in politics 
who spoke on German stylistic qualities in music, while others — 
Walter Vetter in a paper about "Folk Characteristics in Mozart's 
Operas" and Rudolf Gerber on "Nation and Race in the Work and 
Life of Brahms" — more pointedly "Germanized" the masters of the 
past, 3) "The State and Music," led by Heinrich Besseler, a well- 
known professor at Heidelberg, whose session included papers by 
Ernst Bucken, Gerhard Pietzsch, and Rudolf Steglich paying tribute 
to National Socialism for attempting to overcome music's alienation 
from the community and to restore music's role in the education of 
the nation as in the ideal Platonic state, 4) "Musicological Research," 
under Werner Korte, who recommended a "subjective" musicology 
in place of "obiective" scholarship, and 5) the key session, "Music 
and Race," chaired by Friedrich Blume, who also delivered a careful 
analysis of the new musicological methodology relative to biological 
determinants Though anxious to remain scholarly, the presenters 
propagated Ddlfascb-racialist values and methodology, they not only 
Germanized the masters and their music but in some cases even lent 
support to Hitler's imperialism with references to concrete political 
events, such as the annexation of Austria, and to the qualities of 
music that transcended the temporary division of the German people 

Figure 140 

Gallery view in Etilarlitt Mu 

opera ionwy s/iiflt <juf 

ik, Dusseldorf, 1938, at right is a poster for Ernst Kreneks 

The "Entartete Musik" exhibition 

While the festival featured the broad spectrum of German music, 
the exhibition Entartete Musik (Degenerate music, fig 140) opened to 
the public on May 24 to document the musicians and music that had 
already been purged and vilified during the past five years in count- 
less speeches, a vast literature including authoritative dictionaries 
and encyclopedias, and, more recently on lists prepared by a 
Reichsmusikprufstelle (Reich music censorship office) at the Propa- 
gandaministerium under Drewes's direction and published in official 
RMK bulletins Redundant, considered a concession to the Rosen- 
berg circle, and not attended by the musical elite, the exhibition 
climaxed efforts of Drewes and party friends from Weimar the main 
organizer, Staatsrat (State councillor) Dr Hans Severus Ziegler, 
director of the Weimar Nationaltheater and head of the National 
Socialist Gaukulturamt (District cultural office) for Thunngia, and 
Dr Otto zur Nedden, a dramaturg, musicologist, and former Kampf- 
bund fiir deutsche Kultur leader The singular fanaticism of these two 
had resulted in purges in Thuringia even before 1933, and in 1936 
they had attempted to remove from the Allgemeiner deutscher 
Musikverein festival in Weimar the music of Wolfgang Fortner, 
Hugo Hermann, Lothar von Knorr, and Heinz Thiessen, as well 
as Reutter's Futist, as expressions of "cultural Bolshevism " Unsuc- 
cessful at that time because of Musikverein president Raabe's resis- 
tance, they enlisted the support of Dr Herbert Gerigk of the Rosen- 
berg bureau in preparation for the 1938 exhibition 

The visual component of this exhibit was organized under sec- 
tional headings emphasized by familiar ideological slogans, self- 
incriminating quotations by the maligned musicians and their asso- 
ciates, defamatory characterizations by Hitler and other party 
spokesmen such as the influential music journalist Fritz Stege, many 
photos, portraits, and other representational paintings, nasty carica- 
tures and posters — the most sensationalist being the distorted 
program poster of Krenek's Jonny sptell auj, which featured a black 
saxophonist wearing instead of a carnation a Star of David (fig 141) 
All areas of music were covered, from composition and performance 
to education, musicology criticism, and promotion There were sec- 
tions on defamed books and music theories by Paul Bekker, Hermann 
Erpf, Hindemith, Schoenberg, and Adolf Weissmann, among others, 
on the despised journals of "musical Bolshevism," Melos and the 
Musikbkttter iifs Anbruchs, on music publishers, such as Universal- 
Edition, on the "era of Kestenberg," who had allegedly promoted his 
"Jewish brethren" while at the Prussian ministry of education; on 
"German youth in the grip of liberal educators" such as Fritz lode, 
an Aryan who had suffered from an especially vicious campaign 
against him early in the Nazi era, on "lews who are looking at you" 
and "Jews against Wagner" such as Klemperer, whose production of 
Tamthauser in February of 1933 had infuriated the traditionalist- 
nationalist crowd, on the musical scores of "degenerate" composers 
of serious music, especially Berg, Ernest Bloch, Hindemith, Krenek, 
Schoenberg, Schreker, Stravinsky Ernst Toch, Webern, and Weill, 
on the representative composers of "alien" entertainment music and 
"Jewish operetta" Paul Abraham, Leo Ascher, Heinrich Berte, 
Edmund Eysler, lean Gilbert, Hugo Hirsch, Victor Hollaender, Leon 

Figure 141 

The cover of the intarltU Mmilr exhibition guide 

Figure 142 
Hans Seve 

rus Ziegler delivering a lecture at the opening of EnlarMi Musik, Kunstpalast 
Dusseldorf, May 24, 1938 

Jessel, Rudolf Nelson, Mischa Spoliansky Oscar Straus, and others 
There were attacks on jazz (fig 133), swing, and expressions of 
"musical-Bolshevist" opera — the Brecht Weill collaborations, Berg's 
Wozzeck, and Krenek's Jonny — as well as examples of "degeneracy" 
attributed to the effects of association with Jews, epitomized by the 
disgusting Nazi slogan, Wer vom Juden isst, stirbt damn (You perish from 
Jewish food), applied particularly to Hmdemith, whose opera Neues 
vom Tage (News of the day, 1929) offended Hitler on moral grounds 

The displays were supported by musical samples piped into 
booths upon request — a "witch's sabbath," in the words of keynote 
speaker Ziegler, who summed up the objectives, background, and 
scope of the exhibition (fig 142) The public would know what 
music to avoid in the future Ziegler settled accounts with the repre- 
sentatives of "cultural Bolshevism ', he reversed the "triumph of the 
subhumans [UntematschmUm] and arrogant Jewish insolence" 

This orgy of negativity was on view in Dusseldorf into June and 
then traveled throughout the Reich jointly with the £nliirlc(f Kunst 
exhibition (fig 79, see the essay by Christoph Zuschlag in this vol- 
ume) as a link in the continuing vilification of the "new music" of the 
twentieth century jazz, the political left, and especially lews, whose 
ordeal began in 1932 with the publication of Musik und Rasse and 
included the authoritative Lexikon der Juden in der Musik (Dictionary of 
Jews in music) of 1940, edited by Gerigk and Theophil Stengel of the 
Reichsmusikkammer Except to the victims of the purges and those 
who deplored the vulgarity of the entire festival — Furtwangler 
stayed away and Bela Bartok protested the absence of his works from 
the "degenerate music" exhibit — the monumental Reicbsmusiktat)e 
were an organizational success 

The festival was to be repeated annually in Dusseldorf, which 
was intended to be the musical center of the Reich, but due to the 
war the 1939 gathering was the last of its kind, another impressive 
event for which 1,121 scores were submitted, including 36 operas and 
431 symphonies Egk's Peer Gynl was performed and Goebbels again 
addressed the assembled profession 

War introduced another chapter in the musical life of the Third Reich 
Unemployment was nearly eliminated as musicians were drafted 
Music was performed for the troops — in fact, its entertainment 
function increased, undermining even further the volkiscb ideals of 
the ideologists A Wunscbkonzert (concert of requested hit songs) was 
instituted for the army on the radio, and a film by that name was 
made about the popular institution in 1940 Schultze and others 
wrote music for films that at first celebrated the Blitzkrieg victories 
and later distracted from war and defeat The cultural facade at the 
home front continued to involve the entire musical establishment 

After the flames of war had burnt away the Hitler dedications 
and the Nazi texts of the musical scores, it was time to change uni- 
forms and commitments once again Against the background of jazz 
emerging from basements during the "rubble years," Germans gradu- 
ally regained contact with the international musical community ■ 

"hkrkk Kunst i bhkk Flvsik 
Hand in Hand 

CI H.I- i .l.„k.-J - 

P.J Kl.., .M.„l.l„d.. Ko-oJ,. 


.-m. J.. 


D—. S 

■n 9 nidil nut in d«. Mv.llt, I 

,„ ,„ SJ.„»b.-,. 1....-PI.- 

B.„k.„,i., CU« S*l.-~. 

•.p. ,D>. ,I U <HA. H..J- a 

Figures 143—44 

Two pages from the guide to the exhibition fnlarlrfr Musik, the 
illustrations and captions ridicule paintings by Karl Hofer and Paul 
Klce, the music and philosophy of Ernst Krenek and Anton Webert 
and a set design by Oskar Schlemmer 


I Ins essay resulted from many discussions with Leonard Stem, director of the Arnold 
Schoenberg Institute, I us Angeles I )i Stein and the author have lointly organized 
the music section of the exhibition Ikqmrralr An Thr Fair 0/ ibr Avtinl-Gardl m Nazi 
Germany and related perlormances 

1 FredK I'neberg, Musik ,m NS-Slaal iFranklurt Fischer Taschcnbuch 1982 
263, this is the most detailed book about music in the Third Reich See also Michael 
Meyei Tbr Politics 0/ Music in ibr Timd Rncb 1 New York Peter Lang, 1990) 

2 Pneberg, Musik im NS-Slaal, 47-48 

3 Karl Dietrich Hrachcr, Tbr Grrman Dictatorship Thr Otijiny Slruclurr, and Ejjrcli 0/ 
National Socialism, trans lean Steinberg I New York Praeger, 197(1 197 

4 KncbsjrcrlzMall I 1 1933), 175, Use Stall, ed, /ustiz im Drillrn Rncb Einr Dokumrnla- 
lion (Frankfurt Fischer Bucherei, 1964), 64-65 See also Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey 
Pridham, Oocumrnls on Nazism, (9(9-1945 (New York Viking, I974i, 230, this volume 
includes documentation of cultural affairs 

5 Schoenberg left the country, fought over breach of contract and the fee 
imposed on emigres (Rricbsjlucblslmrr) — also contested by Otto Klemperer upon his 
departure for Vienna — returned to the Jewish faith in a synagogue in Paris, and con- 
tributed by his presence to the status of Los Angeles as a center of contemporary 

6 "Die neue Asthetik der musikalishen Impotenz," in Hans Erich Phtzner 
Grsammrlir ScbriflM (Augsburg B Filser, 1926) 

7 Vernon L Lidtke, "Songs and Nazis Political Music and Social Change in 
Twentieth-Century Germany" in Gary D Starck and Bede Karl Lackner, eds , Essays 
on Cullurr and Socirry in MoaVrn Grrmany I Arlington University of Texas/College Sta- 
tion Texas A8.M University Press, 1982), 167-200 

8 See Fred K Pneberg, Kra/t/irobr Wilhrlm FurUeStiflcr im Drilloi Rncb (Wiesbaden 
F A Brockhaus, 19861, and Meyer, "Wilhelm Furtwangler Collaboration and a 
Struggle of Authority" in Thr Politics 0/ Music 

9 Stephen Gallup, A History 0/ ibr Salzburjf FrstiDa! 1 London Weidenfeld and Nic- 
olson, 1987), 90, the book includes a superb account of the Nazis' relationship to the 
famous festival 

10 Elke Frohlich, "Die kulturpohtische Pressekonferenz des Reichspropagan- 
daministenums," Virrtrljahrnbrjlr /ur Zritcttscbicbtr 4 (October 1974) 347 

11 loseph Wulf, Musik im Dritloi Rncb Einr Dokumrnlalion (Gutersloh S Mohn 
1963), 181 See also Nicolas Slonimsky Music since 1900, 4th ed (New York Charles 
Scribner's Sons, 1971), 635, this book lists many musical and musical-political events 
in Nazi Germany 

12 "Oper im Aufbau," Znlscbri/l /ur Musik, April 1939, 38 

13 Hans-Cunter Klein, "Viel Konformitat und wenig Verweigerung Zur Komposi- 
tion neuer Opern 1933-1944," in Hanns-Werner FHeister and Hans-Gunter Klein, eds , 
Musik und Musikpolilik im /ascbisliscbrn Drutscb/ana 1 (Frankfurt Fischer, 1984), 145-62, this 
essay lists opera premieres during the Third Reich, and the book contains valuable 
essays on a variety of topics dealing with music in Nazi Germany 

14 Accounts of the ludischer Kulturbund are found in Meyer, Thr Politics 0/ Music, 
Pneberg, Musik im NS-Slaal, and Wulf, Musik im Drilloi Rtich 

Figure 145 

Dust jacket of Film-'Kunst," Film-Kohn, Fiim-Korruption, the Nazis' attack < 

"degenerate" film 

Willi A M MORI I Z 

Film Censorship during the Nazi Era 

At the time the National Socialists took 
power, in March 1933, the world admired 
German filmmaking both for its bold experi- 
mentation and for its brilliant technical and 
artistic finish 
Germany had pioneered avant-garde him as early as 1921 with 
the abstract animations of Walther Ruttmann, Viking Eggeling, and 
Oskar Fischinger and had produced revolutionary social commen- 
taries distinguished by their imaginative editing and adventurous 
photography such as Ruttmann's Berlin (1927), Erno Metzner's Poli- 
zabtricbt Uberjall (Police report Accident, 1928), Hans Richter's 
Inflation i 1928 1, and the documentary Menscben am Sonntag (People on 
Sunday, 1929), created by Eugene Schufftan, Robert Siodmak, Edgar 
G Ulmer Billy Wilder, and Fred Zinnemann, all "amateurs" who 
soon after achieved prominence in the German him industry and 
later in Hollywood 

In the realm of feature films Germany had excelled not only in 
such expressionistic fantasies as Robert Wiene's Das Kabinett des Dr 
Caligari (The cabinet of Dr Caligari, 1920, fig 146), F W Murnau's 
Nosferatu 1 1922), and Fritz Lang's Metropolis ( 1927) but also in his- 
torical pageantry — Ernst Lubitsch's Madame DuBarry ( 1919) and 
Kurt Curtis) Bernhardt's Dtr Rebell (The rebel, 1932), mystery 
and adventure— Lang's Dr Mabuse (1922) and M (1931) and G W 
Pabst's Die weisse Hblle vom Piz Palu (The white hell of Piz Palii, 
1929), musicals — Wilhelm Thieles Die Prwatsekretann (The private 
secretary, 1930) and Erik Charrel's Der Kongress tanzt (The congress 
dances, 1931), penetrating social criticism — Pabst's Westjront (9(8 
(1930), Phil Jutzi's Berlin Alcxanderplatz (1931), and Bertolt Brecht's 
Kuble Wampe ( 1932), witty social comedies — Reinhold Schunzel's 
Der Himmel auf Erdtn (Heaven on earth, 1927), Alex Granowsky's 
Die Koffer des Herrn O F (The luggage of Mr O F, 1931), and Max 
Nosseck's Der SMcmtbl (The schlemihl, 1931), romances — Hanns 
Schwarzs Die wunderbare Luge der Nina Petrovna (The wonderful lie of 
Nina Petrovna, 1929), Paul Czinner's Ariane (1931), and Max Ophuls's 
hebelei (Flirtation, 1933), and that particularly German, moody tragi- 
comedy typified by E A Dupont's Varitlt (Variety, 1925), Pabst's 
Die Buchse der Pandora ( Pandora's box, 1929) and Die Dreigroscbenoper 
(The threepenny opera, 1931 ), and the American Josef von 
Sternberg's Der blaue Engel (The blue angel, 1930) 

The Germans were famous for technological innovations such 
as the moving camera (noteworthy in Karl Freund's fluid camera- 
work for Murnau's Der letzte Mann [The last man, released in English- 
speaking countries as Tlif List Laugh, 1924]), complex editing on 
action (by which dozens of brief, moving closeups are seamlessly 
joined to give the sense of a whole scene, as in Pabst's melodrama of 
the Russian revolution, Die Liebe der Jeanne Ney [The loves of Jeanne 
Ney, 1927]), and special effects (like the Schufftan process, which 
allows the seamless integration of miniature sets and paintings with 
live actors) Germany had also produced the first animated enter- 
tainment feature, Lotte Reiniger's Die Abenteuer des Prwzen Acbmed iThe 
adventures of Prince Ahmed, 1926) and through Julius Pinschewer's 
advertising agency raised the commercial film to an art form So 
highly regarded were such achievements, in fact, that many talented 
German hlmmakers had been induced to work in Hollywood, includ- 
ing directors William Dieterle, Paul Leni, Lubitsch, and Murnau, 
performers Marlene Dietrich, Emil lannings (winner of the first 
Academy Award for best actor in 1928), and Pola Negri, and 
cinematographer Freund 

All of this began to change with Hitler's appointment of Joseph 
Goebbels as Reichsmmister fur Volksaufklarung und Propaganda 
(Reich minister for national enlightenment and propaganda) on 
March 13, 1933 Goebbels recognized that film could realize its 
potential as the most effective means of mass indoctrination only if 
it remained a fascinating popular entertainment He was also mind- 
ful of film as a vital source of dollars, pounds, and francs earned 
through foreign distribution of German films, not to mention marks 
earned at German box offices Goebbels fancied himself something 
of a film connoisseur and believed he could make German film work 
for him 

The repressive principles of the National Socialist regime, 
however, militated against Goebbels's success, just as surely as did 
his own racial prejudice and homophobia Before the end of March 
1933 thousands of Communists, Socialists, and homosexuals, 
arrested in sweeps of known gathering places and raids on private 
homes, had been sent to newly established concentration camps at 
Dachau and at Oranienburg near Berlin The first boycott against 

Figure 146 

A still from Da! Kabwrll in Dr Caligari, 1920 

Figure 147 

Renate Muller in Viktor and Viklona, 1933 

Jewish-owned businesses as well as new restrictions against the 
employment of Jews in entertainment, schools, and public services 
began on April 1 and were quickly followed by such manifestations 
against modern art as the closing of the Bauhaus and dismissal of 
museum directors and curators The destruction of the headquarters 
of the Communist party, the Socialist party and the homosexual 
liberation movement followed in May along with the burning of 
books and the dismissal from academies and universities of all 
"radical" artists and professors 

Though exit visas were hard to obtain and restrictions applied 
to the export of material goods and currency (emigres could take no 
more than ten marks out of the country), more than fifteen hundred 
people working in the German film industry did flee to other coun- 
tries, 1 most during the first few months of National Socialist rule, 
though the exodus continued over the next half-dozen years People 
with no foreign connections or prospective incomes, with limited 
language skills or large families, however, often found it impossible 
to go Later, as Nazis marched across Europe, a number of refugees, 
including actors Max Ehrlich, Kurt Cerron, Fritz Grunbaum, and 
Otto Wallburg, and the him critic Alfred Rosenthal, who signed 
himself Aros, were captured and died in concentration camps 

Goebbels, desperately eager to continue production of superior 
and successful films, wooed any talent that he thought might con- 
tribute to his goal When Lang, for instance, refused to make films 
for the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAR 
National Socialist German workers party) on the grounds that he 
was Jewish, Goebbels allegedly snapped, "I'll decide who's Jewish 1 " 
Similar hypocrisies protected others, including director Reinhold 
Schunzel, a Jew, whose satirical musicals Viktor una Viklona (Victor 
and Victoria, fig 147) and Amphitryon were top money-makers 
in 1933 and 1935, and such homosexuals as the celebrated actor 
Gustaf Griindgens and the flamboyant Max Lorenz, one of the few 
Heldentaioren (heroic tenors) the National Socialists could find to 
sing Wagnerian roles at Berlin and Bayreuth 

The entire film world operated under Goebbels's control 
capricious as it was No film could be imported without a govern- 
ment censor's certificate of approval, and none could be distributed 
or projected, even privately, without a similar permit Almost all 
films produced in Germany before 1933 were effectively forbidden 
simplv bv the refusal to grant them new certificates, simultaneously 
disposing of the problem of explaining away distinguished contribu- 
tions by now-forbidden talents while increasing the audience for 
current films, the only ones available 

New films, both domestic and imported, were subject to 
rigorous scrutiny by a division of Goebbels's ministry and often 
mutilated scenes were cut, acceptable dialogue dubbed over cen- 
sored lines, and names of stigmatized talents clipped from credits 
Of the American studios that continued to export films to Germany 
until 1941, some obligingly produced expurgated credits, "export 
titles," which omitted the names of known Jewish participants 

(.'•iK-hlx-ls's i rrtcnn lot censorship were ostensibly moral Flying 
Doioti lo ku< the American musical that introduced I red Astaire and 
Cingei Rogers as dancing partners was banned because "I its depk 
Hon "I immoral behavior including immodest dress Scarfact was 
banned lor its alluring depk tion ol a life ol crime although the 
censors in that case may have had a hidden agenda concerning the 
participation ol .1 lewish screenwriter, Hen Hecht, and star, Paul 
Muni 1 The German him Em Km./ mi Hum/ cm Uiiiiil'iiiid (A liny a 
dog 1 vagabond, 1914), directed bs' Arthur Maria Rabcnalt, was 
denounced as "cultural Bolshevism and banned because' ot .1 pre 
sumed "gay clique involving its star, Viktor de Kowa : De Kowa's 
popular appeal was too great to permit total suppression of the dim 
so it was released after six months, having suffered many small cuts 
and gained a new title Vielleicbt war's mir an Traum (Maybe it was only 
a dream I Langs brilliant Tfstiimftil .Irs Dr Mabuse (The last will 
of Dr Mabuse, 1933), with its expressionistic distortions in the man- 
net ot Wienes ( ,ili,/,in and its spectacular orchestration of speed, 
crowds, and catastrophic events, was banned as contrary to public 
standards because ol its thrilling depiction of crime, while Wiene's 
own spy adventure Taifun (Typhoon, 1933) was prohibited for show- 
ing Asians outwitting, outmatching, and generally appearing more 
competent than their German counterparts 1 Taijun was subsequently 
"corrected" and released as Pohznakk poo [Police file 909] once the 
director, a lew, had fled Germany, his name was removed from the 
credits 1 Such censorship continued through the last year of the 
war when Helmut Kautner's expensive color film Crosse Freihat Nr 7 
(Great Freedom Street no 7, 1944) was suppressed for depicting 
military personnel in Hamburg's red light district, despite its star, 
Hans Albers, Germany's most popular performer 

Since him production was controlled at every stage, the 
need for such censorship was a source of embarrassment to the 
Reichshlmkammer (Reich chamber of film), the government Him 
board All personnel had to be registered with the board, facilitating 
the monitoring of their actions Every script was submitted for 
review (and often exhaustive revision) before shooting could begin 
An observer from the board remained on the set throughout filming 
to make certain that unauthorized alterations were not shot Editing 
was similarly supervised, and the final cut submitted to the board — 
sometimes to Goebbels himself or even to Hitler — before any pre- 
view could be held or publicity circulated 

With so much intervention, it is little wonder that the results 
tended to be rather lame Most National Socialist films lack subtlety 
and irony — qualities anathema to censors — and often seem to be 
missing key scenes or details (some obligatory confrontation or piece 
of background information to explain a given character or event), 
usually as the result of the censor's cuts Stereotyped characters, 
especially the Kinder-Kjrcbe-Kiiche (children-church-and-kitchen) 
woman and the self-sacrificing sidekick, and moralizing speeches 
play a prominent role in the average National Socialist film 

. Death, confronts Sybille Schmitz in Ftib; 

Figure 149 

The backht Fita Renkhoff in Amphtryon, 1935 

M o R I T Z 

While only about 10 percent of the thirteen hundred features 
made in National Socialist Germany can be claimed to have substan- 
tial propaganda content,' only about 10 percent — a different 10 
percent — can be claimed as masterpieces of filmmaking The flight 
of talented filmmakers seriously weakened the industry so despite 
the participation of Austnans and Hungarians imported for the pur- 
pose and perhaps because of the promotion of extras to the ranks 
of stars and of actors to the ranks of writers and directors, many 
films lack evidence of genuine talent and its hallmarks wit, pace, 
and perspective 

The few filmmakers who did triumph over this restrictive sys- 
tem did so by dint of native ability abetted by clever strategy most 
often the strategy of setting their films in mythical locations After 
NSDAP condemnation of his 1933 film Anna und Elisabeth (Anna and 
Elisabeth), about faith-healing in a contemporary German village, 
Frank Wysbar set his Fabrmann Mana (Ferryman Maria, 1936, fig 
148) in a picturesque, quasi-medieval village Told in the manner of 
an old Germanic legend, the story centers on a mysterious stranger 
(Death) stalking passengers as they cross the river until the ferry 
pilot (Maria) vanquishes him in her effort to save a wounded youth 
struggling to return to his homeland and its fight for freedom In 
theory Wysbar filmed a script that was perfectly congruent with 
National Socialist ideals and, what is more, cast Aribert Mog, one of 
the few actors who was actually an NSDAP member, as the youth 
Accordingly the film was rated "artistically valuable and educa- 
tional " In practice, however, Wysbar presented a subtly troubled 
atmosphere, coaxed an enigmatic and sensual portrayal of Maria 
from Sybille Schmitz, and carefully preserved the ambiguity of such 
vaunted Nazi symbols as Heimat (homeland), which he undercut by 
portraying it as subjugated and bringing death to its young heroes, 
creating an electrifying, thought-provoking experience that defies 
NSDAP principles Nazi critics lambasted the film as decadently 
emotional and racially impure since the blond hero returns home 
with Maria, a dark-haired, dark-eyed foreigner Wysbar ultimately 
fled to America, where, in addition to hundreds of television dramas, 
he remade Fabrmann Maria as The Strangler of the Swamp 

Schiinzel's setting of his musical Amphitryon in ancient Greece 
similarly allowed him to mock National Socialist prudery — back- 
lighting the charming Fita Benkhoff so that her figure is revealed 
through her costume (fig 149), delighting in the amorous intrigues 
of the gods, or flaunting suggestive dialogue, such as grandmotherly 
Adele Sandrock's, "Have you been molesting the livestock again?" — 
as well as National Socialist pomposity — in his grotesquely monu- 
mental sets and decor, tiresome parade of soldiers, and comment on 
a tyrant's speech: "Well, sure, when you're talking to so many peo- 
ple, it's easy to say things you don't even believe yourself afterwards" 
(a line the censor would later cut) 

Figure 150 

i Laid Air btbt, 1937 

Figure 151 

Film actress Marianne Hoppe 

In Dir Eni/liu/ir Heiuil i 1 he I nglish marriage, I'Hl Schunzel 
cast Great Uritam as [Ik- 'mythical" country where the love allau ol 
,vi eltete I nglish nobleman and a Cerman auto mechanic, overseen 
by an overbearing Family matriarch (Sandrock again), challenges 
National Socialist prejudices about gender roles, just as his Vifclor 
HHd Viktoria did 

Schunzel s hnal him before escaping to America Land Aer Liebt 
(Land ol love, 1937 tig 150), was a Graustarkian operetta in which a 
pompous king and his incompetent ministers are parodied ruthlessly 
but so subtly and ironically that the censors did not notice until the 
him had already been scheduled lor a public showing, a most embar- 
rassing situation The him had to be withdrawn tor several months of 
alterations belore it was finally released Meanwhile the scandal and 
Schunzel s flight made the front page of the Los Angela Times for May 
II, 1937 "Goebbels Reviews Nazi him and Producer Hees for Life" 

The use of such subversive subtlety was carried to extremes by 
Kautner, a director who worked in Germany throughout the war In 
his hlms Auj Wiedersehen, Franzuka 1 (Goodbye, Franziska 1 , 1941) and 
Ronwnzr in Moll (Romance in a minor key, 19431 he encouraged the 
great actress Marianne Hoppe (fig 151) to unleash her vibrant pas- 
sion and nervous tension, defying all the underlying assumptions of 
Nazi sentiment In place of the stoicism of the faithful woman send- 
ing her man to war, Hoppe in Auj WieJerseheii. FranzisktV boldly 
communicates the unalloyed torture that abandoned women suffer 

A unique solution was manifested in the case of Zarah Leander 
(fig 152), the glamorous Swedish musical comedy performer whose 
very nature subverted National Socialism Her first two German 
films, Zu neuen Ujern (To new shores, 1937), as a convict exiled to 
Australia, and Lii Habanera ( 1937), as a Swede married to a Puerto 
Rican. both directed by Detlef Sierck (Douglas Sirk later in Amer- 
ica), proved such box-office sensations that even Goebbels's personal 
distaste for her could not justify her ejection from the film scene 
Retaining her Swedish citizenship and traveling to Germany only to 
shoot, she demanded her substantial salary be paid directly into her 
Swedish bank account and required a secluded villa near Berlin be 
maintained for her exclusive use What could Goebbels do^ Die Grosse 
Lebe iThe great love), her 1942 film, earned more money than any 
other German film of the National Socialist era, partly because of its 
unusual mix of the glamorous and the mundane, partly because of its 
frank portrayal of its heroine resorting to the safety of a bomb shel- 
ter (when the government was still pretending that Allied air raids 
weren't serious), partly because of several hit songs Leander sang, 
but mostly because the divine Zarah proiected an irony unavail- 
able in most other films Although in certain lighting with certain 
makeup Leander could be made to look like Garbo and her husky 
voice was in some ways superior to Dietrich's, Leander was actually 
a big, often awkward woman, more unusual than beautiful and by 
her own admission not of the caliber of her Hollywood counterparts 
However, as Rosa von Praunheim pointed out in his obituary of her, 4 
she had exactly what was lacking in National Socialist film in a 

Figure 152 

Zarah Leander in a publicity still forDir ^rossr htbt. 1942 


morally prudish era she sang and acted like a sensual, passionate, 
sexually liberated woman, in a conservative, uniformed society 
she wore sequins and feathers and outrageously camp costumes, 
in a rigid, fascistic time she projected a quintessential^ ironic and 
ambiguous image with her man's voice and her almost grotesquely 
voluptuous body Little wonder that it was Leander in Die Grosse Liebt 
who inspired the escapist fantasies of the homosexual prisoner in 
Kiss of the Spiderwoman 

Nineteen thirty-seven, the year of Zarah Leander's first German 
films, marked a turning point for the NSDAP With the success of 
massive public works projects like the construction of the Autobahn 
and revenues from the Olympics of the previous year they were on a 
sounder financial footing, with four years of intensive indoctrination 
of the young and gullible, they had a hard core of devoted followers 
In the fall of that year, while the Entartete Kunst exhibition was still 
on view in Munich, and a few months before the Entartete Musi); 
(Degenerate music) exhibition in Dusseldorf, the NSDAP issued its 
equivalent of a "degenerate film" catalogue A scurrilous book of 
almost two hundred pages, Filtn-"Kunst, " Film-Kobn, Fdm-Korruption 
(Film-"art," film-Cohen, film-corruption, fig 145) attributes to 
the Jews everything that was allegedly base in German film and 
depraved among German filmmakers — and ultimately throughout 
German society — cocktails, cocaine, pornography and even 
homosexuality and sadomasochism A lecture tour of Germany 
(and Austria and Czechoslovakia after their annexation) by Curt 
Belling, one of the book's three authors, was accompanied by a 
program of clips extracted from numerous feature films 

By 1940 the government had mandated the production of the 
infamous anti-Semitic films Jud Stiss (lew Suss, 1940), directed by 
Veit Harlan, and Der ewige Jucte (The eternal Jew, 1940), directed 
by Fritz Hippler Many other features also contained anti-Semitic 
sequences Hans Steinhoff's Rembrandt (1942), for example, maintains 
that the painter's problems originated from the schemes of Jewish 
moneylenders who encouraged Aryan Dutchmen to speculate in 

With the war in progress the National Socialist film became 
(with notable exceptions) a parody of itself Harlan's Die goldene Stadt 
(The golden town, 1942), like his Jud Suss, is so crude in its identi- 
fication of the Aryan and bucolic with Good, the Slavic and urban 
with Evil, that today it is hard to conceive of anyone taking it 
seriously Yet it was immensely successful, possibly because of its 
color photography and the presence of the cloyingly sentimental 
but widely adored Kristina Soderbaum By comparison, Kautners 
Anuscbka (1942), shot in the same location — Prague — and at the 
same time but with a more subtle actress, Hilde Kxahl, in the lead, 
remains an interesting and moving film 

Besides Kautners films, the few other interesting films of the 
war years include Josef von Baky's spectacle Miincbkausen (1943) — 
from a script by the banned writer Erich Kastner, made with little 

harassment as a joyous celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of 
UFA (Universum Film A G ) studios — and the two troubled German 
wartime films of Pabst Pabst, detained in Austria during a tempo- 
rary return from American exile, was compelled to resume working 
in Germany Komodianten (Actors, 1941) and Paracelsus (1943), both set 
in historical times, deal with rebellion against civil authority but in 
such unresolved, cryptic fashion as to defy simplistic interpretation 

Harlan directed Goebbelss last major production, the monu- 
mental color historical film Kolberi), designed to exhort the German 
citizenry to fight to the death to preserve their cities — a film as 
reductive and hollow as the ideology — and repression — that 
fostered it 

No chronicle of film censorship and repression during the Nazi 
regime would be complete without mention of such equivocal figures 
as Gustav Ucicky and Lilian Harvey or such tragic artists as Joachim 
Gottschalk and Herbert Selpin 

Ucicky the son of Gustav Klimt, began making films in 1919 
and became an excellent director of action/adventure films, such as 
Morgenrot (Dawn, 1932) and Fliicbtlnuje (Refugees, 1933), which were 
perhaps too greatly admired by Goebbels Ucicky attempted to 
retreat into period comedy with a 1937 film of Heinnch Kleist's play 
Der zerbrocbene Krut) (The broken jug), for instance, and fled to Austria 
before the annexation, where he made a fine film of Aleksandr Push- 
kin's novella Der Postmaster (The station master, 1940) His 1943 Am 
Ernie der Welt (To the ends of the earth), a version of the Blue Angel 
story was completely prohibited by the Nazis Although an Allied 
panel later exonerated Ucicky of complicity with the Nazis, nine 
of his films were banned, including three pre-Nazi items 

Lilian Harvey one of the top musical stars of pre-Nazi Ger- 
many tried her luck in Hollywood in 1933 and London in 1934, but 
none of her non-German films proved a great success Finances 
forced her to return to Germany where she made eight relatively 
innocuous musical comedies before fleeing once again in 1939 to 
France and America In Hollywood she found no work in films 
and spent the remaining war years as a hospital orderly 

Matinee idol Joachim Gottschalk, star of Die schwediscbe 
Nachticjall (The Swedish nightingale, 1941), refused to divorce his 
Jewish wife With their son, the couple committed suicide under 
Goebbelss threat of arrest and deportation 

The talented director Herbert Selpin, whose black comedy 
HeirafssclmWIfr (Marriage con man, 1938) is one of the best, if 
atypical, of 1930s films, while filming Titanic (1943) lost patience 
with the on-set Reichsfilmkammer observer and angrily made com- 
ments about the Nazis, which he later refused to retract and for 
which he was imprisoned and executed Titanic was completed 
by other hands but subsequently banned in Germany 

These sad tales are representative of many others 

Rgure 153 

A salvaged tramc from Bertold Bartosch's 

inn. uc, I Saini Frantpii 1939 


Figure 154 

A publicity •■till from Oskar I ischingers color abstract him Komposriion m lila 

In the realm ol experimental him and animation the hlmmakers 
experienced as much control and restriction, and many Hed Yet 
those who did leave Germans as in the case of the live-action film- 
makers were not always safe Lotte Remiger went to Fngland, was 
deported as an enemy alien, fled again to Italy and was forcibly 
evacuated by German soldiers to Berlin Bertold Bartosch, who had 
collaborated with Remiger on Dir Abmtaur its Prmztn Achtnti, escaped 
to France, where he made an animated antiwar Him, Lliit (The idea, 
1932), and a second animated him Stfinl Francois i Saint Francis, 1939, 
hg 153 I, which also carried a pacifist message When the Nazis took 
Paris, German soldiers sought out and destroyed the original nega- 
tives of both Hlms While L'Utt has been reconstructed from existing 
prints no trace of Saml Francois has been found, so it must be 
counted as a casualty of war 

The Fischmger brothers, Oskar and Hans, were most successful 
at defying the Nazi prohibition against modernist abstract art In 
December 1933 Oskar Ftschinger managed to release a color abstract 
him Krtist (Circles I, by appending a commercial end title proclaim- 
ing, "Tbe Tolirag Agency reaches all circles of society" A second 
color abstract him the 1934 Quadrate (Squares!, which had no such 
commercial connection, was denied permission to be printed and 
distributed, and since the him was designed for a now obsolete film 
copying mechanism, it, like Saini Francois, must also be counted as 
a victim of the Nazi era A year later Fischmger managed to release 
KomposHion in Blau (Composition in blue, hg 154 i, another color 
abstract film, following a carefully coordinated press campaign in 
collaboration with the Venice Film Festival, where the Him received 
such enthusiastic reviews that it could not easily be suppressed 
Before full advantage of his successful defiance could be taken, 
Fischinger fled to Hollywood, where, beginning in February 1936, 
he was to work for Paramount, MGM, Disney Orson Welles, 
and on his own hlms 

Fischingers younger brother, Hans, had apprenticed to Oskar 
on four of the black-and-white Studies produced in 1932 When 
the Nazis came to power, Hans retreated into "inner emigration," 
retiring to a family home in the countryside There he designed 
a color organ that could produce abstract light shows without 
benefit of censorship The government patent control board, 
however, refused a patent or a license to construct the machine 

Following Oskar's emigration and the 1937 denunciations of 
"degenerate" art, music, and film, the same group ol critics and 
theater owners who had helped Oskar launch Komposilion in lilau 
promised to help Hans if he would make an abstract him In the fall 
of 1938 he completed the eight-minute Tanz ier Far/ini i Dance of the 
colors), which the Waterloo Theater in Hamburg premiered on Feb- 
ruary 26, 1939, with prearranged rave reviews, including a page-one 
headline in the trade paper Film Kuntr The government reacted 
swiftly and cleverly to quash the film the state-owned Tobis him 
production and distribution company bought the distribution rights, 
then simply declined to show the film in Germany — recouping its 
entire investment in Holland That effectively ended avant-garde 
filmmaking in Nazi Germany 

The only remaining short film with a glimmer of resistance is 
Drr Schttcmatm (The snowman, 1943!, the peculiar but lovely cartoon 
by Hans Fischer- Kosen, which tells of a snowman who, wanting to 
experience spring, hides in a refrigerator until luly when he leaps 
out and melts among the flowers — a fitting elegy for the German 
avant-garde ■ 


1 Ronny Loewy Von [iabthbtrg nach HollyuW FAmmitttiirten jus NiiziJculsMand 
Frankfurt Deutsches Filmmuscum, 1987), 7-22 

2 Arthur Maria Rabenalt, Joseph CotbbiU unJ drr "Groswleuhcht Film | Munich 
Hcrbig, 1985), 54 

3 David Stewart Hull, Film m \bt Third Rncfc (Berkeley University of California 
Press, 1969), 8 

4 Rosa von Praunheim, "Die Bassamsel smgt nicht mehr." Drr Spitgd. June 29, 
1981 158-59 

M O R I T Z 


Figure !55 

Entrance to the exhibition Entartttc Kumt, Archaologisches Institut, Munich, 1937 

The Works of Art in 
Entartete Kunst Munich 1937 

Note to the reader 

On the following pages is a lis! ol all known paintings sculptures, 

and graphic works displayed in the exhibition Entiirkte Kmni held in 
nine r ns ol the Archaologisches Institut, Munich, from luly 19 

through November M), l l H7 Hooks and photographs not included 
here are listed in the tables in the essay hy Mario-Andreas von 
Luttichau on pages 45— K 1 of this volume The exact placement ol 
the art in each gallery can also be found in Luttichau's essay 

The works of art are arranged alphabetically by artist, within 
each artist's oeuvre unique works I paintings in all media, sculptures 
and drawings) are listed in chronological order, followed by prints, 
also arranged chronologically 

Biographies are provided for all artists whose work is repre- 
sented in the exhibition "Degenerate Art" Tix Fate of ifcf Ai'titil-Gnra'c in 
Nazi Ctrnuiny Authors of the biographies are 

D G Dagmar Grimm 

P G Peter Guenther 

P K Pamela Kort 

S B Stephanie Barron 

Places of birth and death are in Germany unless otherwise indicated 

Each entry is arranged as follows 


Alternate title, if any 

Title in Ent<jrMf KhhsI, if substantially different 

Date, if known 

Medium, dimensions 

Catalogue raisonne, if applicable I see pp 408-9) 

Provenance immediately before Ewltirlctf Kunst 

Location in Enlarlrtf Kwnst installation, National Socialist inventory 

number, lot in Fischer sale, if applicable 
Current location or commissioned dealer* and last recorded location 
Illustration reference, if work is extant 

■ indicates inclusion in both venues of the current exhibition 
i) indicates Los Angeles only 
a indicates Chicago only 

' Four German art dealers were authorized by the Nazis lo dispose of "degenerate" 
works on the art market They were Bernhard A Boehmer, Giistrow, Karl Buchholz, 
Berlin, Hildebrand Gurlitt, Hamburg, and Ferdinand Moller Berlin isee the essay by 
Andreas Huneke in this volume i 

Jankel Adler 

Tuszyn, Pol 

Died 1949 

National Socialist politics profoundly 
affected Jankel Adler's life He not only fled 
Dusseldorf in 1933, leaving behind his wife 
and daughter, 1 but after the end of the 
Second World War he discovered that all 
nine of his brothers and sisters had perished 
in the Holocaust When Adler left Germany 
he was barely at the midpoint of his career, 
nevertheless, he had already firmly estab- 
lished himself in the German art world 
His reputation did not follow him into exile, 
however, and the next ten years were filled 
with economic deprivation and social root- 
lessness An excerpt from a document of 
1942 provides a rare glimpse of the artist's 
reaction to National Socialist cultural poli- 
tics "When the present war for the painter 
has begun in 1933, he has perhaps a different 
view from those whose war began in 1939 " 2 
It was not until Adler went to London in 
1943, only six years before he died, that he 
again found a community of intellectuals in 
a country in which he wanted to make his 
permanent home 

In the years prior to his departure 
from Germany Adler was a Communist 
sympathizer and active member of liberal 
artists groups in Lodz, Berlin, Cologne, 
and Dusseldorf It was his Jewish ancestry 
however, rather than his political activism, 
that was responsible for his denunciation 
by the National Socialists In the Entartete 
Kunst exhibition three of his paintings were 
exhibited alongside works by other Jewish 
artists Lasar Segall, Marc Chagall, Hanns 
Katz, Cert Wollheim, and Ludwig Meidner 
The very different aesthetic and political 
positions of these artists were invalidated 
when their works were lumped under the 
slogan, "Revelation of the Jewish racial soul " 

Adler was brought up in a Hasidic 
household in Poland and first came to Ger- 
many in 1913 to enter the Kunstgewerbe- 
schule (School of applied arts) in Barmen 
Contradictory accounts make it difficult to 
reconstruct his status and location during 
the First World War In 1918 he established 
contact with the Dusseldorf artists' group 
Das lunge Rheinland (The young Rhine- 
land) After the war he visited Poland and 
helped to found Ing Idisz (Young Yiddish), 
an association of Jewish painters and writers 
He returned to Germany in 1920 and lived 
for about a year in Berlin, where he was in 
contact with a variety of artists' groups, 
including the Socialist artists who contrib- 
uted to Die Aklton (Action) and those who 
were affiliated with Herwarth Walden's 
Der Slurm (The storm) Contacts with the 
Aktivistenbund 1919 (Activist league 1919), 
a group of progressive artists in Dusseldorf, 
may have drawn him to that city late in 
1921, he remained there until 1933 and 
formed ties with a number of other artists' 
groups involved in leftist politics In 1922 he 
developed a close friendship with Otto Dix 
In the same year he was a founding member 
of the Berlin Utopian Communist artists' 
group Kommune (Commune) Adler also 
helped to organize the Union fortschritt- 
licher internationaler Kiinstler (Union 
of progressive international artists) and 
participated in the union's conference in 
Dusseldorf on May 29-31, 1922 He sent 
work to the Internationale Ausstellung revolu- 
tionism Kiinstler (International exhibition 
of revolutionary artists), which opened 
in Berlin on October 22 

Adler also had ties to the Expressionist 
art world In 1923 he helped found the 
Rheingruppe (Rhine group) in Dusseldorf, 
and he also exhibited with the November- 
gruppe (November group) in 1923, 1929, 
and 1931 (Although he never joined the lat- 
ter group, he was later named as a member 
of this "red" artists' organization in Wolfgang 
Willrich's antimodernist Sauberung des Kmist- 
tempeli [Cleansing of the temple of art]) 

In 1929 Adler joined the circle of the 
Gruppe progressive Kunstler (Progressive 
artists' group) in Cologne The same year 
a reviewer in Der Cicerone cited him as 
the artist with the most potential in the 
Hannover Kestner-Gesellschaft exhibition 
Zebn juiule deutscbe Maler (Ten young German 
painters) ' Just four years later, however, 
Adler's work was ridiculed in Kultur- 
bolscbewistiscbe Bilder ( Images of cultural 
Bolshevism), an exhibition organized by 
National Socialist cultural officials at the 
Kunsthalle Mannheim One of the works 
included, Mutter und Tochter (Mother and 
daughter, fig 157) of 1927, was later shown 
in the Entartete Kunst exhibition 

In February 1933 Adler signed the 
"Dringende Appell" (Urgent appeal), an 
anti-Fascist placard posted throughout 
Berlin by the Internationale sozialistische 
Kampfbund (International Socialist combat 
league) during the Reichstag (parliamentary) 
elections 4 A few months later he left the 
country, upon arriving in Paris he was at 
first so disturbed by the events in Germany 
that he was unable to work Later that year 
he told an interviewer that he viewed his 
exile "as an active struggle against the Fascist 
regime in Germany" Nevertheless, his 
paintings remained devoid of overt political 
reference In the same interview he com- 
mented, "A revolutionary painter is one who 
creates a revolutionary form The subject 
has absolutely no meaning"' 

Adler's Polish passport enabled him to 
return to his homeland in 1935 Late in April 
an exhibition of fifty-eight of his works cre- 
ated since 1920 was organized in Warsaw 
by the Warsaw Committee to Aid Exiles 
and eventually traveled to his hometown 
of Lodz The art was brought from Barmen 
and Dusseldorf with the help of the archi- 
tects Helena and Szymon Syrkus and the 
Polish consul in Essen Despite the exhibi- 
tion, Adler was dissatisfied with the art 
scene in Warsaw and complained about 
the art establishment's lack of interest in 
the financial needs of contemporary 
artists "You know, I am so fed up with 
everything' What kind of value does a 


V 1^ fe 


w^ J? 

iflir nut '^^ 

Mi 1 ^ 

1 ) 

|Hh la J 


J 1 ■ 


BW^^ r-^TTS .J 

}i yi 

Figure 157 

Adler, Multer unj Tockfr 

Mother and daughter), 1927 

Figure 156 

Adler Kabaizikbttr Cat breeder 

human being have here" - I want to go to 
Spain There the editor ot Rolen Fabm [Red 
flag], Jaszunski. is righting in the Dabrowski 
brigade "" As the political situation wors- 
ened, it became too dangerous for Adler 
to remain in Poland, and he returned to 
Paris in 1937 

In lulv of that year Adler was repre- 
sented in the Enlnrlrtr Kunsl exhibition by 
four paintings (twenty-five of his works 
were eventually confiscated from German 
collections) Four months later two other 
works, Chassid (Hasid) and Stdleben (Still life), 
were included by the National Socialists in 
the exhibition Der turijjc Jude iThe eternal 
few held in the library of the Deutsches 
Museum in Munich 7 The headline of a 
report on the exhibition in the Bfiimlftt 

Ztilung declared "The eternal lews are those 
people with a destructive effect upon politics 
and culture," and a photograph of Chassid 
was reproduced below the denunciation " 
Seven years before, when this painting had 
been shown at the Kronprmzenpalais in 
Berlin in an exhibition that focused on new 
acquisitions of modern art at the National- 
galerie, a reviewer had praised Adler as 
"certainly the strongest [painter] among 
the young Rhinelanders " M 

In January 1938 the Paris-based Freier 
Kunstlerbund (Free artists' league) attempted 
to draw Adler into its circle However, 
despite his previous political engagement, 
he refused to loin this anti-Fascist group 

Later that year Adler moved to Cagnes- 
sur-Mer and remained there until 1940, 
when he joined the Polish Army of the 
West in France and trained as a gunner He 
was released from the army in 1941 because 
of health problems and went to Glasgow 
There he joined the recently founded New 
Art Club and took part in its forum of 
weekly discussions and monthly exhibitions 
of modern art By mid-June he had an 
exhibition of twenty-four paintings that 
was both commercially successful and well 
reviewed by the press l0 

Adler left Glasgow in the fall of 
1942, briefly loined an artists' colony at 
Kirkcudbright, and early in 1943 moved to 
London During that year he established a 
friendship with Kurt Schwitters and joined 
the Ohel Club for Jewish intellectuals 

Ernst Barlach 

Adler never returned to Germany and 
refused to exhibit there In 1947 he had an 
exhibition at the Galerie Gimpel Fils in 
London, the Galerie de France in Paris, and 
Waddington Galleries in Dublin, the next 
year he had a show at the Knoedler Gallery 
in New York Adler had applied for British 
citizenship but learned late in April of 1949 
that he had been turned down by the Home 
Office ' ' A few days later he died unex- 
pectedly of a heart attack at the age of 
fifty-four (P K) 


1 Adler's daughter, Nina, survived the war I have 
been unable to locate information about the fate of his 
wife, Betty Kohlhaas 

2 Michael Middleton, "Jankel Adler," in Memorial 
Exhibition of the Works oj Jankel Adler m95-i949 (exh cat, 
London Arts Council of Great Britain, 19511, 4 

3 "Hannover," Drr Curfew 21 119291 86 

4 Quoted in lurgen Harten, ed , Jankel AMrr (895- 
I9J9 (Cologne DuMont, 1985), 28 

5 lankel Adler, in Litmrisck Blrltr 38 ( 1933 ) 614, 
quoted in Harten, Jankel Adler, 29 

6 Marian Minich, Szalona galena (Lodz, 1963), 
quoted in Harten, Jankel Adler, 32 

7 Meissner, "'Munchen ist ein heisser 
Boden Aber wir gewmnen ihn allmahlich doch' 
Munchner Akademien, Calenen und Museen in Aus- 
stellungsjahr 1937," in Peter-Klaus Schuster, ed , Die 
"Kumhladt" Munchen 1937 Nalionahozialimus und Entartete 
Kumt" (Munich Prestel, 19781, 51 

8 Beamlen ZnluiuJ, no 24, November 21, 1937 615, 
the article and accompanying photograph are illustrated 
in Harten, Jankel Adler, 33 

9 P W | Paul Westheim], "Neuerwerbungen der 
Nationalgalene," Dai Kumtblatt U (1930) 155 

10 Dennis Farr, "Art and Artists in Wartime 
Glasgow," Apollo 88 (1968) 122 

11 Ibid, 124 n 7 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Born 1870 

Handler (Merchant) 

Ohthandler l Fruit merchant) 


Watercolor, dimensions unknown 

Acquired by the Stadtische Kunstsammlung Dusseldorf 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16293 


Kalzenzuchter (Cat breeder) 

Cleron, der Kalzenzuchter (Cleron the cat breeder) 


Oil on canvas, 110 2 x 70 3 cm (43 'A x 27% in i 

Catalogue raisonne Krempel 16 

Acquired in 1926 by the Stadtische Kunstsammlung 


Room 2, NS inventory no 15952 

Staatsgalene moderner Kunst, Munich 

Figure 156 

Mutter und Tochter I Mother and daughter) 

Zwei Madchen I Two girls) 


Oil on canvas, 150 x 100 cm I 59 x 39V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Krempel 27 

Acquired in 1930 by the Kunsthalle Mannheim 

Room 2, NS inventory no 15953' 

Collection Kuge! 

Figure (5 7 

Musikanten (Musicians) 

M.iri<folmms(>irltr (Mandolin player) 


Painting, medium unknown, 

166 x 121 cm 165% x 47V. in I 

Acquired in 1931 by the Stadtische 


Room 2, NS inventory no 15955 

Location unknown 

Sculptor and dramatist Ernst Barlach began 
his artistic studies at the Kunstgewer- 
beschule (School of applied arts) in 
Hamburg in 1888 and continued them in 
Dresden, Paris, and Berlin His early work 
was influenced by lugendstil, but after a trip 
to Russia in 1906 he developed an expres- 
sionists style During his Russian sojourn 
he discovered that an artist possessed the 
power to express "the uttermost, the inner- 
most, the gentle gesture of piety and the 
rude gesture of rage — because for every- 
thing, be it paradise, hell, or one in the 
guise of the other, there is expressive form "' 
After his return to Germany his subject mat- 
ter frequently included Russian beggars and 
farmers, who in his hands became symbols 
of human existence 

Barlach and the dealer Paul Cassirer 
signed a contract in 1907 that allowed the 
artist to work full-time on his art After 
almost a year in Florence at the Villa 
Romana, he withdrew in 1910 to Gtistrow 
in Mecklenburg to lead an unpretentious 
and reclusive life He was forty-two in 1912 
when his first play was published and forty- 
seven when his first important exhibition — 
twenty wooden sculptures and graphic 
works — was mounted at the Galerie Cas- 
sirer in Berlin 

Barlach produced his first wooden 
sculptures in 1907-8 Their massive, block- 
like forms were also characteristic of his 
bronze figures, which were commissioned to 
commemorate the dead of the First World 
War Although Barlach had served in the 
infantry only two months, his memorials 
were powerful antiwar statements The artist 
presented the Giistrower Ehrmnutl (Gtistrow 

wai memorial I t>> the congregation ol ( liisi 
hiu ( .ltluxlral in 1927 The sculpture, 
which was suspended from the cathedral 
ceiling was a life-sized human limine with 

the peaceful stylized visage of Barlach's 

friend Kathe Kollwitz i which the artist 
claimed was unintentional I In 1928 the 
Univcrsitatskirche i Llniversitv church) in 
Kiel commissioned Geistkampjtr (Warrior of 
the spirit), a fifteen-toot high angel bearing 
a sword and poised on the haunches of a 
wolflike creature For the cathedral in 
Magdeburg in 1929 Harlach cast six figures 
framing a cross inscribed with the dates of 
the war lour of the figures were soldiers 
(one a skeleton) in helmets and uniforms, 
they were accompanied by two grieving 
figures, pathetic souls, the face of one 
covered by a hood, all tragic victims of 
an irrational fate 

Barlach's work was well received in 
Germany both publicly and privately In 
1930 he was given a retrospective exhibition 
at the Preussische Akademie der Kiinste 
(Prussian academy of arts I, of which he had 
been a member since 1919, and he partici- 
pated in the Venice Biennale At the peak of 
his success, however, he became the target 
of National Socialist art criticism In a letter 
dated December 27, 1930, to publisher 
Reinhard Piper, Harlach anticipated the 
problematic future he would face he wrote 
that the National Socialists "are instinctively 
my enemies They will make short shrift 
of me when the hour comes " J Barlach's 
critics denounced his often pessimistic imag- 
ery of humanity and found him "alien" and 
"eastern," overly influenced by his trip to 
Russia in 1906 Because he was represented 
by the Jewish dealers Cassirer and Alfred 
Flechtheim, rumors were initiated that he 
was also Jewish and of Slavic descent (author 
Adolf Bartels thought Barlach's name 
sounded Jewish and was convinced that he 
was foreign because "German dramatists 
don't succeed as easily ") ' In Giistrow in 
1932 Fascist thugs broke his windows, and 
from 1933 onward his mail was censored and 
the police watched the home of this most 
unpolitical artist About two months after 

Adult I litlei I" i mi' i li II' it. Barlai h 

again wrote to Piper, "My little boat is sink 
mg last I h<- loudei the Hah roar, instead "I 

cheering and raising my arm in Roman atti 

tudes, the more I pull my hat down over 

my eyes "* 

Following an uncharacteristic public 
statement, a radio address Barlach gave in 
lanuary of 1933 protesting the expulsion 
ot Kollwitz and Hemrich Mann from the 
Preussische Akademie, he was forced to 
give up the house he had built in 1930 in 
Giistrow, ostensibly because the building 
permits had been declared null and void 
and were withdrawn 

In 1935 a cast of OjmsIhs und Johannes 
(Christ and John, fig 158) was removed 
from view at the museum in Schwerin, and 
despite the successful opening of his drama 
Die echten Sedemunds (The genuine Sedemunds) 
in Altona, subsequent performances were 
forbidden His works were removed from 
the 1936 exhibition of the Preussische Aka- 
demie with those of Kollwitz and Wilhelm 
Lehmbruck, and a volume of his drawings, 
ready for distribution, was confiscated 

Nonetheless, Barlach remained in Ger- 
many, although he was forbidden to exhibit, 
even privately after 1937, and his public 
sculptures and monuments were destroyed 
Figures sculpted for the niches of the 
Kathannenkirche (Church of Saint Cather- 
ine) in Liibeck were removed in 1936, the 
war memorial for Giistrow Cathedral was 
dismantled in 1937 and melted down for 
scrap metal The monument in Kiel was cut 
into three parts in 1937-38 (a cast survives 
in the Minneapolis Institute of Arts), and 
owing to the protests of right-wing mem- 
bers of the congregation, the sculpture in 
Magdeburg Cathedral was moved to the 
basement of the Nattonalgalerie in Berlin 
The head of the Kampfbund fur deutsche 
Kultur (Combat league for German culture), 
Alfred Rosenberg, described the Magdeburg 
memorial as "figures [that] were small, half- 
idiotic undefinable types of humanity 
with Soviet helmets, " s and Paul Schultze- 
Naumburg, National Socialist ideologue and 
author of Ktotst und Rasse (Art and race), 

I igure ish 
Barlach ' >•• 

mi lohmnrs (( hn.t and Id 

declared Barlach's works "unheroic and 
"racially undependablc "'' 

It became difficult for Barlach to sell his 
work A commission for a Piela was rejected 
upon submission by the city of Stralsund, as 
was another work in Malchin By August of 
1937, 381 works by Barlach had been seized 
from museums and churches and removed 
from public view Only the Mater Dolorosa in 
the Nikolaikirche (Church of Saint Nich- 
olas) in Kiel and the wood carving Der Hirl 
im Gewtter (The shepherd in a storm) in 
Bremen remained The spiritual kinship 
that Barlach had developed with suffering 
humanity and his eloquent rendering of 
hope and despair were perceived by his 
critics as alienation from nature and a per- 
petration of Bolshevism and a cult of the 
subhuman His pacifist — some said defeatist 
— themes, which were considered an insult 
to the German spirit, and his frequent por- 
trayal of "inferior racial types" earned him 
inclusion in the Enlartete Kutisl exhibition 
Only one of his works was displayed 
another cast of Cbristus und Johannes, "purged" 
from the museum at Kiel This moving 
depiction of an encounter between Christ 
and Saint John was described at the exhibi- 
tion as the portrayal of two monkeys in 
nightshirts Adolf Ziegler and his committee 
judged the work to be a "mockery of the 
Divine" and placed it in the third gallery, 
the largest on the upper floor Ironically a 
Swiss woman attempted (unsuccessfully to 

Rudolf Bauer 

buy the sculpture out of the Munich exhi- 
bition 7 By the time Entiirtete Kuttst traveled to 
Nuremberg the bronze had been removed 
After he was informed that he would 
no longer be allowed to exhibit, Barlach 
became ill and his health declined rapidly 
He died in October 1938, approximately one 
year later Permission to place a memorial 
plaque on the house where he was born was 
denied, and his death notices in the news- 
papers were limited by the authorities to ten 
lines of factual material only Das Scbwarzi 
Korps (The black corps), the periodical pub- 
lished by the SS, however, "eulogized" the 
artist as un-German, Slavic, unbalanced, 
and a lunatic 8 (D G ) 



1 Alfred Werner, Ernst Barlach (Ne 
McGraw-Hill, 1966), 8 

2 Ernst Barlach, letter to Reinhard Piper, Decem- 
ber 11, 1930, published in Ernst Barlach Dtt Brieji 1888- 
1938, ed Friednch Dross (Munich R Piper, 1968-69), 
vol 2, 245 

3 Carl Dietrich Carls, "Hitler wollte sie aus- 
merzen," Saarhrucktr Zatung, June 8, 1987 

4 Ernst Barlach, letter to Reinhard Piper, April li, 
1933, published in Die Bnt/r, vol 2, 345 

5 Alfred Rosenberg in Vblhscbtr BroPncMrr, no 187, 
July 7 1933, quoted in Paul Ortwm Rave, Kuratdiklatur 
m Driltm Rnch (Hamburg Gebruder Mann, 1949), 60 

6 Karl-Ludwig Hofmann, 'Antifaschistische Kunst 
in Deutschland Bilder, Dokumente, Kommentare," in 
Wulirstantl sl<ill Anpaaung Drutscfer fCunst m WiimUnti 
gcgm dot F.jscinsmHs (9tt-i945 (exh cat , Karlsruhe 
Badischer Kunstverein, 1980), 47 

7 Ernst Barlach, letter to Reinhard Piper, Septem- 
ber 25, 1937, published in Ernst Barlach Lcbm mi Wert in 
sfinen Bne/ot, ed Fnednch Dross (Munich R Piper, 
1952), 235 

8 Werner, Ernsl Barlach, 42 

Work in "Enlartete Kunst'' 

ConstHS und Johannes (Christ and John) 

Dds Witdersehen (The reunion, Meeting again) 


Bronze, 478 x 19 x 12 cm (187. x Th x 4'/, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Schult 306 

Acquired in 1931 by the Kunsthalle zu Kiel 

Room 3, NS inventory no (6245 

Location unknown, this version Munson-Williams- 

Proctor Institute, Museum of Art, Utica, New York 

Fi>r, .58 

Born (889 
Lindmwald, Silesia 

Died 1953 

Deal New Jersey 

To Hilla von Rebay the director of the 
Museum of Non-Objective Paintings, as the 
Solomon R Guggenheim Museum was 
known in its early stages, Rudolf Bauer was 
the most significant painter of dramatic non- 
objective painting represented in the collec- 
tion ' Bauer met Rebay at the Galerie Der 
Sturm in Berlin in 1916, and they developed 
a stormy but close relationship From 1915 to 
1921 gallery owner Herwarth Walden had 
Bauer under contract to deliver oils, water- 
colors, and drawings to Der Sturm on a 
monthly basis Bauer was also employed at 
the gallery itself, where he was exposed to 
the works of Expressionists, Futurists, Cub- 
ists, and other modernists He preferred 
Wassily Kandinsky above all and adopted 
the Russian painter's formal approach - 
Bauer, along with others from Der 
Sturm (The storm), was a founding member 
of the Novembergruppe (November group), 
although he never exhibited with them J 
With Rebay and Otto Nebel, a painter, 
poet, and another member of Der Sturm, 
Bauer founded Der Krater (The crater), an 
artists' group whose published manifesto 
was based on those of the Dadaists and 
Futurists He subsequently began to call 
himself Bautama (probably a conflation of 
his name with that of Gautama Buddha), 
which is also the title of his lithograph in 
the Bauhaus Portfolio III of 1921, displayed in 
one of the ground-floor galleries of Entartete 
Kunst 4 The work clearly demonstrates 
Kandinsky's influence, and abstract art 
was not favored by the National Socialists, 
who rejected it as decadent, meaningless 
scribbling, not in keeping with the 
artistic ideology of the Third Reich 

•Z.<*sj$»is. ' f\ 

Figure 159 
Bauer, Mint. 

Except for a portfolio of dance prints 
by Bauer and the manifesto, Der Krater pro- 
duced little as a group (Nebel went to the 
Bauhaus in 1924) The project did give Bauer 
and Rebay impetus for future museum proj- 
ects, however Bauer established a museum 
in a rented villa in Berlin, exhibiting works 
by Kandinsky, Rebay and particularly him- 
self (he claimed he was keeping his work 
together for a museum in the future) He 
was able to fund this enterprise with money 
he received from Solomon Guggenheim 
through Rebay who was collecting Bauer's 
paintings on her patron's behalf On March 
I, 1936, Bauer went to Charleston, South 
Carolina, for the opening of an exhibition of 
the Guggenheim collection, on view were 
27 works by Kandinsky 5 each by Albert 
Gleizes and Laszlo Moholy-Nagy 2 by Fer- 
nand Leger, 1 by Paul Klee, and 61 by Bauer 
When the Guggenheim Foundation was 
established in June of 1939 there were 215 
paintings by Bauer in its inventory The 

Philipp Bauknecht 

Otto Baum 

Guggenheim Museum first opened at 24 
East 54th Street in New Ybrk ( ity was 
called tin - Hanoi I Litis In Max I inst ' 

Guggenheim helped Bauei emigrate 
from Germany and he arrived in New Vuk 
on August J i 1 '-!'' wild all Ins pictures and 

possessions I le was installed in a house Out 

side New York and Rebay acted as intei 
mediary and consultant in the signing oi a 

contract wherein' Hauei was to provide all 

his paintings to Guggenheim in exchange 
tor kill financial support Bauer did not speak 
English and had to rely on Rebay S transla- 
tions I le ultimately became dissatisfied with 
the arrangements felt betrayed by Rebay 
and stopped painting Finally in 1945 Bauer 
terminated their relationship Rebay con- 
tinued to show his pictures during her last 
years at the Guggenheim but in fewer num- 
bers When lames lohnson Sweeney became 
director in 1952, the Bauer works were 
placed in storage * iD G) 

Bom issi 
Barcelona Spain 

Ihdl I " 1 1 

Davos. Switzerland 

Work in Entartete Kunsf 

Work in Entartete Kunst 


■ herdsi 

Dm Hir 


Painting, medium i 

80 x 96 cm (3l'/i x 17'. in 

Acquired in 1924 by the Staatsgale 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16004 

Location unknown 

: Stuttgart 

Mtidchm Ethnics 'Standing girl) 


Bronze, height 65 cm '25V. in 

Acquired in 1911 by the Nationalgalc 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16241 

Location unknown 


1 Susanne Neuburger Rmlolf Riwr isso-1953 

i Vienna Museum moderner kunst Museum des 20 
lahrhunderts, 1985), 20 

2 Ibid 24 

3 Ibid 44 

4 Mario-Andreas von Luttichau, "Rekonstruktion 
der Ausstellung Entartete Kunst." in Peter-Klaus 
Schuster, ed , Dir "KimskUutt" Mumben 1937 
NatioHaUozuiltmus uttd fjnltirlrlr Kunsl' (Munich Prestel, 
1987), 170 

5 Neuburger, RMj Bam. 80 

6 Ibid 24 

Work in Entartete Kunst 


Plate I from Bauhaus Portfolio III 

c 1921 

Lithograph, 398 x 31 5 cm 1 15V. x 12'. in 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler III 1 

Acquired bv the Wallral Richartz-Museum Cologne 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16284 1 

Location unknown, this print Fiorella Urbinati 


Fljurl ISO 

Willi Baumeister 

The National Socialists dismissed Willi 
Baumeister from his professorial post at 
the Stadtische Kunstschule (Municipal art 
school) in Frankfurt in March 1933 Bau- 
meister reacted with the following entry in 
his diary "I was never politically active — 
should I undertake something against the 
dismissal^ No — it is directed against my 
Bolshevist art,' which has been created out 
of spiritual freedom What can there be that 
is Bolshevist about it'" 1 

One month later Baumeister returned 
to his hometown of Stuttgart, where he 
began to work as a commercial graphic 
designer He also continued to paint, though 
privately, in a locked room in his in-laws' 
home Baumeister's refusal to work in an 
officially acceptable style, his development 
of an increasingly abstract pictorial lan- 
guage, and his shift to collage technique 
during the early 1940s suggest aesthetic 
decisions conditioned to some degree by 
contemporary cultural politics 2 

Baumeister's career as an artist began 
in 1905, when he entered the Stuttgart 
Kunstakademie (Academy of art) to study 
painting Between November 1914 and 
December 1918 he served in the German 
army returning to the Kunstakademie in 
1919 During the next four years he created 
a series of relief "wall paintings" partially 
inspired by Constructivist forms In 1921 he 
contributed to the third Bauhaus Portfolio 
his lithograph Abstrakte Silzfigur (Abstract 
seated figure, fig 161) was later included 
in the Entartete Kunst exhibition 

Figure 160 

Willi Baumeister, Figur mil Stm/m m] Rosa /// ( Figure 
with pink stripe 111), 1920, oil, plywood, and sand on 
wood, 66 x 39 2 cm 126 x 15% in I, Archiv Baumeister 
Stuttgart This work, although not in the Munich 
exhibition, was illustrated on the -last page of the 
EtilarMe Kunst exhibition guide (see p 390) 

Baumeister went to Paris in 1924, where 
he met Le Corbusier, Amedee Ozenfant, 
and Fernand Leger He found a receptive 
public for his work, and the next year he 
was given a large one-man show at the 
Galerie d'Art contemporain 

At the same time his reputation devel- 
oped in Germany In 1927 Tiscbifeseilschaft 
(Group at a table, 1925) was acquired by 
the Kunsthalle Mannheim (this work was 
later included in the defamatory exhibition 
Kulturbolschcwistischt Bilder [Images of cultural 
Bolshevism] held in Mannheim (fig 7) and 
Munich in 1933, as well as in Entartete Kutisl) 
Baumeister was appointed to the post at the 
Stadtische Kunstschule in Frankfurt in 1928 

A year later he exhibited at the Galerie 
Flechtheim in Berlin and the Galerie Kahn- 
weiler in Frankfurt When Atelier was 
purchased by the museum in Frankfurt in 
1929, the acquisition was satirized in the 
conservative Frankfurter Nachrichteti: "The 
work should be exposed to general public 
judgment to advance the modern art edu- 
cation of the Frankfurt taxpayer"' In the 
same issue Baumeister's work was criticized 
as "proof of the spiritual and artistic aber- 
rations of a period without discipline and 
culture " 4 Similar accusations were brought 
against Baumeister seven years later 
in the Entartete Kuml exhibition guide 
(p 390), in which one of his works (fig. 
160) was reproduced next to paintings by 
Johannes Molzahn and Max Ernst under 
the slogan, "The ultimate in stupidity or 
impudence — or both'" 

In the wake of the attack on his work 
in 1930, Baumeister began to reassess the 
significance of abstraction Part of his 
theoretical reflection took the form of an 
intensive investigation of archaic art, par- 
tially stimulated by the work of archae- 
ologist Hans Miihlestein 5 Baumeister was 
one of several artists asked in 1931 by the 
editors of the Parisian art journal Cabiers 
d'art to respond to current debates about the 
validity and durability of an abstract style 
In his reply Baumeister posited the eternal 
value of his abstract paintings, which he 

felt he mc .1 relationship to mankinds Mist ait 

istk experiments.' ["his stance continued 
to inform his exploration ol abstraction 
throughout his period ol "innei exile." 

When the Entartttt Kunsl exhibition 
opened in 1937 Baumeistei fifty one of 
whose works wen eventually seized, visited 
it and the (,nme /)rul«/ir Kunstaussttllunj) 
(Great German art exhibition) In his diary 
he commented about his own paintings 
from the 1920s "All four paintings no good, 
at that time not expressive enough, 
posterlike " 7 

Baumeister went to the second Grosse 
Dtulscbt Kunstausstellung in 1938 and pur- 
chased the catalogue Sometime late in 1939 
or early in 1940 he began using reproduc- 
tions from the publication to create collages, 
which he pasted onto small postcards and 
sent to friends These "corrections" of works 
by Adolf Ziegler and Arno Breker were 
another form of Baumeisters dialectical 
engagement with officially sanctioned 
National Socialist art The technique not 
only evoked Dadaist aesthetics, which had 
been particularly attacked in Enlarlele Kunsl, 
but brought to the surface fissures in the 
new; ostensibly coherent national style 
championed by the National Socialists * 
Baumeisters satirical cultural commentary 
did not escape censorship The postcards 
were seized by the authorities, and he was 
called to Gestapo headquarters 

/ was confronted by the Gestapo censor with 
my fHlirf correspondence for the last year and 
a half Thank God that Hitler in the electric 
chair [a collage he had sent to an 
American newspaper] was not among 
the intercepted letters I extricated myselj 
by writing a long report to tfce Gestapo, 
explaining that these were plans jor a book 
dealing with color modulation and patina. 9 
Baumeister was in fact collaborating on 
a book that aimed at a scientific analysis and 
evaluation of painting techniques since the 
beginning of history The project was part 
of his duties at Kurt Herbert's lacquer fac- 
tory in Wuppertal, where he had been 

f igure 161 

Raumeister, Abslraktt Silzjijui Abstract seated figure), 

c 1921 

employed since 1938 The book, Anfange der 
Malerei (The origins of painting), was pub- 
lished in 1941, although the names of its 
authors — Baumeister, Molzahn, Georg 
Muche, and Oskar Schlemmer — were prob- 
ably omitted because their "degenerate" 
status would have resulted in the book being 

Baumeister did not exhibit in Germany 
after 1933 In 1950 he described his feelings 
about his forced "inner exile" "The dismissal 
was bad, but the social ostracism that fol- 
lowed was worse After the war started, 
things became especially uncomfortable 
because one had to show that one was work- 
ing I had no public No one knew that I 
continued to paint" 10 

He lent four works to the 1938 exhibi- 
tion 20th Century German Art in London at the 
Burlington Galleries A year later he showed 
at the Galerie Jeanne Bucher in Paris on the 
occasion of his fiftieth birthday The press 
was asked not to review the exhibition in 
order to avoid negative ramifications for 
Baumeister in Germany" 

Baumeister nevertheless salvaged some- 
thing positive from the experience In 1942 
he noted that because he had to remain 
independent from official organizations his 
own art took on a greater autonomy and, in 
a sense, became purer. 13 In 1943 he began 
his theoretical work about abstraction, Das 
ilnbekiinnte in der Kunsl (The unknown in 
art), published in 1947, a year after he was 
reinstated as a professor at the Kunstaka- 
demie in Stuttgart (P Kl 


1 Willi Baumeister, diary entry March 31, 1933 
(Stuttgart, Archiv Baumeister), cited in Feltcitas Karg- 
Baumeister and lochen Canobbi, "Biographie," in Willi 
Baumeister GemaUi (exh cat by Angela Schneider, 
Berlin Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 
1989), 42 

2 Concerning the motivation lor Baumeisters 
abstraction and Dada collage technique, see Peter 
Chametzky "Marginal Comments, Oppositional Work 
Willi Baumeisters Confrontation with Nazi Art," and 
Rene Hirner, "Anmerkungen zu Willi Baumeisters Hin- 
wendung zum Archaischen, both in Willi liaumasttr 
Zeicbnundm. Gouacben. Collagen (exh cat, Stuttgart 
Staatsgalene, 1989), 266-68 and 47-48, respectively 

3 "Die Aufgaben der Kunstlerhilfe, in Frankfurter 
Nacbricbttn. no 28, supplement I, January 28, 1930, 
quoted in Christine Hoplengart, "Baumeister und die 
Offentlichkeit," in Willi Baummter Gemalde, 117 

4 frant/urttr Nacbncbltn. no 28, January 28, 1930, 
cited in Hirner, "Anmerkungen," 47 

5 Ibid 

6 "De Ian abstrait. III Reponse de Willi Baumeis- 
ter," Cahiers dart 6, no 4 11931] 215-16 

7 Willi Baumeister, diary entry August 18, 1937 
(see note I), cited in Karg- Baumeister and Canobbi, 
"Biographie," 45 

8 Chametzky "Marginal Comments," 259, 263, 268 

9 Willi Baumeister, oral communication to Hellmut 
Lehmann-Haupt, November 18, 1950, published in 
Lehmann-Haupt, Art under a Dictatorship (New York 
Oxford University Press, 1954), 87 

10 Baumeister to Lehmann-Haupt (see note 9) 

It Zwxscben Widerstand und Anpassund Kunsl in Deutscb- 
land mj-t945 (exh cat, Berlin Akademie der Kunste 
1978), 94 

12 Willi Baumeister, letter to Heinz Rasch, June 20, 
1942, cited in Zunscfcm Widerstand und Anpassuna. 94-95 

Herbert Bayer 

Max Beckmann 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Gelbtr KonVr (Yellow body) 

c 1918 

Painting, medium unknown, 

90 x 80 cm (35% x 31'A in I 

Donated in 1921 to the Kunsthalle Karlsruhe 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16068 

On commission to Buchholz, location unkno 



Painting, medium unknown, 

116 x 78 cm (45% x 30V, in I 

Catalogue raisonne Grohmann 271 

Acquired in 1926 by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16055 

On commission to Buchholz, April 1939, location 

Tiscbgesellscbajl (Group at a table) 


Painting, medium unknown, 

140 x 95 cm (55'A x 37 J /s in ) 

Acquired in 1927 by the Kunsthalle Mannhi 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16064 

On commission to Buchholz, location unkn 

Dm Motitrwrf (Three mechanics) 


Painting, medium unknown, 

129 x 99 cm (50>/< x 39 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Grohmann 261 

Acquired in 1930 by the Nationalgale 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16067 


Afeslrnitr Sitzfgur (Abstract seated figure) 

Plate 2 from Bauhaus Portfolio III 

c 1921 

Lithograph, 38 7 x 275 cm (1514 x I07« in ) 

Catalogue raisonne VCingler 111/2 

Acquired by the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne 

Room G2, NS inventory no I629P 

Location unknown, this print Fiorella Urbinati 


Born 1900 

Hiuul Upper Austria 

Died 1985 
Sanla Barbara, 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 

Landschafi im Tesmt (Landscape in Ticino 


Painting, medium unknown, 

32 9 x 62 7 cm 113 x 24% in) 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Es 1 

Room Gl, NS inventory no 16179 

Location unknown 

New York New York 

Upon hearing the broadcast of Hitler's 
speech at the opening of the Haus der Deut- 
schen Kunst in Munich on July 18, 1937, 
Max Beckmann finally comprehended the 
unmistakable professional and personal 
implications of National Socialist art policies 
He recognized himself as one of the so- 
called Kunstzwerge (art dwarfs) that Hitler 
derided in his tirade 

Beckmann had already experienced 
ramifications of the regime's art politics in 
March 1933 he was dismissed from Frank- 
furt's Stadelschule/Kunstgewerbeschule 
(Municipal school/School of applied arts) 
Also in 1933 a gallery devoted to his 
paintings, which had been opened the 
previous year at the Kronprinzenpalais 
(Nationalgalene), Berlin, by the director 
Ludwig Justi, was closed by Justi's Nazi- 
appointed successor, Alois Schardt Works 
by Beckmann were included in a Stuttgart 
SchandaussteUuttg (abomination exhibition) 
entitled Novembertjeist Kunst mi Dienste der 
Zersetzung (Spirit of November Art in 
the service of subversion), and a scheduled 
Beckmann exhibition at the museum in 
Erfurt was canceled 

This was unaccustomed treatment for 
an artist who had often "been raised to 
Mount Olympus," 1 as a Frankfurt critic later 
observed By age twenty-two, in 1906, he 
had already received recognition from the 
Berlin Kunstlerbund (Art association) and 
his painting Junge Manner am Meer (Young 
men at the seashore) was honored with a 
prize that included a stipend to study at the 
Villa Romana in Florence In 1913 Beckmann 
was given a solo exhibition at the Calerie 
Cassirer in Berlin, Hans Kaiser wrote 
the first Beckmann monograph, and the 

respected critics K.ul Schefflei ( urt Clasei 

and Max ( (shorn praised Ins work 

Beckmann enlisted as a medical orderly 
in the German army in 1915, and the misery 
and carnage thai he witnessed provoked a 
nervous bieakdown As a result ol his war 
experiences and his breakdown his style 
changed completely angular tonus and Hat 
color replaced the romantic painterly com- 
positions of the prewar years His new work 
was hrst exhibited in Frankfurt in 1919 and 
critics again responded positively Directors 
Georg Swarzenski and I ritz Wichert pur- 
chased his Kmaabnabmi (Deposition, tig 164) 
and ( ItinIks umi Jie Ehibrccherm ( C'hrist and 
the adulteress, rig 163) for the art museums 
in Frankfurt and Mannheim, respectively 

The years 1924-30 marked the height 
ot Beckmann's popularity A second mono- 
graph, written jointly hy Glaser, lulius 
Meier-Graefe, Wilhelm Fraenger, and 
Wilhelm Hausenstein was puhlished in 
1924 The dealer I H Neumann signed 
Beckmann to a three-year contract in July 
1925, guaranteeing him an income of 10,000 
reichsmarks per year against sales, and 
three months later the artist was engaged 
as a master teacher at the Stadelschule 
in I rankturt In 1928 the first museum 
retrospective of his work was organized 
in Mannheim by Gustav F Hartlaub, and 
the Nationalgalerie in Berlin purchased his 
Sclbstbilanis im Smoking (Self-portrait in tux- 
edo) Beckmann received fourth honorable 
mention at the Carnegie International in the 
United States in 1929, in 1930 another retro- 
spective followed in Basel and Zurich, and 
his first solo exhibition in Paris opened at 
the Calene de la Renaissance with the Ger- 
man ambassador in attendance The critic 
for Li Fijiiro dubbed him a "German 

Beckmann did not begin to understand 
the extent of the changes that would be 
effected by National Socialist art policies 
until 1932 The culmination of those policies 
was, of course, the Entartttc Kuiisl exhibition 
of 1937 Cbristus umi Jn Ehebrecberin and 
Knuzabnahme were among the first paintings 
encountered by visitors as they entered the 

Figure 162 
Beckmann, SelbstbMn 

ill rotrnt Scfcal (Sell-portrait with red scarf), 1917 

Enljrltlr Kunll 

first room, which was devoted to pictures 
with religious themes Hitler had reached a 
concordat with the Catholic Church in July 
1933 and was sensitive to any affront to 
Christianity The malformed, emaciated fig- 
ure of Christ that dominates the Kreuzab- 
nabme exemplified to the authorities a 
heinous disregard for the sanctity of the sol- 
emn moment depicted Concomitantly the 
subject of Christ forgiving an adulteress was 
deemed an unfit topic the breaking of the 
marriage contract and the undermining 
of the family were not in keeping with 
National Socialist ideology which stressed 
the family as central in the rebuilding of 

The subject of Pariscr Fastnacht (Parisian 
carnival, fig 95) was a favorite theme for 
Beckmann Here threatening sexual imag- 
ery dominated the representation of the 
secularized Lenten celebration In the fourth 
room of the upper floor was the Selbstbildttis 
mil rolem Scbal (Self-portrait with red scarf, 
fig 162) of Beckmann in his studio in Frank- 
furt, with the spires of the Dreikonigskirche 
visible to the left The painting had been 
purchased by the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart in 
1926 for 3,000 reichsmarks and was con- 
signed to the Calerie Fischer auction in 
Lucerne after its display in Entartete Kuitst 
It did not meet its reserve, was privately 
acquired for 55 Swiss francs after the 
auction, and returned to the Stuttgart 
museum in 1948 

The imagery of the artist's Stilleben mil 
Musikmstrumenten (Still life with musical 
instruments, fig 167) was autobiographical 
Beckmann had become interested in Amer- 
ican jazz, the rage in Germany during 
the 1920s The saxophone on the left is 
inscribed "Bar African," a reference to the 
origins of jazz, that on the right bears the 
words "[exhibition New York" (Beckmann's 
first American solo exhibition had opened at 
Neumann's New York gallery in April 1926) 
To the National Socialists the painting repre- 
sented references to an "inferior race" and 
exemplified the spirit of Weimar Germany 
which they continually endeavored to dis- 
credit Nearby was hung Das Nizza in 

Frankfurt am Mam (Nizza Park in Frankfurt 
am Main, fig 165) Despite its benign sub- 
ject, the spatial organization of the work 
did not meet National Socialist aesthetic 
standards and was attributed to defects 
in the artist's vision or to charlatanism 

There were eleven lithographs and 
etchings by Beckmann in the galleries on 
the ground floor The portfolio Berliner Reise 
(Berlin journey) was represented by Die Bet- 
tier (The beggars, fig 173), which addressed 
the predicament of the war-wounded and 
disparaged military conscription, Enttauschte 
II (The disappointed II, fig 174), depicting 
the apathy of the Germans after the murders 
of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, 
and Nackttanz (Striptease, fig 176), which 
suggested the implicit conflict between the 
classes as represented by performers and 
audience Litbespaar I (Lovers I, fig 170), an 
illustration of brutality depicted in "degen- 
erate" art as inherent in male-female 
encounters, was from the portfolio Gesichter 
(Faces), and amoral carnality was also the 
theme of the etching Umamutij) (Embrace, 
fig 177) 

Beckmann's inclusion in the Entartete 
Kumt exhibition signaled the end of his 
career in Germany His pronounced ide- 
ological differences with the new regime did 
not allow for compromise On the opening 
day of the exhibition Beckmann and his wife 
fled to Amsterdam, and he never returned to 

After the difficult war years in Holland, 
Beckmann determined to emigrate to the 
United States, and in 1947 he accepted a 
temporary teaching position at Washington 
University in Saint Louis In 1949 he was 
invited to become a professor of painting 
and drawing at the Brooklyn Museum 
School of Art in New York, where he 
remained until his death on December 27, 
1950 (D G) 


I H T Wust, "Damn wir nicht vcrgessen, was 

fruher gewesen ist," Frankfurter Volhsblatt, July I, 1939, 
reprinted in Joseph Wulf, Die biUmdm Kumte m Driltra 
Reicb Erne Dokummtation (Frankfurt/Berlm/Vienna 
Ullstein, 1983), 365 

Work in Entartete Kunsl 

Oislus utid die Bbebrecberm 

(Christ and the woman taken in adultery) 


Oil on canvas, 149 2 x 126 7 cm (58V, x 497, m ) 

Catalogue raisonne Copel 197 

Acquired in 1919 by the Kunsthalle Mannheim 

Room 1, NS inventory no 15936 

The Saint Louis Art Museum, 

bequest of Curt Valentin, 1955 

Figure 163 

Knuzabnabmt (Deposition, Descent from the cross) 


Oil on canvas, 151 2 x 128 9 cm (59 'A x 50 ! A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Copel 192 

Acquired in 1919 by the Stadtische Calerie, Frankfurt 

Room I, NS inventory no 15933 

The Museum of Modern Art, New York, 

Curt Valentin Bequest, 1955 

Stlbstbildnis mil rotm Sc/wl (Self-portrait with red scarf) 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 60 cm (3I'A x 237. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cope! 194 

Acquired in 1924 by the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16026, Fischer lot 13 

Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, 1948 

Figure 162 

Nizza (Nizza Park) 

Das Nizza m Frankfurt aw Mam 

(Nizza Park in Frankfurt am Main) 


Oil on canvas, 1005 x 655 cm (39'A x 25'/< in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Copel 210 

Acquired in 1922 by the Stadtische Calerie, Frankfurt 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16097 

Offenthche Kunstsammlung Basel, Kunstmuseum, 1939 

Figure (65 

Doppetbildnis Karneval (Double portrait, carnival) 
Maskmball (Masked ball) 

Max B mil Qwppi (Max B with Quappi) 


Oil on canvas, 160 x 1055 cm (63 x 41'/] in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Copel 240 

Acquired in 1925 by the Stadtische Calerie, Frankfu 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16226, Fischer lot 12 

Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, 1953 

Figure 166 

' I 


s v 




feckmann ( brishe mi&it Bbdmcbirm ( hrisl and the 
adultery), 1917 



Figure 164 

Beckmann, Krtuzabnahme I )eposition 1 L 'I7 

Figure Ib6 

Beckmann, /)o/»MmMhis fGiniawl (Double portrait carnival 1925 

Figure 167 

Beckmann, SlilMwi mil Munhmlrummlm I Still life with musical instruments), 1926 

Figure 168 

Beckmann, Ocfesmsta/I (Ox 

} igure 169 

Rcckmann Badtkabine Huh cubicle 1928 


Sllflcfm mil Muiilrimlrummlril 

Still lite with musk i| instrui 

1 I 257 
Acquired In 1927 by ib>- Su 
Room 5 Ns Inventory no k I I 
Stadtlsi hi i lak rli Im StaoV iichei * ui 
I rankfurl im Mali I 

/i.ji... M 

...; iii. i„.„ i, 


Painting medlun i now n 

173 ■ 1 68 « 118% m 

C atalogui i H h l ii 'p. I 2t,7 

V quired in 1427 bv the Stadnsth. I 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16031 
Location unknown 

Figure 170 

Beckmann. Lnbr,paar I l Lovers I), 1916 

IU,Umu (Bath cubicle) 


i 'il on i anvas, 70 x 85 cm (27'/, x 33K in 

( atalogue raisonne' Copel 297 

Acquired in 1930 by the Neue Staatsgalerie Mun 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16135 

Bayerische Staatsgcmaldcsammlungen, Munich, 

Staatsgalerie moderner Kunst Munich 1947 

Figure t69 

Piimer FiislmKhl i Parisian carnival 


Oil on canvas, 214 5 x 100 5 cm 34 t 39 

Catalogue raisonne Copel 322 
Acquired in 1912 by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 
Room 3, NS inventory no 16002 
Staatsgalerie moderner Kunst, Munich, 1974 
Fiqurt 95 

Ocfesmslii/ (Ox stall 


Oil on canvas, 86 x 118 cm (337. x 46Vi in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Copel 375 

Acquired by exchange in 1914 by the Nationalgalene, 


Room 6, NS inventory no 16128 

Museum Wiesbaden, Verein zu Forderung der 

bildendcn Kunst in Wiesbaden e V, Sammlung Hanna 

Bekker vom Rath, 1987 

Litbtipaar 1 1 Lovers 1 1 

Exhibited as iiwchtungmei Paar (Embracing couple 

Plate 4 Irom the portfolio (irsicrilrr (Faces I 


Etching, 23 3 x 296 cm 19'. x IP. in 

Catalogue raisonne Hofmaier 88 

Acquired by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16451 

Location unknown, this print Alan Frumkin, 

New York 

FljKlf 1711 

Kreuzabnabme (Deposition) 

Plate 1 1 from the portfolio Gesicker ( Faces) 


Etching, 30 3 x 25.5 cm (11% x 10 in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Hofmaier 131 

Acquired by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room G2, NS inventory nos 16361 and 16450 

Location unknown, this print Collection of the 

Crunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, University of 

California, Los Angeles, gift of Mr and Mrs Stanley I 

Talpis I Los Angeles only); Alan Frumkm, New York 

(Chicago only) 

Figure 171 

Gardtwbt (Dressing room) 
Exhibited as Paar (Couple) 

Plate 2 from the portfolio Drr iahrmarh (The annual 



Etching, 207 x 147 cm (8'A x 5 ! A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Hofmaier 192 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16453 

Destroyed, this print Los Angeles County Museum 

of Art, The Robert Core Rifkind Center for German 

Expressionist Studies, M 82 28819b (Los Angeles 

only), Alan Frumkm, New York (Chicago only) 

?«,«« ,72 

Die Celt/rr I The beggars) 

Plate 7 from the portfolio Berliner Rrise (Berlin jou 


Lithograph, 465 x 335 cm (18 1 /, x 1314 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Hofmaier 219 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16448 

Destroyed, this print Alan Frumkm, New York 

Figure (73 

Dii Fnllamcklm H (The disillusioned II) 
Plate 6 from the portfolio Btrlinir (B 

Lithograph, 48 x 38 cm ( 187. x 15 in ) 
Catalogue raisonne Hofmaier 218 
Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Bei 
Room C2, NS inventory no 16313 
Destroyed, this print Alan Frumkm, Ne 
Figure 174 

rlin lourney) 

Figure 171 

Beckmann, Krtuzabnabme (Deposition), 191) 

Figure 172 

Beckmann, Garderobr (Dressing room), 1921 

Figure 174 

Beckmann, Die Enttamcblen 11 (The disillusioned II), 1922 

Figure 173 

Beckmann, Die Beltler (The beggars), 1922 

Fastnacht Mardi | 

1 ■ ' ; 


I tching 321 x 245 cm (12 

I atatogui raisonru I lofmaii i 131 

Acquired by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room (.: NS inventory no if>4^2 

I > m Jin in unknown, this prinl < ollei tion ol the 

Crunwald C enter foi thi I iraphii Arts, University <>\ 

California, Los Angeles gifl ol Mi and Mrs Stanley I 

lalpis I os Angeles only Man I rum kin, New York 

( In. i; nly) 

Figure m 

I igure 175 

Beckmann, Fastnacht (Mardi gras), 1922 

Nackttanz (Striptease) 

Plate i from the portfolio Berliner Rose I 


Lithograph, 475 x 375 cm ' in ' , x 14 , 
Catalogue raisonne I fofmaier 216 
Acquired by the Stadtmuseum Dresdcr 
Room C,2 NS inventory no 16314 
Location unknown, this print Alan In 
New York 
Figure 176 

Herlm journey] 

Figure 176 

Beckmann, Nackttam Striptease ©23 

Figure 177 

Beckmann, Umarmun* (Embr; 

Unuimunij I Embraced 


Etching, 42 x 24 5 cm (16V: x '»' i in 

Catalogue raisonne Hofmaier 236 

Acquired by the kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16402 

Location unknown, this print Alan I rumkin 

New York 

Figure (77 

Unidentified print exhibited as ( hristus uiui Titon. 

(Christ and Thomas I 

Etching, dimensions unknown 

Acquired bv the kupterstichkabinett Dresden 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16350 

Location unknown 

Unidentified print exhibited as Drehorttelnuntt 

(Hurdy-gurdy man' 

Medium unknown, dimensions unknown 

Original location unknown 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16449 

Location unknown 

Two unidentified graphic works 

Medium unknown, dimensions unknown 

Original location unknown 

Room C.2, NS inventory nos 16454 and 16455 

Location unknown 

Rudolf Belling 

Born 1886 

Died 1972 

After his schooling and several jobs, Rudolf 
Belling apprenticed with a Berlin company 
specializing in small, three-dimensional 
decorations while he attended night classes 
in drawing and sculpture He worked inde- 
pendently from 1908 onward, completing 
commissions for theater owner and producer 
Max Reinhardt and other theatrical patrons 
In 1912 he began to study with the sculptor 
Peter Breuer at the Kunstakademie (Acad- 
emy of art) in Berlin-Charlottenburg, and 
in 1914 he exhibited in the Crosse Berliner 
Kunstausstellung (Great Berlin art exhibition! 

After the First World War, into which 
Belling was drafted in 1915, he became one 
of the original members of the revolutionary 
Novembergruppe (November group) in 1918 
and a member of the Arbeitsrat fur Kunst 
(Workers' council for art) He had significant 
solo exhibitions in 1919 at Calerie Curlitt in 
Berlin (where a plaster version of Dreiklang 
[Triad, fig 178] was shown), Galerie 
Flechtheim in Diisseldorf in 1920, and 
Galerie Goyert in Cologne in 1921 

On a more exotic note, Belling made 
the mask for the main character of the film 
Der Goletn (The golem), designed the first 
kinetic fountain, made three-dimensional 
advertising structures with architect Wassili 
Luckhardt, and designed decorations for the 
Scala Casino in Berlin In 1924 he received a 
one-man exhibition at the Nationalgalerie, 
which acquired a version of Dreiklang in 
wood A number of his commissions at 
this time, until 1932, were from German 
and Dutch labor unions In 1931 he was 
elected to membership in the prestigious 
Preussische Akademie der Kiinste (Prussian 

Figure 178 

Belling, Drtiklang (Triad), 1924 

Paul Bmdel 

academy <>l .uis and Ins work was repre 
sented in exhibits in New York and Zurich 

Belting's teaching abilities made it 
possible lor him to leave Germany when 
the artistic climate worsened In 1935 he 
exhibited and taught at the Anot Art School 
in New York and in i l H7 through the inter 
vention ol (he audited Hans Poelzig, he 
emigrated to Turkey and taught at the Acad- 
emy of Art and the Technical University in 
Istanbul until 1965 While he was in Turkey, 
his studio in Berlin containing many models 
tor Ins work was destroyed in a bombing 

A number ol Bclling's works were con- 
fiscated and destroyed in Germany in the 
late 1930s Ironically, his two works in EnUir- 
lete KuhsI, the Cubist-influenced Drtiklanti 
and Kopf (Head, fig 1791, both impounded 
trom the Berlin Nationalgalerie, were 
quickly removed from tde exdibition when 
it was pointed out that his bronze of the 
boxer Max Schmeling was on view at the 
same time in the officially approved 
Croat Deutsche Kunstausstaluni) (Great 
German art exhibition) 

In 1955 the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many awarded Belling a medal, and he was 
reinstated in the Preussische Akademie In 
1961 he received Berlin's city art prize He 
returned to Germany from Turkey in 1966 
and settled in Municd, wdere de was given a 
major retrospective exdibition in 1967 and 
an donorary doctorate by the Technical 
University 1 (PC) 


I Sec Will. Woltradt, Die ntut Plaslik, 3d cd 

(Berlin E Reiss, 19201, J A Schmoll gen Eisenwerth, 
"Turn Werk Rudolf Belling," in Rwiolj Brllimj (exh cat 
by Helga Dorothea Hofmann, Munich Calerie Wolf- 
gang Ketterer, 19671, Waldemar Crzimek, Drulscbr 
BiM/wurr Jn zu'ilrtzitfstm !,ilir/ium(rrls Libnt, Sckkloi, 
Wrrtuiuio! (Munich Heinz Moos, 1969), and Winfried 
Nerdinger, Rudolf BtUint] und Jit K'uwshtromundni in Berlin 
(<X8-(MJ (Berlin Deulscher Verlag fur kunst 
wissenschaft, 1981) 

Figure 179 

Belling, Kopj (Head). 1925 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 


Hon: 1894 


Death dale 


Work in Entartete Kunst" 

Kmibt mil Lampion Boy with paper lantern 

MartilKJundt I Martinmas bov 


Painting, medium unknown, 

77x73 cm (30 V. x2SV, in I 

Acquired in 1926 by the Stadtische Kunsts; 


Room 7, NS inventory no 14166 

Location unknown 

DrakUmg i Triad I 


Wood, height 90 cm 135% in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Nerdinger 20 

Acquired in 1924 by the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15029 

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Nationalgalerie, Berln 

1949, this version bronze, cast after 1950, private 


Fit/urr 178 

Kopj I Head I 

Porlral Tom FrrcJm I Portrait of Ton! Freeden) 


Brass, 383 x 22 5 x 22 cm (I5V« x 87. x 8V. in 

Catalogue raisonne Nerdinger 49 

Acquired in 1928 by the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15047 

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Nationalgalerie, Berhi 

1949, this version Walker Art Center, Minneapolis 

gift of the T B Walker Foundation 

Fijiirt 179 

Theo Briin 

Max Burchartz 

Fritz Burger Muhlf eld 

Born (887 

Died 1961 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Dfr Scbauspitlet (The actor) 


Wood, height c 60 cm 1 23''. in I 

Acquired by the Stadtisches Museum, Hagen 

Room 3, NS inventory no unrecorded 

Location unknown 

SlilMim mil zuiei K.iniifii (Still life with two jugs) 


Painting, medium unknown, 74 x 56 cm (29'/. x 22 i 

Acquired in 1923 by the Landesmuseum, Hannover 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16221 

Location unknown 

The son of a factory worker, Fritz Burger- 
Muhlfeld attended the Kunstgewerbeschule 
(School of applied arts) in Munich in 1899 
and then studied with Franz von Stuck and 
Gabriel von Hackel at the Munich Kunst- 
akademie (Academy of art) In 1909 he 
began teaching a class in graphics at the 
Werkkunstschule (Craft school) in Han- 
nover He enlisted in the German army 
in 1914 and served at the front in France, 
Belgium, and Russia 

m ■ 




% - 

* BURSfUS!!*.' 

Burger-MuhHeld, Abstraktc Komposition (Abstr, 
composition), 1923 

Paul Camenisch 

Heinrich Campendonk 

Upon In-, return in 1916 Bui 
Muhlfeld cofounded the I lannoversche 
Sezession Hannover secession and began 
to partk ipate along with Otto ( lleichmann, 
in the Sezession's exhibitions In 1918 he was 
appointed professor at the Vverkkunstschule 
I It developed his partk ulai style ol painting 
geometi i< t ompositions on glass at this time. 
he exhibited these works in 1923 at Her- 
warth Walden's Galerie l)er Sturm in Berlin 
I lis work was also included in exhibitions 
ol the Berlinei Sezession Berlin Secession 
and was acquired by several museums 

Two of Burger-Mtihlfeld's paintings, 
Abilraktt (Composition -Abstract composition, 
tit; I s ' 1 and /m flbMtw (In the theater) were 
seized in 1937 from the Provinzialmuseum 
in Hannover Abstrakll Komposition, oil on 
glass, and another painting, Kreiscnac Formen 
(Circling forms), from an unspecified col- 
lection, were included in the Errdirlefe Kuiisl 

Burger Muhlfeld served in the army 
of the Third Reich on the Russian front in 
1942 On the occasion of his sixtieth birth- 
day in 1963, he was given an exhibition at 
the Augsburger Schaezler-Palais ' 'S B 

1 See Werner Schumann, /Wr-AMI/fU 

Cottingen Musterschmidt Verlag, 1967) 

Work in Entartete Kunst" 

Kmsm&t Formm i Circling forms) 
Exhibited as Abstmkk KomposilioH 
Vbstracl composition) 

Oil on glass 43 \ ]4i cm 16 ■ 9 il 
Original location unknown 
Room 7 NS inventory no unrecorded 
Location unknown 

AbUraktr Kompostltoti 'Abstract composition 

Gtstajftlta k.ium 1 Layered space) 


( 'il .in glass, 46 x 27 cm US'- x 10 in 

Acquired in 1929 by the Provinzialmuseum Hannover 

Room 7 NS inventory no 1421 1 

Private collection 

Figure 180 

Bom 1893 

Zurich Switzerland 

1 in. 1 1 i" 1 

Basel Switzerland 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

m&msln Bilibaum Htrmam Scbew 

l'< in r. nt of the soil plot I le 1 tn. 1 nn Si herei 
Painting, medium unknown, 114 x 791 cm 

44 - s II 1 . Ill 

Acquired by the Museum lolkwang I ssen 
Stiftung von i: L Kirchner 
Room 3, NS inventory no 15968 

C ampendonk was an Expressionist from 

the Rhineland a former pupil of the Dutch 
painter, mosaieist and stained glass designer 
Ian Thorn-Prikker at the Kunstgewerbe- 

Schule School ol applied arts in kit l< Id 
( ampendonk became the youngest member 
of the Bltfitt Ktiter 1 Blue Rider- group in 1911 
At the invitation ol August Macke he moved 
to Sindelsdorf in Bavaria to be close to 
Franz Marc and to participate in the two 
Blaue Keiler exhibitions at Galerie Thann- 
hauser and Calene Coltz in Munich 
Emulating the styles of Marc Chagall, 
Wassily Kandinsky and Marc, Campendonk 
developed his own decorative style of paint- 
ing, depicting images of idyllic scenery in 
which he placed fairy-tale people and ani- 
mals He participated in the Enter deutscher 
Herbstsalon (First German autumn salon in 
1913 at Herwarth Walden's Calerie Der 
Sturm in Berlin, initiating an association 
that would come to haunt him later in life 
Campendonk's commercial success before 
the First World War was sporadic He told 
Walden that before the war the Frankfurt 
dealer Alfred Flechtheim had taken all his 
pictures, and whenever something sold he 
gave the artist 75 reichsmarks per month ' 

After the war Campendonk became 
a member of the Arbeitsrat fur Kunst 
1 Workers' council for art), another affiliation 
that was hurtful to his career when the 
National Socialists came to power a few 
years later In 1921 his contact with 
Katherine Dreier's Socicte Anonyme pro- 
vided for his first exhibition in the United 
States he would succeed Kandinsky as vice- 
president of the Societe in 19441 The 1920s 
marked a series of successes for the young 


Figure 181 

Campendonk, Btrgzitgtn (Mountain goats), 1917 

artist an appointment to the municipal 
theater in Kxefeld in 1922 as a stage designer 
was followed immediately by an offer from 
the kunstgewerbeschule in Essen in 1923 In 
1926 he accepted a position at the Diissel- 
dorf Akademie as successor to his teacher, 
Thorn-Prikker, who had been so important 
in the development of modern art in the 
Rhineland The academy was under the 
leadership of Dr Walter Kaesbach, who was 
creating a center for modern art Kaesbach 
also hired Paul Klee, whom Campendonk 
had met during his Blaue Rater days In addi- 
tion to teaching in Dusseldorf Campendonk 
worked mainly on stained-glass windows in 
Thorn-Prikker's style for churches and other 
public buildings In early 1933, however, an 
attack that virtually destroyed his atelier sig- 
naled the beginning of the end of the artist's 
success in Germany 

The enactment of the Gesetz zur 
Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums 
(Professional civil service restoration act) 
on April 7, 1933, prepared the way for the 
dismissal of any art professional on either 
political or racial grounds Campendonk 
received the news of his termination at the 
Dusseldorf Akademie while he was on vaca- 
tion in Norway in the summer of 1933 He 
did not return to Dusseldorf but fled to 
Amsterdam by way of the Ardennes and 
Ostend in Belgium Within weeks examples 
of his work appeared in the exhibition 
Spiegtlbildcr des Verfalh m der Kuml (Images of 
decadence in art), which opened in Dresden 
on September 23, 1933 A review of the 
exhibition in the December 16 issue of the 
illustrated journal of the National Socialist 
party Ulustriertcr Beobachter, mentioned his 
Badende (Bather) of 1920-21, which was 
judged degenerate because of Campendonk's 
use of color and dissolution of form Badmdt 
reappeared in the Entartcte Kwiist exhibition, 
one of six of his works culled from eighty- 
seven that had been removed from public 
collections and museums in Germany His 
painting Sprinjettdes PJerd (Leaping horse) of 
1911 was displayed in the same exhibition 
with the explanatory word Dada appended 
to it It was immaterial to the National 

Socialists thai Campendonk's work was not 
at all socially critical or revolutionary, a fact 
thai was patently obvious from Ins imagery 
ot shepherds ami animals m bucolic settings 

I lis association with W'aldcn's Galerie Der 
Sturm was enough to brand him a "cultural 
Bolshevist" Ironically, at the same time he 
was defamed in his native land, C ampen- 
donk was awarded the grand prize for a 
three-part window design at the Exposition 
HiniYrsfllf in Paris 

On May 10, 1940, Holland was 
occupied by the German Reich With the 
help of Thorn-Prikker — and against con- 
siderable resistance from Dutch artists — 
Campendonk had been appointed to a 
position as professor at the Riiksakademie 
(National academy i in Amsterdam in 1935 
Now; to avoid persecution, he withdrew and 
hid at the home of friends until the end ot 
the war Records in the state archives in 
Koblenz demonstrate that his was a wise 
decision By 1942 Nazi surveillance had 
caught up with him on August 8 National 
Socialist headquarters in The Hague 
requested from Dusseldorf any derogatory 
information that might be on record about 
the artist The Reichskulturkammer (Reich 
chamber of culture i had been instructed to 
censure every activity of Campendonk in 
Germany because he had been promoted 
primarily by the "Communist" periodical Der 
Sturm (The storm! and because he had been 
a member of the Roten Arbeiterrates fur 
die kunst i Red workers' council for art) 
Again, on August 27, the Gestapo wrote to 
Dusseldorf for any information, specifically 
of a criminal or political nature, that might 
be on record about Campendonk On Sep- 
tember 1 1 Dusseldorf issued a response "As 
far as can be determined, as an artist Cam- 
pendonk followed Communistic ideas and 
was a promoter of degenerate art " More 
information was sent on September 24, to 
the effect that in the years after the First 
World War, at the beginning of his career, 
Campendonk s work was not in harmony 
with current artistic standards, although 
it appeared that his creations were less an 
expression of his political leanings than 

a product of the times Campendonk's 

success, and that ot his students outside 
Germany was also mentioned The report 
concluded that it could not be determined 
from the personnel records at the Rhein 
ische Kunstakademie ( Rhenish academy 
ot art) in Dusseldorf whether Campen- 
donk was negatively perceived at the 
academy because of his political beliefs, it 
was only recorded that he was dismissed 
under the terms of the Gesetz zur Wicder- 
herstellung des Berutsbeamtentums - 1 The 
defamatory methods employed by the 
Gestapo relied on insinuation and impu- 
tation, against which the artist had no 
recourse The persecution caused trauma for 
Campendonk, as it did tor many other exiles 
in similar situations, even years after the 
actual experience 

Campendonk remained in Amsterdam 
after the war, fulfilling a number of stained- 
glass commissions for public institutions in 
several cities, including Bonn, Dusseldorf, 
Essen, and Munster In 1956, a year before 
his death, he was awarded the Quellinus 
Prize by the city of Amsterdam (D G ) 


1 Theda Shapiro, fiinilm ,md Politics Thr Europran 
Aomt-GaiJt and Socnty (New York Elsevier, 1976), 75 

2 Vrrbolm. mjolgl Kumttliklatw m j Rticfc (exh cat 
by Barbara Lepper, Duisburg Wilhelm-Lehmbruck- 
Museum, 1983), 68-71 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

S(irini)mJr- /'("J I raping h 

c 1912 

Painting medium unknown 

C atalogue raisonne' Firmenich 144 
Donated in 1924 to the Natkmalgale 
Room \ NS inventory no IS'iX-l 
Location unknown 

/WniJr Fmuoi mil Fisih I Bathing women with lish 

Exhibited as [itiJtnJt Mcmptibcba Bather mermaid 


Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 

Catalogue raisonne Firmenich 502 

D Stegmann, on loan to the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16199 

Location unknown 

BtigzitQm I Mountain goats 

Exhibited as Blumm u»i Ttcrr i Flowers and animals! 


Oil on canvas, 74 3 x 489 cm (29% x I9M in 

Catalogue raisonne Firmenich 692 

Acquired in 1926 by the Stadtische Calerie, Frankfurt 

Room Gl, NS inventory no 16 198 

A Alfred Taubman 

Fidun mi 

Tint uiJ Hirlr (Animals and herdsman' 



Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 

Catalogue raisonne Firmenich 834 

Donated in 1921 to the Kunsthalle Karls 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15981 

Location unknown 

Im Ijtbirjt I In the mountains 

Exhibited as fflumni uiiJ Titrt I Flowers and animals 


Oil on canvas, 98 x 140 cm (38'/! x 55V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Firmenich H4| 

Acquired in 1922 bv the Stadtische Galenc, Frankfurt 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16090 

On commission to Buchholz, sold 1940, location 


Zu'fi Frauen m rmrm Trick (Two women in a pond) 

Painting, medium unknown, dimensions unknov, 

Original location unknown 

Room Cl NS inventory no 16200 

Location unknown 

Karl Caspar 

Born (879 
\' Friedricbsbafm 

Died (956 

Karl Caspar was the only artist based in 
Munich who was included in the Entarlete 
Kims! exhibition A well-known figure in 
the city's artistic life and a professor at the 
Munich Akademie, where he had held a 
chair since 1922, Caspar was particularly 
admired, especially by the progressive 
clergy for his religious paintings, which 
abstained from the sweetness and sentimen- 
tality that was dominant at the beginning of 
the century His multipartite altarpiece of 
1916 depicting the Passion of Christ, now in 
the crypt of the Liebfrauenkirche (Church 
of Our Lady) in Munich, was well received 
and led to a variety of commissions from 
that church ' 

Caspar cofounded the Neue Miinchner 
Sezession (New Munich secession) in 1914 
and as a two-term president was instrumen- 
tal in promoting a number of important 
exhibitions, including the work of Lovis 
Corinth and large collections of modern 
art He served on the presidium of the 
Deutscher Kiinstlerbund (Association of 
Cerman artists) Caspar had a number of 
national and international exhibitions and 
in 1927 received a prestigious commission 
to paint the choir of Bamberg Cathedral 
The cities of Munich and lllm organized 
large retrospective exhibitions in honor 
of his fiftieth birthday in 1929 

The persecution of Caspar by the 
National Socialists began in 1932, although 
as early as 1928 the party paper, Vblkhcber 
Beobachler, had printed insulting remarks 
about the artist and his work He began to 
receive derogatory postcards from anony- 
mous writers criticizing his painting More 
publicly in the June 15, 1932, issue of the 
Volkiscber Beobachler, critic Franz Hofmann 

Figure 182 

Caspar, Auferstebunjj (Resurrection), 1926 

described Caspar's pictures as looking "as if 
they have been painted with elbows dipped 
in paint " 2 In 1933, after he refused to sign a 
protest against author Thomas Mann in one 
of the Nazi-initiated "signatory actions" 
trumped up to discredit well-known enemies 
of the regime, Caspar was informed that his 
Cerman sensibilities were clearly not reli- 
able He was also told that it appeared that 
he neglected to teach form properly in his 
classes and that he would have to learn to 
paint differently in keeping with the new 
spirit In order to continue working, Caspar 
became a member of the obligatory 
Reichskammer der bildenden Kiinste (Reich 
chamber of visual arts) in 1934, nonetheless, 
his design for a stained-glass window for 
Augsburg Cathedral was rejected 

In February 1935 Caspar was required 
to submit documentation of Aryan ancestry 
for himself and his wife, the painter Maria 
Caspar-Filser One of her works, accepted 
for the exhibition 50 Jabre Miinchner Land- 
schaftsmalerei und Bildnisplastik (Fifty years of 
Munich landscape painting and portrait 

sculpture) at the Neue Pinakothek in 1936, 
was removed by Adolf Wagner, National 
Socialist leader for the Munich district, 
because it was deemed "degenerate " In May 
1937 the Caspars exhibited their work for 
the last time at the Kunsthaus Schaller in 
Stuttgart That year Caspar was put in the 
position of having to guide Adolf Hitler 
through various artists' studios in Munich 
and had to listen to the Fiihrer's comments 
even about his own work On one such 
occasion Caspar reportedly told the chan- 
cellor, "Excellency you don't understand 
anything about this" 3 

Caspar and his wife were represented 
in the seventh gallery on the upper floor of 
Entartete Kunst, along with faculty members 
of several other major Cerman academies 
of art, under the heading, "These are the 
masters who have been teaching Cerman 
youth'" His three paintings — Aufersttbutu) 
(Resurrection, fig 182), Drfi Frauen am Grabe 
[Ostersonne) (Three women at the tomb 
[Easter sun]), and Jacob ringi mit dem Engel 
(Jacob wrestling with the angel) — were seen 

Maria Caspar-Filser 

lor only a few days Room 7 was closed to 
tin public shortlv after the exhibition 
opened muc« was possible by special pei 
mission perhaps because the gallery also 
contained a work by I dvard Munch and 
protests had been received from the Nor- 
wegian embassy ' 

Despite his inclusion in Entartett KuhsI 
(, aspar was not dismissed from hts chair at 
the Akademie In August 1937 he asked for a 
leave of absence until his position was Jar 
ified, not until December did he receive an 
answei granting the leave One month later 
Ins former student Hermann Kaspar was 
appointed by the National Socialists to take 
over his classes There was obvious confu 
sion in the press and some documents as a 
result of the similarity of the names, and 
Caspar was also confused with the sculptor 
Ludwig Kaspar upon whose death Maria 
Caspar-Filscr received a letter of condolence 
from the Akademie, calling Kaspar "one of 
our own " s 

Caspar began to fear for his lite, and 
after he experienced a physical breakdown, 
he and his family withdrew in 1939 to their 
country house in Rrannenburg, where he 
was able to build a studio addition the 
following year The torbidden painting 
materials he was able to obtain with the help 
of friends he gave to his wife, however, and 
confined himself to drawing until the end of 
the war He was restored to his post at the 
Akademie in 1946, where as a representative 
of the defamed modern period he attracted 
large numbers of students Caspar resumed 
his role in the art-politics of Munich but 
met with a series of disappointments in his 
efforts to transcend the tendency toward 
mediocrity that characterized the postwar 
activities of rebuilding and restoration His 
proposal that Max Beckmann, Otto Dix, 
Karl Schmidt-Rottluff, and Edwin Scharff be 
appointed to the Akademie was defeated on 
a secret ballot Perhaps his greatest disap- 
pointment was the rejection of his design 
for the crypt of Munich Cathedral as "too 
daring" in 1953,-" four years before his death 
Caspar's work was still considered provoca- 
tive and shocking 7 (D G, P. C) 


1 werner Haftmartn, Banned ami Pmmttal I M toloi 
ibip of Art under Hitler Eileen Martin I ologni 
DuMont I9M <<< 

2 Armin /went "I ran2 I lofmann und die Stadt 
is. h. i lalerie 1937," in Peter Klaus Schuster, ed, D« 

Kunststail Muii.l'oi 1937 NalionalsozuUsmu unJ "EnlarttU 

K i Munich Prestel 1987), 265 

< I leinz Meissnei Munx hen ist ein heii ■ [ 
Boden \bei wit gewinnen ihn allmahiich doch,'" in 
Schuster Di< Kmslstadi Miincben, 47 

4 Zwcite, "Franz Hofmann," 275 

5 Haftmann, Bamtd and Pmeattti 265 

t> Eduard Hindelang ed Karl Caspar am mt 

Langcnargen Museum I angenargi n C "'' "> 

7 Sec also Ham, Ernst Drr Mala Karl < asfai 
Munich Akademie der Kiinste 1953 Karl Caspar 
Das aidmeriscbe Kirk (exh cat, Reutlingen Hans 
Thoma-Cesellschaft, 1973), Peter-Klaus Schuster 
ed , "Miincbai Icucbtete" Karl Caspar und dtt Emeuerung 
c/jrisllicrrrr Kunst in Munchm urn 1900 (exh cat, Munich 
Haus der kunst 1984), and Karl-Heinz Meissner, 
Ofut'rf Vbrza'dntis drr GrapbU ( .isiur (forthcoming) 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

latch ringt mil dm Emlrl i Jacob wrestling with the angel 


Oil on canvas, 110 x 87 cm (4314 x 34% in 

Acquired in 1918 by the Neue Staatsgalene, Munich 

Room 7, NS inventory no 14262 

On commission to Boehmer 1939, location unknown 

Dm Fraum am Grabr (Three women at the tomb) 

Osttrsoime (Easter sum 


Oil on canvas. 95 x 77 cm (37% x 30% in I 

Acquired in 1924 by the Neue Staatsgalene, Mun 

Room 7 NS inventory no 14260 

On commission to Boehmer, 1939 location unkn 

AujtrstAmj (Resurrection 

Ostein i Easter) 


Oil on canvas, 97 x 80 cm ( 38'/. x 31' : in 

Acquired in 1929 by the Stadtische Calene in 

Lenbachhaus, Munich 

Room 7 NS inventory no 14261 

Stadtische Calene im Lenbachhaus, Munich 

FiJurr is2 

Dial i""s 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

laniscbafl h« BaUrn Landscape "ear Baldern 

Wmltrlaitiscbafi (Winter land api 


Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 

Acquired by the Neue Staatsgalene Munich (on 

deposit by the artist 

Room 7 NS inventory no 154 19 

On commission to Boehmer rHM location unkn 

Pol Cassel 

Marc Chagall 

Born (892 

Died 1945 
Kisckinjow, Russia 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Mannlicba fii/dim ( Portrait of a man) 
Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1925 by the Stadtmuseum Dresde 
Room Gl, NS inventory no 16163 
Location unknown 

Born 1887 

Vitebsk, Russia 

Died 1985 
Venct. France 

The two paintings and two watercolors 
by Marc Chagall that were included in the 
£nlijrlflf Knits! exhibition of 1937 in Munich 
were an indication of the Nazis' fear of 
imagination and their hatred for anything 
Jewish or Eastern European The charming 
but powerful translations into visual imagery 
of the artists childhood memories of the 
ghetto in Vitebsk and the tales and fables 
he heard there caused Andre Breton to hail 
him as the rediscoverer of the metaphorical 
content of painting 

Chagall began his art studies in 
Vitebsk in 1907 and later went to Saint 
Petersburg, where for three months he 
attended Leon Bakst's school In 1910 a law- 
yer who had bought two of Chagall's early 
paintings provided him with the means for a 
trip to Paris, where he saw all the contem- 
porary artistic innovations, from Fauvism to 
Cubism, each of which left its mark on his 
works He was able to stay in France until 
1914, because writer Blaise Cendrars per- 
suaded the dealer Malpel to offer Chagall a 
contract that would pay him 250 francs per 
month in return for seven small paintings 

During an evening in the home of the 
poet Cuillaume Apollinaire, Chagall met 
Herwarth Walden A few of Chagall's works 
had been exhibited at Walden's Galerie Der 
Sturm in Berlin in 1913 in the famous frslfr 
deuischer Herbstsalon (First German autumn 
salon), in 1914 Walden put on Chagall's first 
one-man show, with more than two hundred 

Figure 183 

Chagall, Wmttr, 1911/12 

works mi view ( hagall went to Berlin foi .1 
short time to view Ins exhibition and then 
traveled on to Vitebsk to see Ins Future first 
wile Bella 

When wai broke out in 1914 ( hagall 

was drafted into tin- Russian army and had 
a disk job in Saint Petersburg He had a 
small exhibition with a group called lack 
of Diamonds After the revolution he was 
appointed art commissar for Vitebsk, a posi- 
tion he lost when some of the art professors, 
under the leadership of Kasimir Malevich, 
rebelled Moving to Moscow, he painted sets 
for the newly founded lewish State Theater 
When the freedom of artists was curtailed, 
Chagall left Russia, returning in 1922 to 
Germany where according to correspon- 
dence from his friend, poet and essayist 
Ludwig Rubiner, he had become famous 
during the war, in 1917 the Calene Der 
Sturm had organized another one-man 
exhibition included his paintings in many of 
its group exhibitions, and published a book 
on his work ' Chagall's imaginative, meta- 
phorical images had a liberating influence 
on many of the German Expressionists and 
influenced the development of Surrealism 

After Chagall arrived in Berlin in 1922, 
a bitter argument with Walden ensued when 
the artist was offered compensation for the 
works that had been sold during the war 
in nearly worthless inflation currency His 
anger subsided, however, as Walden con- 
tinued to exhibit his work and published 
a second edition ot the book in 1923 The 
Berlin art dealer and publisher Paul Cassirer 
commissioned Chagall to make a series of 
prints to accompany his autobiography, the 
text was later abandoned and the illustra- 
tions published as a portfolio, as well as 
being sold as single prints The Galerie Lutz 
in Berlin gave Chagall another one-man 
exhibition Despite his success in Germany 
Chagall returned to France in 1923 and 
remained there until the war He received 
a one-man exhibition at the Galerie 
Barbazanges-Hodebert in Paris in 1924 

The inclusion of a Russian/French artist 
in Entiirtrfr Kunst was probably due to the 
fact that Chagall had achieved fame in 

Figure i«4 

( hagall Parm or Dnfszmt (Village 

Germany through the Galerie Der Sturm 
exhibitions and the reproduction of many of 
his works in German journals Three ol the 
four works in the exhibition, the paintings 
Dorfszoif (Village scene, fig IH4 : Die Prise 
iRabbmer) (The pinch of snuff [Rabbi], 
fig 118), and Winter (fig 183), were from 
early in his career (1911/18) and were hung 
in the Jewish" gallery 1 Room 2 ' on the 
upper floor 

In 1941, shortly before the Nazis 
occupied France, Chagall accepted an invi- 
tation from the Museum of Modern Art to 
come to New York, where he remained until 
1946, except for a six-month stay in Mexico 
He then returned to France and settled in 
Saint-Paul-de-Vence Among his works, his 
stained-glass windows in New York and 
Jerusalem and his illustrations for the Bible 
and Nicolai Gogol's Dead Souls gained him 
international acclaim : (P G) 


1 Mar, Chagall, Sturm-Bilderbuch, no I (Berlin 
Der Sturm, 1917, 2d ed 1923) 

2 See Marc Chagall. Ma Vk, trans Bella Chagall 
(Pans Stock. 1931). Waldemar George, Marc Chagall, 
Les peintres francos nouveaux, no 31 (Paris Libraine 
Callimard, 19281, lames lohnson Sweeney Marc Chagall 
(exh cat , New York The Museum o( Modern Art, 
1946), Franz Meyer and Hans Bolligcr, Marc Chagall His 
Grapbc Work (London Thames and Hudson, 1957), 
Meyer, Marc Chagall Ltbcn und Wcrk (Cologne DuMont 
Schauberg, 1961), Walter Erben, Marc Chagall, trans 
Michael Bullock, rev ed (New York Praeger 1966) 

Work in Entartete Kunst 



Watercolor and gouache on paper, 48 5 x 62 3 cm 
I 19'/. X 24'': in 

Acquired in 1925 by the Stadtische Calene Frankfurt 
Room 2, NS inventory no 15957, Fischer lot 16 
Ottentliche Kunstsammlung Basel 
Kupferstichkabmett 1939 
Ftgurt is l 

DiePrist (The pinch of snufl 

Rahhmcr i Rabbi i 


Oil on canvas, 117 x 895 cm 16 

Acquired in 1928 by the Kunsthallc Mannheim 

Room 2, NS inventory no 15956 Fischer lot 17 

Kunstmuseum Basel, 1939 

Fulwt lis 


Dorfszcm (Village scene) 

l lOlh is 

Oil on canvas, 50 5 x 72 cm 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang Essen 

Room 2, NS inventory no 15949 

Philadelphia Museum of Art, The Louis E Stern 


Figure isi 

Maimer mil Kuh (Men with cow 
Watercolor, dimensions unknown 
Acquired bv the Museum Folkwang, 
Room C2, NS inventory no 16429 
Location unknown 

Lovis Corinth 

Born (858 

Tapiau, East Prussia 

Twelve years after the death of Lovis Cor- 
inth seven of his paintings were included 
in the Entarlck Kunsl exhibition While he 
was not the only Impressionist and former 
member of the Berliner Sezession ( Berlin 
secession) to be defamed, the National 
Socialists did pay him singular attention In 
Der My thus des 20 Jahrhunderls (The myth of 
the twentieth century, 1930) Nazi ideologue 
Alfred Rosenberg credited Corinth with a 
certain robustness but criticized him for 
favoring the "slimy pallid mongrelization 
that characterized the new Syrian Berlin "' 
Hans Adolf Buhler, the organizer of the 1933 
exhibition Retjieruntfikunst (9(8-1933 (Govern- 
ment art 1918-1933) in Karlsruhe, included 
paintings by Corinth Entartcte Kimst 
organizer Adolf Ziegler used him as an 
example of the degenerate artists whose 
work museum and gallery directors had 
been inclined to exhibit prior to the advent 
of the National Socialist regime and went 
on to imply that Corinth had only become 
interesting to this group after his stroke, 
when he could only produce sick, obscure 
smears 2 

Emblazoned across the wall on which 
Corinth's paintings were exhibited was the 
legend, "Decadence exploited for literary 
and commercial purposes," and under two of 
the works were labels reading, "Painted after 
the first stroke" and "Painted after the second 
stroke"' Corinth's style had indeed been 
transformed in 1911, when, at the age of 
fifty-three, he became ill Deeper emotional 
intensity and a nervous restlessness thereaf- 
ter characterized his work From 1912 until 
his death he produced almost five hundred 
paintings and about one thousand graphics 

Figure 185 

Corinth, Kind m Brtlcfcni (Child in a crib), 1924 

in the new style — about half his life's work 
Not until the advent of the National Socialist 
government was his late style seen as a 
pathological mirror-image of his illness 

Corinth's first change in style — from 
the "realism" he adopted under the tutelage 
of academic painters William Bougereau and 
Tony Robert-Fleury in Paris to one influ- 
enced by Jugendstil and Arnold Bocklin 
in Munich in 1893 — had been far better 
received As a member of the Mtinchner 
Sezession (Munich secession), founded in 
1892, Corinth rejected academicism and the 
techniques of the salon painters that he had 
studied at the Academie Julian in Paris His 
first great success came in 1895 with the sale 
of his KreuZabnahme (Deposition), which had 
won second prize at the exhibition at the 
Munich Glaspalast In 1898, simultaneous 
with a move to Berlin, he abandoned the 
Jugendstil influence The newly founded 
Berliner Sezession and the Calerie Paul Cas- 
sirer were frequently exhibiting the work of 

Paul Cezanne, Paul Gauguin, Vincent van 
Gogh, Edouard Manet, Claude Monet, 
Georges Seurat, and Paul Signac, with Max 
Liebermann and Max Slevogt, Corinth 
became one of the main representatives of 
German Impressionism He opened an art 
school in 1902 that attracted as its first stu- 
dent Charlotte Berend, who became his 
wife, and, beginning in 1907, August Macke 
When the Freie Sezession (Free secession) 
was formed in 1913 with Liebermann at the 
head, Corinth took over the leadership of 
the Berliner Sezession, whose membership 
consisted of the younger generation 4 

At this time Corinth achieved great 
fame as a portrait painter and continued to 
paint pictures of his friends and acquain- 
tances after his stroke In 1924 a portrait of 
the Weimar Republic's president, Friednch 
Ebert, hinted at Corinth's interest in poli- 
tics, as did a death-mask drawing of the 

I i^inc 186 

i orinth Dai Injamscbt Pjtri I [Tie Trojan horse 1924 

Figure IH7 

Corinth, VicrwaliiWimti 

, Nai I'm. (Li,) I ake Lucerne in the afternoon 1924 

Corinth, Bildnii da Malm Brnil GrimvoU I Bortrail o( the 

painter hcrnt Grdnvold 1 ) 1923 

revolutionary Karl Liebknecht in 1920 A 
portrait of Liebknecht as an orator appeared 
in Corinth's Gesammellen Scbrijten (Collected 
works! in 1920, with the caption, "Long live 
world revolution " 5 A self-portrait engraved 
on November 10, 1918, was titled simply 
Revolution Included in Entarlele Kunsl was 
another of Corinth's portraits, a hollow- 
eyed, ghostlike depiction of the painter 
Bernt Gronvold (fig 188), a friend from his 
student days, painted in 1923 

Two hundred ninety-five works by 
Corinth were confiscated from public 
institutions, only seven of these were 
exhibited in Entiirtete Kunsi Three paintings 
were from the Berliner Nationalgalene Kind 
im Bellcben (Child in a crib, fig 185), sold at 
the Calene Fischer auction in Lucerne in 
1939, Das trojanische Pferd (The Trojan horse, 
fig 186), described by gallery director Lud- 
wig lusti as "loosely composed of spots of 
color," which was returned to the gallery 
with the proviso that it not be shown with- 
out special permission, and Ecce Homo (fig 
31), now in the Kunstmuseum Basel Cor- 
inth finished Ecce Homo at Eastertime in 
1925, three months before his death, having 
worked on it for more than ten years The 
painting was bought for the Nationalgalerie 
by lusti, who placed it in an exhibition 
room specially prepared for it 6 In 1931 the 
respected art journalist Karl Scheffler called 
the work "academic art in a state of patho- 
logical dissolution " 7 

The National Socialists condemned 
Corinth's late work as degenerate because of 
its "lack of technical and artistic skill " 8 In 
January 1958, twenty-one years after the 
Enlarkle Kunsl exhibition, the Nationalgalerie 
sponsored a retrospective of Corinth's paint- 
ings, featuring precisely those works 
produced after 1911 (D C) 

Figure 189 

idscbafl (Walchensee landscape), 1924 


1 Reinhard Merker, Die bildmdm Kunsle im 
Nationalsozialismus (Cologne DuMont, 1983), 63 

2 Ibid, 145 

3 loseph Wulf, Dir bildmdm Kmsti im Drill™ Rcicb 
Em, Dokummlalwn (Frankfurt/Berlin/Vienna Ullstein, 
1983), 48 

4 Mechthild Frick, Lows Corinth (Berlin Henschel, 
1984), 5-12 

5 Frick, Lovis Corinth, 1 1 

6 Ibid, 10 

7 Georg Bussmann, "Lovis Corinth The Late 
Works," in Cmmin Art m ibt 20ll' Cmtury Painting and 
SciW/tlurf 1905-1985 (exh cat , London Royal Academy 
of Arts, 1985), 436 

8 Ibid 

Work in "Entartete Kunsl" 


Bildms de> Malm Bern! Cr0.1l.0W 

(Portrait of the painter Bernt Cn 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 60 cm (3I'A x 237. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne: Berend-Connth p 168, pi XX 

Acquired in 1923 by the Kunsthalle Bremen 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16149, Fischer lot 24 

Kunsthalle Bremen 

Figure 188 

Kcgmstimmung am Walchaatr 

(Rainy mood on Walchensee) 

Walcbcnsalandicbajl (Walchensee landscape) 


Painting, medium unknown, 70 x 100 cm 

(27'A x 397, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-Corinth 928 

Acquired in 1935 by the Hamburger Kunsthalle 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16153 

On commission to, sold 1941, location 



Walter Dexel 

Kind i m Bmdm s hild in a crib 

Exhibited as Kind imLmJstall < hild in II 


I HI on canvas S3 (124cm 13 «48 in 
I atalogue raisonn^ Berend-C orinth 946 
Acquired in 1926 by the Nationalgalerie Berlin 

K n 6 N s Inventor] no I6I5Q I isi hi i lot !3 

Vlfred Neven Durvlont ( ologne 1983 

h<lut( M • 

Dm Irojmixbt Pfiri (The Trojan horse) 


Oiion canvas 105 k 135 cm n. < ^^ , in 

Catalogue i.nsonne Berend-( orinth 960 

Donated in 1926 to the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 

Room t. Ns inventory no 1615 ' 

Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesirz, 

Nationalgalerie Berlin, 1953 

FljHff IHft 


IfoniMUslaltarsre .im Nacbmittag 

Lake Lucerne in the afternoon) 


Oil cm canvas, 57 x 75 cm (22ft x 291 in 

Catalogue raisonne Berend-( orinth 95! 

Acquired m 1925 bv the Ncue Staatsgalene, Mi 

Room 6 NS inventory no 16155 

Hamburger Kunsthalle, 1951 

Figurt is7 

Bom ivn 

Aih Iitii 

/ )ied 1970 

Nil i l rim' i 

Bom 1890 

Did 1973 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Monddurchs Foistn (Moon through the window) 


Oil on canvas, 70 x 80 cm i 27", x 31ft in I 

Catalogue raisonne Heusinger von Waldegg 102 

Acquired in 1922 by the Ruhmcshalle 


Room 5 NS inventory no 161 17 

Location unknown 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Loltomoliiir i Locomotive 

c 1921 

Oil on canvas, 70 x 82 Cm l 27V, x 32'/. I 

Acquired in 1922 bv the Ruhmeshalle 

Barmen Wuppertal 

Room 3, NS inventory no unrecorded 

Location unknown 

AfistrtiJclr Komfwilion 'Abstract composition 
Oil on glass, 347 x 46 cm (13 - ■ is in 
Acquired in 1929 bv the Landcsmuseum, Hannover 
Room 5, NS inventory no unrecorded 
Location unknown 

rf,ilJ'oisrrl.iii.isJ',i/l W'alchensc-c landscape) 
Da kebbcrgam Watcbema 
Hi, lochberg on Walchensee) 

Oil on canvas, 65 x 88 cm 25 ■ \ ^4 , in 
Catalogue raisonne Berend-Connth 95H 
Acquired in I92X bv the Kunsthalle Mannhcu 
Room 6, NS inventory no 16154 
Museum Osideutsche Calerie Regensburg 
Fijiirr ik<j 

Eccf Homo 


Oil on canvas. 189 x I4S cm I.74V4 x 58'A in ) 

(atalogue raisonne Berend Corinth p 182 

Acquired in 1929 bv the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 

Room n, NS inventory no 16151 

Kunstmuseum Basel 1939 

Fijiirf II 

Johannes Diesner 

Otto Dix 

Birth date unknown 
Death dale unknown 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Blinder (Blind man) 

Plaster, dimensions unknown 
Donated in 1921 to the Schlesiscl 
bildenden Kunst, Breslau 
Room 5, NS inventory no 8350 

Otto Dix was the commander of a machine- 
gun unit during the First World War and like 
many of his compatriots was unable to forget 
his war experiences His art in subsequent 
years was ammunition aimed at the contem- 
porary world and an indictment of mili- 
tarism Dix's attack on bourgeois society 
and its morality took the form of grotesque 
erotic imagery, grim humor characterized 
his depiction of sexual perversion Because 
of Diis Madchen vor dem Spiegel (Girl in front of 
the mirror), exhibited in Berlin in 1923, he 
was brought to trial on a morals charge for 
the dissemination of obscene pictures The 
artist Max Slevogt testified on his behalf, 
and he was acquitted ' 

Dix's objective documentation of war 
undermined the German idea of heroism It 
destroyed the naive illusions of his country- 
men, whose misguided belief in an honor- 
able death for the fatherland failed to take 
the reality of that death into account The 
painting Kriujskriippel (War cripples), for 
example, included in the first Dada exhibi- 
tion at Galene Burchard in Berlin, shows 
a macabre parade of maimed survivors 
His series of fifty pacifist etchings, Der Krieg 
(War), based on wartime sketchbooks and 
completed six years after the war's end, 
illustrated the daily life of the soldier and 
the horror of combat Der Schiitzentfraben 
(The trench) was the centerpiece of an 
exhibition mounted by the group Nie 
wieder Krieg (No more war) and sent 
from city to city in Germany 2 The 
Wallraf-Richartz-Museum's attempt 
to buy the painting in 1925 was thwarted 
by pressure exerted by Conrad Adenauer, 
then mayor of Cologne, who found the 
painting offensive to German sensibilities ' 

Figure 190 

Dix, Km^ikrupttel (War cripples), 1920 

Figure 191 

Dix ScfcwM Skull from the portfolios Do- Kr/« (War), 

1924, 257 x 195 cm (IO'/« x 77. in ) 

I i«uri- 192 

Dix, Tolrr. S.nni ( lAnrnl (Dead man Sainl ( lemen 

from Do Kr«i, 294 x 2S9 cm (ll"S x Id 1 /, in 

I igure 193 

I lis rrmsplmMion ■ skin gr.ili from Ikt Kritf, 

I4H x 14.9 mi i" 1 , x 5 '- m 

Figure 19-1 

Dix MaWzol m d« S.ifiJ>r. torrllolwfcr (Mealtime in the trench, Loretto heights) fr 

Drr Krir,,, 196 x 29 cm (7V, x I IV. in 

Figure 195 

Dix, I'rru'iinJrlcr, Htrbsl mi>. ftifkiumr (Wounded I 

Drr Krry, 197 x 29 cm (77, x I IV. in ) 

utumn 1416 Hapaumei from 

^^S. \ Jw'mti 


Hi jZJm1£ 


jr~ >.™^^_ 3 


d_wE^L* v 

Figure 196 

Dix, P/mMU„iYr i Horse cadaverl from Drr Krir*), 14 5 x 197 cm (5% x 7V, in ) 

Figure 197 

Dix Sliirmlrufifir Jrl'l unltr G<!S ix>r iShock troops adv 

196 x 291 cm (7V. x II in 

rider gas Irom Drr Kny, 

After the war Dix continued his 
studies at the Kunstakademie (Academy of 
art) in Dresden While there, he joined the 
Dresdner Sezession Cruppe 1919 (Dresden 
secession group 1919) and the Rote Cruppe 
(Red group) in Berlin, 4 which comprised 
intellectuals pledged to ultraradical politics 
He became a member of the Internationale 
Arbeiterhilfe (International workers' aid) 
in 1921 and participated in the Erste deulsche 
allgemeine Kunstausstellung (First general Ger- 
man art exhibition) in Moscow in October 
of 1924 Russian critics found his work insuf- 
ficiently clear and intelligible to be socially 
useful "What can an Otto Dix offer against 
the decay of the bourgeoisie and mass pros- 
titution 1 " asked one writer 5 Dix nonethe- 
less continued to produce socially engaged 
art that was well received by a large 
audience in Germany In the autumn of 
1925, at the suggestion of his dealer, Karl 
Nierendorf, Dix moved to Berlin By 1926 
his commercial success seemed assured The 
Akademie in Dresden named him a pro- 
fessor in the fall of that year, less than five 
years after he had been a student there 

By 1930, however, the National Social- 
ists were finding Dix's work to be subversive 
A mural commissioned for the recently 
completed Hygienemuseum (Museum of 
hygiene) in Dresden was hacked from the 
wall, and the architect, director, and scien- 
tific staff all fell out of favor 6 In 1933 party 
member Richard Muller, faculty head at the 
Akademie, became jealous of Dix's success 
and launched an attack on him, pointing out 
that in 1924 a monograph about Dix had 
been written by the Jew Willi Wolfradt 7 An 
official statement regarding Dix's dismissal, 
which had been instigated by Muller, indi- 
cated that "among his pictures are some that 
offend the moral feeling of the German 
people in the gravest way and others are 
calculated to prejudice the German people's 
fighting spirit " a Dix's advanced students, 
some of whom were Communists, were also 
expelled and arrested In May 1933 Dix was 
asked to withdraw from the Preussische 
Kunstakademie (Prussian academy of art) 

Figure l 
Dix, So, 

,„/„,m„ (Sun 

In September 1933 the freelance artist 
Willy Waldapfel, a city councillor in Dres- 
den, organized the exhibition Spiegclbilder 
des Vcrfalh in tier Kunsl (Images of decadence 
in art) in the courtyard of the Neues 
Rathaus, one of the earliest instances of 
the systematic abuse of artists The press 
raged against "Jewish-Bolshevist trash" and 
especially against Dix Krie<)skriippel and 
Die Schiilzeni)raben were the focus of the 
exhibition, which later moved to Hagen, 
Nuremberg, Dortmund, Regensburg, 
Munich, Darmstadt, and Frankfurt The 
paintings traveled through Germany as 
"witness to the undermining of the German 
people's determination to defend them- 
selves " After the outbreak of the war Die 
Schuizmjrabm was stored in Ernst Barlach's 
studio in Gustrow and then disappeared 
Perhaps it was burned at the main fire 
station in Berlin shortly before the 
end of the war with other examples of 
"degenerate" art g 

Dix remained in Germany but left 
Dresden in the fall of 1933 In 1934 he was 
forbidden to exhibit his art, and he moved 
to FJemmenhofen, near the Swiss border, 
in 1936 As an habitual city-dweller he felt 
banished "I painted landscapes That was 
tantamount to emigration" 10 

Approximately 260 of his works were 
impounded from collections throughout 
Germany, 26 examples — paintings in oil, 
watercolor, and tempera, as well as port- 
folios and individual graphic works — were 
included in the Endirtele fCimsl exhibition in 
1937 According to the exhibition guide, Dix 
fell into the category of "barbarism of repre- 
sentation the progressive collapse of 
sensitivity to form and color, the conscious 
disregard for the basics of technique and 
the total stupidity of the choice of subject 
matter '" Dix was variously described as 
inept, an intentional bungler, an imbecile, 
or as suffering from eye problems Some 
months later, when the exhibition traveled 
to Frankfurt, FH T Wiist wrote in the Frank- 
furter Volksblatt "Only when one sees the 
individual works does one grasp the degree 
of decadence art is prostituted and the 
prostitute becomes the ideal of this art 
At its peak stands Otto Dix with his vulgar 
derision of the war-wounded He is repre- 
sentative of the highest contemptuousness " n 

Dix sent works to the protest exhibi- 
tion intended as a response to £nl<iriele Kunsl 
that was staged at the Burlington Galleries 
in London in 1938 by art historian and critic 
Herbert Read and other supporters of mod- 
ern German art Several of his paintings 
were included in an exhibition at Galerie 
Wolfberg in Zurich the same year, and in 

1939 a number of works were ottered for sale 
at the t ialene I ischer auction in Lucerne. 
including Die Ellem da Kiinstlm I In- artist's 
parents, 1921 1 and Amid Bttba (1925) The 
collector Emanuel Fohn acquired Hugo Erfurth 
(1925), Nelly (1924), and the drawing Die 
IiJiJk, (The lizard, 1912) from the I'ropa- 
gandaministerium (Ministry of propaganda) 
in Berlin Fohn sent these to Italy for safe- 
keeping and later presented them to the 
Neue Staatsgalerie in Munich 

Dix was arrested in 1939 during the 
action against "unreliable intellectuals" after 
an attempt on Hitler's life in Munich and 
spent a week in police custody in Dresden 
A note in the artist's personal dossier, writ- 
ten by the minister-president of Saxony 
Manfred von killinger, asked, "Is the swine 
still alive, then?" 13 

In 1945 Dix was inducted into the 
army He was taken to Kolmar as a prisoner 
of war and lived in deprivation until his 
identity was ascertained Reassigned to the 
artists' detail, he painted large pictures of 
General de Gaulle for exhibition in the 
streets Later he became a car sprayer for 
a local man named Diirr, who gave him 
a studio to work in Dix accepted commis- 
sions from the fall of 1945 until his release 
in 1946 l4 

The city of Dusseldorf offered Dix a 
teaching position at its Akademie in 1948, 
but the offer was withdrawn after officials of 
the Kulturministenum (Ministry of culture) 
for the Rhineland and Westphalia examined 
the work that had so offended the German 
people under the National Socialists During 
his remaining twenty years Dix continued 
his work and received a variety of honors 
both at home and abroad but was not 
invited to return to the faculty of the 
Dresden Akademie (D G) 


I Fritz Loftier, Olto Dix Li/« ani Work, trans K I 

1 lollingdak I New York Holmes and Meier, 1982), 67 

2 Ibid, 65 

3 Fliedrich Heckmanns, "Dm lunt)i Rbrtnlani in 
Dusseldorf 1919-1929," in Stephanie Barron, ed I \tmm 
Expressionism (W-1925 TV Seioni Grnrralion !cxh cat, 
Los Angeles Los Angeles County Museum ol Art, 
1988), 92 

4 Henry Grosshans, Hitler ani iht Artisls (New York 
Holmes and Meier, 1983), 51 

5 Ida Katherine Rigby An all, Kihalkrl War— 
Rroolution— Wnmar Geman Prints, Draomfs, Pesters, and 
Periodicals jrom tbt Robert Gor< Ri/kmd Foundation (exh 
cat, San Diego University Gallery San Diego State 
University 1983), 64 

6 Loftier, Olto Dix, 94 

7 Lothar Fischer, "Ich habe das gemacht, was ich 
wollte," in Olio Dix (exh cat, Hannover Kestner- 
Gesellschaft, 1987), 28 

8 Lbffler, Otlo Dix, 94 

9 Ibid, 65 

10 Hans Kinkel, "Begegnung mit Otto Dix," in 
Olio Dix (exh cat, Hannover Kestner-Gesellschaft, 
1987), 21 

11 Ausstcllmpfiibm Enlarlrlr "Kumt" (Berlin Verlag 
fur Kultur- und Wirtschaftswerbung, 1937), 6, 8, see 
the facsimile and translation in this volume 

12 H T Wust, "Damit wir nicht vergessen, was 
(ruher gewesen ist," Frankfurter VilksWall, July I, 1934, 
reprinted in Joseph Wulf, Dit btldmden Kunste m DrMen 
Rncb Einr Dokumenlalion i Frankfurt/Berlm/Vienna 
Ullstein, 1983), 365 

13 Loftier, Olto Dix, 96 

14 Ibid. 112 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Sonnenaujgang Sunrise 
Landscbajt nil aufgebtnitr Sonic 
(Landscape with rising sun 

Oil on cardboard, 51 x 66 cm '20'/. x 26 in | 
Catalogue raisonne Loftier 1923/25 
Acquired in 1920 by the Stadtmuseum Dresdc 
Room ( .1 NS inventory no 16158 
Private collection, Germany 
Fijurf l"n 

Kricgshiippel (War cripples 


Oil on canvas, 150 x 200 cm 159 x 78 'A in ) 

C atalogue raisonne Loftier 1920/8 

Donated to the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16000 


Da Scbulzmlrabrn (The trench 

Exhibited as Drr Kritg The war 


Oil on canvas, 227 x 250 cm 83 . x 98% in 

Catalogue raisonne Loftier 1923/2 

Acquired by the Stadtmuseum und Gcmaldcgalcne 


Room 3, NS inventory no 16001 

On commission to Bochmer, 1940, location unknown 

Arbnter iw Fafcrik I Workers in front of a factory 


Oil on canvas, 78 5 x 575 cm (307. x 22V. in I 

t atalogue raisonne Loftier 1921 5 

Acquired in 1923 by the Staatsgalerie Stuttgart 

Room G2, NS inventory no i62l9 

Private collection, England 1987 

Bi'Uhis in Jult'clirrs Karl Krall 

(Portrait ot the jeweler Karl Krall) 


Oil on canvas, 905 x 605 cm 36 '- \ 23 ■ in 

Catalogue raisonne Loftier 1923/9 

Acquired in 1923 by the Nationalgalcne, Berlin 

Room Gl, NS inventory no 16196 

Von der Heydt-Museum Wuppertal, 1961 

Figure .*> 

Ma&cbmbAims (Portrait of a girl) 

c 1923 

Watercolor on paper, 51 I x 374 cm 120'/. x I 

Acquired by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16306 

Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 

Kupfersttchkabinett, Berlin 

Figure 201 

BiUm JVs DicbUrs Hrrfxrt Euleuberg 

i Portrait of the poet Herbert Eulenberg) 


Tempera on wood, 100 x 68 cm (39% x 26V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Loftier 1925/9 

Acquired in 1925 by the Stadtische Kunstsammlunge 


Room Cl, NS inventory no 16197 

Location unknown 

Die Wilwi (The widow) 


Tempera on wood, 84 x 100 cm (3314 x 

Catalogue raisonne Lolfler 1925/3 

Acquired in 1925 by the Kunsthalle Ma 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16184 

On commission to Buchholz, location i 

BiH»is Franz RaiziwiW (Portrait of Franz Radziwilll 


Mixed media on canvas, 80 x 60 cm 

(3l'/i x 23V. in) 

Catalogue raisonne Loftier 1928/12 

Acquired in 1928 by the Stadtische Kunstsammlungen 


Room Cl, NS inventory no 16181 

Kunstmuseum Dusseldorf, 1958 

Figure 200 

Diaistnuidchni (Maidservant) 

Arfceilerni im Somiliijslclntf i Worker in Sunday dress) 

Painting, medium unknown, dimensions unknown 

Catalogue raisonne Loftier 1920/2 

Acquired by the Ruhmeshalle, Barmen/Wuppertal 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16218 

Location unknown 

Figure 199 

Dix, Bildmi des Juwehen K,irl Krail (Po 

ait of the leweler Karl Krall), 1923 

I igure 200 

Dix, Fra« R*fc 

■ill I', it Iran ,.l; Radziwilll, 1928 

UnidentiAed waten oloi exhibited .is Sapfmkop) 
Sap head 

Acquired in 1920 by the Stadtmuseun 

Room Gl Ns inventor) n< 

Nought in 1941 by Ctnl itt location unl 

Unidentified watercolot exhibited .is S.iMioito(i/ 

Sap hi id 

Acquired by the Stadtmuscum Dresden 
R.Mim C2 NS inventory m 
Location unknown 

fnmirruHd an Sfiiri/rlsillr OOtl /irussf/ 

Memory ol the halls ol mirrors in Brussels 

Drypoini engraving, 2S I x |Q| cm II 1 . x 7'h in ) 
Catalogue raisonne Karsch 10 l-ll 
Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildenden 
Kunst, Hreslau 

Room C2. NS inventory no 16435 
Location unknown 

Flmc/irrldJot I Hutcher shop 


Drvpomt engraving, 29 5 x 258 cm 11% x 10'A in 

( atalogue raisonne Karsch 7 

Acquired by the Schlesixchcs Museum der bildenden 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16432 

Location unknown 

Kntt/sbupprl I War cripples 


Drypomt engraving. 254 x 396 cm 10 x 15'. in 

Catalogue raisonne Karsch 6 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildenden 

Kunst, Hreslau 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16434 

Location unknown, this print The Museum 

of Modern Art, New York, Abby Aldrich 

Rockefeller Lund 

Figure 201 

Dix. AUJwiM,/ Portrait ol a girl), 

Schwangm (Pregnant l 


Drypoint engraving, 258 x 167 cm I 10'A x 67* in I 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildenden 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16436 

Location unknown 

Slrasst (Street) 


Drypoint engraving, 248 x 22 3 cm (9'A x 8V< in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Karsch 5 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildenden 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16433 

Calerie der Stadt Stuttgart 

Lmtmord (Sex murder) 

From the portfolio Tod unJ Aujerstihmu) 

(Death and resurrection) 


Etching, 435 x 468 cm (17 'A x 18V, in I 

Catalogue raisonne Karsch 44 

Acquired by the Kuplerstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16400 

Location unknown, this print The Art Institute 

of Chicago, gift of the Print and Drawing Club 

Fi^urf 203 


Exhibited as Dtrnmkopf (Head of a prostitute) 


Color lithograph, 49 x 39 cm I '19% x 15% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Karsch 58 l-lll 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Dresden 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16353 

Location unknown, this print Collection of the 

Grunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, Univers 

of California, Los Angeles, gift of Mr and Mrs 

Stanley I Talpis 

Figure 202 

Do- Krieg (War) 

Portfolios l-V 


50 etchings with aquatint 

Catalogue raisonne Karsch 70-119 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16483 

Location unknown, these prints Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, M 82 288 5la-55j 

Figures 191-97 

Figure 202 
Dix, Leotm, 1923 

Figure 203 

Dix, Lustmonj (Sex murder), 1922 

Hans Christoph Drexel Johannes Driesch 

Heinrich Eberhard 

Bora 19cm 

Born issi 



Died ID30 

Ditd SUlenbuck 


dull Unknown 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

B/i4wir»i/rju 1 1, iwi i w man 


Painting medium unknown (13 x 102 cm 

11 k40 in 
Acquired in 1936 bv the Nationalgalcric, Bcrlu 

on deposit 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16228 
Location unknown 

tfejfa/esl Popular festival) 


Oil on canvas, c 80 x 100 cm (31% x 39% in ) 

Acquired in 1931 by the Museum fur Kunst und 

Kulturgeschichte. Lubeck 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16223 

Location unknown 

Painting, medium unknown, dimensions unknown 
Acquired by the Staatliche Kunsihallc Karlsruhe 
Room Cl, NS inventory no 16193 
Location unknown 

Landscbafl I ands< apt 

Painting, medium unknown, 77 x 105 cm 

n .,n 

Acquired bv the Museum Folkwang, Essen 
Room 5. NS tnventory no 16092 
Location unknown 

Max Ernst 

Hans Feibusch 

Lyonel Feininger 

Died 1976 

Pons, France 

Living m Londi 

Born (87( 
New York City 

Died 1956 
New York Gty 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Enchajjmj da Era (Creation of Eve) 

B,lk Sarimm 


Oil on canvas, 147 x 115 cm (577, x 45% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Spies 615 

Acquired in 1929 bv the Stadtische kunstsammlung 


Room 3, NS inventory no I59«6 

Probablv destroyed 

MuscfcrlMmm (Shell flowers! 
c 1928 

Oil on canvas, dimensions unkno 
Acquired by the Nationalgalene 
Room Gl, NS inventory no 1619 
On commission to Boehmer, I. 

Zwei xhwihrndt Fttjurai (Two floating figures) 

ScfeiptrWr (Floating) 


Oil on canvas, 50 x 100 cm 1 19 V« x 39V, in l 

Acquired by the Stadtische Calene, Frankfurt 

Room 2, NS inventory no 15959 


The confiscation of 378 of Lyonel Feminger's 
works from public collections in Germany 
and the inclusion of eight paintings, one 
watercolor, and thirteen woodcuts in the 
Entiirfcff Kunst exhibition reveal some salient 
incongruities of National Socialist cultural 
politics Joseph Goebbels's 1937 decree had 
empowered Adolf Zieglers committee to 
seize works of art by German artists 
Feininger, however, was an American citizen 
who had come to Germany in 1887' The 
large number of appropriated works reflects 
Feminger's commercial success in Germany 
which began in 1919, when he was invited 
by Walter Gropius to become the first 
Bauhaus master 3 Although in the early years 
of his career Feininger produced almost two 
thousand social and political caricatures par- 
odying Wilhelm Us foreign and domestic 
policies and Wilhelmine society these and 
his evident liberal leanings were not the 
focus of the National Socialists' attack on his 
work His long-term tenure at the Bauhaus 
and his semiabstract "cubist" painting style 
were considered more politically 
inflammatory 3 

Feininger went to Hamburg at the age 
of sixteen with the intention of studying 
music, but within a month he decided to 
enter the Kunstgewerbeschule (School 
of applied arts) A year later, in 1888, he 
moved to Berlin and in October passed the 
entrance examination for admission into 
the Berlin Akademie He produced his first 
illustrations for Humoristiscbe Blatter in 1890 
and in 1894 began to create caricatures 
for the satirical weekly journal Ulk, an 
enclosure in the Berliner Tagcblati He soon 
became friendly with Franz Mehring, a 

sociologist and historian of Marxism, then 

On the staff ol the Ikrlma TtUlebLlI ' I Vspitc 
our knowledge ot these activities, a sufrK ient 
critical assessment of the artists politics 
has not yet been written 

Feininger's reputation as a painter 
developed slowly <>\<.r the next years When 
the I irsl World War broke out, Feininger, 
who had retained his American citizenship 
was placed in a detention camp near Berlin 
as an enemy alien Through the intervention 
of Herwarth Walden — who gave him his 
first one man show at the Calerie Der Sturm 
in Berlin in 1917 — Feininger was able to take 
regular furloughs to Berlin s Even so, he 
wrote to his wife, Julia, on August 8, 1917 
During these last three years of war I have, 
at times, been driven almost mad by the 
limitation of my freedom Not being per- 
mitted [to go] whenever and wherever I 
wanted this, combined with many other 
impediments, has stunted my powers" 6 

At the end of the war the first broadly 
Socialist Expressionist artists' groups, the 
Novembergruppe i November group) and 
the Arbeitsrat fur Kunst (Workers' council 
for art), were founded in Berlin Feininger 
loined both although he soon resigned from 
the Novembergruppe In December 1919 the 
Arbeitsrat fur Kunst issued its publication 
Jal Sttmnwi Jfs Arbalsrals fur Kuml m Berlin 
(Yes 1 Voices of the workers' council for art in 
Berlin) with Feininger's woodcut Diis Ratbaus 
(The city hall) as the cover illustration 

Feininger had begun to experiment 
with woodcuts in 1918 and by 1919 had 
produced more than one hundred In May 
of that year he took over the printmaking 
workshop at the Bauhaus, which he directed 
until 1925 Under his supervision the 
Bauhaus press published a series of port- 
folios, Ncue europcincbe Grapbik (New 
European graphics), as well as individual 
collections of graphic works by Oskar 
Schlemmer and Wassily Kandinsky 
Feininger's own portfolio of twelve woodcuts 
(figs 208-9), completed in 1921, was later 
exhibited in the Enlartete Kunst exhibition 
His woodcut Dir K.iflifiir.jlf <i« Soznibmus 

Figure 204 
Feininger Drr Tur 

ubtr drr Sudt. H.illf The tower above the 

(The cathedral of Socialism) of 1919, created 
for the Bauhaus manifesto published that 
April, suggests Gropius's Utopian vision that 
architecture would unify and lead the arts in 
the building of a new type of community 
modeled on the Gothic cathedral 7 

Gropius's appointment of Feininger 
had been criticized from the outset by con- 
servatives B Although neither Gropius nor 
Feininger advocated radical political change, 
the pedagogic reforms they initiated were 
soon linked to revolutionary politics On 
May 23, 1919, Feininger wrote to his wife, 
"This evening there will be a meeting of 
our antagonists, and they have announced 
a fight with daggers drawn These now are 
the protectors of the fatherland,' and the 
Pan-Germans' And although our affair 
concerns art only they are dragging party 
politics into it " 9 

Enlarttti Kunil 


Figure 205 

Feininger, Gtlmroli HI, 1917 

Feininger remained a member of the 
Bauhaus faculty until the school closed in 
1933, but he broke in 1923 with Cropius's 
new orientation for the school, embodied in 
the theme of the exhibition held during that 
summer, "Art and Technology — A New 
Unity" 1 " When the school moved from 
Weimar to Dessau Feininger stayed on staff 
but no longer conducted courses Neverthe- 
less, neither he nor his artwork was exempt 
from National Socialist campaigns against 
the school, which continued throughout the 
1920s and picked up in the early 1930s A 
little more than a month before the Dessau 
Bauhaus was closed, Feininger wrote to 
his wife on July 10, 1932, "Anything is to be 
expected from the present German govern- 
ment What a Cod-sent opportunity 
tor the Nationalists to make short work of 
objectionable modern art, to quash it"" 

Alois Schardt, the director of the 
Stadtisches Museum fur Kunst und Kunst- 
gewerbe in Halle, was an important early 
supporter of Feminger's work and remained 
a lifelong friend In 1933 Schardt was 
appointed by National Socialist party offi- 
cials as the provisional director of the 
Nationalgalerie in Berlin Shortly thereafter, 
in an effort to defend modern art, he reorg- 
anized the installation of the museum's 
holdings instead of closing the modernist 
section, he supplemented the already rich 
collection with important loans from other 
German museums, including Feininger's 
Halle cycle of eleven paintings, which 
Schardt had commissioned and acquired 
between 1929 and 1931 Two of these, Mar- 
ienkircbt mil dem Pfeil. Halle (Church of Saint 
Mary with the Arrow, Halle, fig 206), and 
Der Turin uber der Stadt, Hulle (The tower above 
the city Halle, fig 204), and two others, 
Zirchow VI and Vollersroda III, which Schardt 
had purchased for the Stadtisches Museum 
earlier, were later included in the Entartete 
Kunst exhibition 

Despite his unemployment after the 
closing of the Bauhaus in 1933, Feininger did 
not finally leave Germany until mid-1937 
Certainly his age was a factor Although 
modernist art had been banned since 

Figure 207 

Feininger, Scbtiuunstrasst Streel 



mid-1933, Feininger continued to paint In 
1935 he wrote to his wife "About my work, 
other than the fact that I work, I want to 
say nothing I believe it is better to remain 
silent I will only say, that I hope l" 13 
In the same year Feininger, who had been 
accused of being Jewish, was required to 
produce papers proving his Aryan descent " 

In May of 1936 Feininger returned to 
New York for the first time since 1887 On 
June 12 he met with his West Coast dealer, 
Calka Scheyer, in Los Angeles, and during 
that summer he taught a course at Mills Col- 
lege in Oakland With these activities he 
laid the groundwork for his final move to 
America l4 In August he returned to Ham- 
burg, where, a month earlier, the annual 
exhibition of the Deutscher Kunstlerbund 
(League of German artists) had opened 
under the innocuous title, Deutsche Kunsl im 
Olymfnii/iilir (German art in the Olympic 
year) Works by Feininger, Schlemmer, and 
Paul Klee were among the entries submitted 
by the membership Ten days later the 
exhibition was closed and the group, which 

had been in existence since 1905, was out- 
lawed On June 11, 1937, Feininger boarded 
a ship for New York, where he arrived with 
two dollars in his pocket l5 

A month later EnlarMe Kunsi opened 
in Munich Feininger's works were hung 
in several areas of the exhibition, the most 
prominent being a series of seven prismatic 
architectural views in Halle and small towns 
around Weimar These works were near a 
large group of paintings by Kandinsky"' 
The intention was apparently to remind the 
viewer of Feininger's Bauhaus years and to 
suggest that these artists' very different 
interests in abstraction amounted to nothing 
more than a jumble of canvases filled with 
meaningless smudges 

In the summer of 1937 Feininger taught 
once again at Mills College He took up 
permanent residence in New York City 
the next year In 1944 he had his first large 
exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art, 
where he had a joint show with Marsden 
Hartley (P K.) 


1 See Bcrthold Hinz, An in the TlmJ Reiih tram 
Robert and Rita Kimber i New York Pantheon 1979 
39, for a list of other non-German artists whose work 
was confiscated by the committee Feininger's name is 
missing Irom the list, however 

2 Joan Weinstem, The End o/ Ex/Vrssioimm Art jnj 
the November Rewlutwn in Germany. l9tH-t9t9 (Chicago 
University of Chicago Press, 1990), 88 

3 See U I rich Luckhardt, Lyontl Feininger Dir 
tXariluturen und J.n ai'dmcr/sctx FriibwerV Munich 
Scaneg 1987 7 in and I I Schund am Pranger" 
Ainu iteri J'er Anzetger, luly 22, 1937, quoted in loseph 
Wuli, Die hUenJen Kumte m Dnltoi Rod) But Dohmenta 
fion( Frankfurt/Berlin/Vienna Ullstein 1983), 372 

4 Lothar Schreyer, Lyonel Ftiitmgcr DoVumente unj 
Viiionen • Munich Albert Langen & Ceorg Mullcr 
1957), 6 

5 Lothar Schrever Frinnenmjen an Murm urnl Riunuus 
(Munich Paul List 1966 

u Lyonel Feininger letter to lulia Feininger August 

8, 1917, quoted in lune L Ness, ed , Lyonel Fcminga 
New York Praegcr 1474 ss 

7 On the title of this woodcut, see Orrcl Reed, Jr. 
in German fjx/irnsiomsl Art The Robert Con Rt/linJ Collec- 
tion exh cat . Los Angeles University of California, 
Los Angeles Frederick S Wight Art Gallery 1977;, 
cat no 395 

8 "At the time of the first appointment by 
Gropius — of the ( ubist Feininger — I expressed my 
astonishment to him Gropius had presented me with 


Figure 208 
Feininger, Gr/m 

a program that to me appeared a little radical but was 
quite acceptable in its essentia! points And then he 
started right off with the appointment of Feiningeri" 

I Wilhelm von Bode, letter to Baron von Fritsch, 
January 13, 1920, quoted in Hans Maria Wmgler, 
The Baubaus Weimar. Dessau, Berlin, Chicago, trans 
Wolfgang Jabs and Basil Gilbert [Cambridge MIT 
Press, 1983], 33) 

9 Lyonel Feininger, letter to Julia Feininger, May 
23, 1919, quoted in Ness, lyonel Femmger, 100 

10 Lyonel Feininger, letter to Julia Feininger, August 
I, 1923, quoted in Wmgler, TV Bauhaus, 69 

II Lyonel Feininger, letter to Julia Feininger, July 10, 
1932, quoted in Ness, Lyonel Fiimiujtr, 214 

!2 Lyonel Feininger letter to Julia Feininger, 1935, 
quoted in Entortttc Kunst BiUenturm vor 25 Jabren (exh 
cat, Munich Ausstellungsleitung Haus der Kunst, 
1962), n p 

13 Lyonel Feininger, letter to Dr Johannes K Klein- 
paul, August 3, 1935, quoted in Diether Schmidt, ed , /ii 
lelzfer Stun* KiitKtltrschriJtat 1933-1945, vol 2 of Scbnjlm 
deutscber Kunstlrr Jes zuunzufsieii Jahrbmdtrlt (Dresden 
VEB Verlag der Kunst, 1964), 74 

14 Lyonel Feininger, letter to Dr Johannes K 
Klempaul, April 3, 1936, quoted in Schmidt, In lilztrr 
Slmdi, 76 

15 Lyonel Feininger, letter to Alois Schardt, 1942, 
quoted in Enliirleie Kumt BMenturm, n p 

16 The group included a painting by Klee, Der Geisl 
der Don X, mislabeled as a Kandinsky In his documenta- 
tion of the works in Enldrfrle Kunst, Luttichau incorrectly 
identifies a work by Kandinsky Ar<<lied, as a Klee, 
Mario-Andreas von Luttichau, "Rekonstruktion der 
Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst,"' in Peter-Klaus Schuster, 
ed , Die "Kunststadt" Muncben 1937 Nationalsozialismus umi 
"Enlartcli Kunst" (Munich Prestel, 1987), 148 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 

Scbeunmsfrasse (Street of barns) 


Oil on canvas, 125 x 100 cm (49% x 39V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Hess 125 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16083 

Arnold A Saltzman Family 

Figure 207 

Vollmroda 111 

Oil on canvas, 80 x 100 cm (31V: x 39% i 
Catalogue raisonne Hess 164 
Acquired in 1928 by the Stadtisches Mus 
and Kunstgewerbe (Montzburg), Halle 
Room 5, NS inventory no 16087 
Location unknown 

ZircW VI 


Oil on canvas, 80 x 100 cm ( 3I'A x 39V, in i 

Catalogue raisonne Hess 162 

Acquired in 1928 by the Stadtisches Museum fur 

and Kunstgewerbe (Montzburg), Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16081, Fischer lot 41 

Ex-coll Karl Nierendorf, New York, 1948, 

location unknown 

Figure 209 

Feininger, Regentag am Strand (Rainy day at the beach), 1921 

Figure 210 

Feininger, Der Ceiger (The fiddler), 1918 

Conrad Felixmuller 

i<i /// 


invas 100 ■ SO < m 19 - II In 
t atalogue raisonne' I less II I 
Acquired in 1925 b) the Stadtmuseutn Dresden 
Room 5 Ns Inventor) no 1609 I 
Private collei tion Ne* Viik 


/V. (,r„i,r rhefiddlei 


\\ in n oloi and ink 219 s »06 cm 9V, x 12 in.) 

\cquired b) the Museum Folkwang Essen 

R ii l 12 N' s inventor) no 16430 

l'n\ it. collection Hamburg courtesy of Hauswedell 
S. Nolle I lamhurg 
Fmuir 210 

Ttlhw II 

( hi on . anvas « 125 cm 59 ix49K in 

Catalogue raisonne' I less 185 

Acquired in 1921 by the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 

Room S NS inventory no 16084 

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin Nationalgalerie 1949 


Exhibited as Ttllow 


Oil on canvas 65.5 » 82 5 cm 15% * 32 in 

( atalogue raisonne 1 Hess 215 

V quired by the Museum der bildenden Kiinste, 


Room i Ns inventor) no 15980 

The Minneapolis Institute ol Arts gift ol Friends and 

family in memory ol Catharine Roberts Seybold 

I unr, 29 

Mariukinbe mil imPfeil Halt 

i Church of Saint Mary with the Arrow Halle 


Oil on canvas, 1007 x 85 cm I 39V. x 33'A in 

Catalogue raisonne Hess 333 

Acquired in 1931 by the Stadtisches Museum fur Kun 

and Kunstgewerbe i Moritzburg), Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16085 

Staatliche Calerie Moritzburg Halle. 1957 

f iJurr 2iio 

Dn I. IwrAi Slail IIM 

I Ik towei abovi tbj i it) I lalli 
I KhibitedasMnrimferd,f« hurchol Sainl Mar) 

Oil on canvas B8 x 124 cm ; I • 18 in 
( atalogue ' aisi mm I less 341 
Acquned hi 1931 by the Suddsihes Museum Kir Kunst 

ind Kunstgi wt rbe Moritzburg I lalli 
Room 5 Ns inventory no 16086 
Museum 1 udwig, C ologne 
Figure 204 


Woodcut, 233 x 29 cm (914 K II'. in 
Catalogue raisonne Prasse NX' 149 
Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 
Room (.2, NS inventory no 16404 
Location unknown (other prints exist 

Zwol] Holzscbuiltt vm Lyoncl Feininget 
(Twelve woodcuts bv Lyonel Feiningcr 


C atalogue raisonne Prasse S 262 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildenden 

Kunst Breslau 

Room Gl, NS inventory no 16273 

On commission to Boehmer, exchanged, location 

unknown, these prints Philadelphia Museum of Art, 

gift of Mr and Mrs Carl Zigrosser 

Title page 


109 x 158 cm (4% x 6'A in I 

Catalogue raisonne Prasse W 236 


Rrdmldij .irn StttitiJ i Rainy day at the beach i 


138 x 21 3 cm 15% x 8V» in I 

Catalogue raisonne Prasse W 39 I 

Figurt 2op 




218 X 172 cm 18V, x 6'/, in I 
Catalogue raisonne Prasse W 89 I 
Fitjurt 208 

Conrad Felixmuller was a Wunderkind at the 
age "f fifteen, after a short period of study 
with Ferdinand Dorsch in a private art 
school, he was admitted to the Akademie in 
Dresden to study with Carl liantzer Moved 
by a performance of Arnold Schoenberg's 
Pierrot Lmitim in 1913, he translated his 
impressions into his first portfolio of ten 
graphic works In 1914 a second portfolio 
of woodcut interpretations of Else Lasker- 
Schuler's Hebriiische Balladm (Hebrew ballads; 
and a portrait etching of Schoenberg led 
to his first graphics exhibition in I B 
Neumann's gallery in Berlin Here he 
befriended Ludwig Meidner, began his 
collaboration with Herwarth Walden's 
Der Sturm (The storm) and, more impor- 
tantly with Franz Pfemfert's Die Aktion 
(Action I, and established friendships with 
many of the individuals who wrote for 
these journals 

In January of 1917 the artist, together 
with Felix Stiemer and Heinnch Schilling, 
founded the Dresden journal Menschcit 
(Mankind), where Felixmuller published his 
expressionistic theory of art as well as many 
of his woodcuts A group of his friends 
began to meet in his studio in Dresden 
in 1917 and formed the Expressionistische 
Arbeitsgemeinschaft Dresden I Expressionist 
working group) where poets, Walter Rheiner 
and Raoul Hausmann among them, read 
their works and where discussions on art and 
politics strengthened the participants' anti- 
war attitudes In the same year the Calerie 
Arnold presented an exhibition of the work 
of some of the artists in this group Peter 
August Btickstiegel, Felixmuller, Otto 
Lange, and Constantin von Mitschke- 

Figure 211 

Felixmuller, Ersir Scbritli (Fh 

Felixmuller was drafted in 1917 but 
refused to serve, and for four weeks he 
was confined to a mental institution He 
returned to Dresden and in 1919 became 
a member of the Communist party (until 
about 1926) He founded the Dresdner 
Sezession Cruppe 1919 (Dresden secession 
group 1919), which he left in 1920, and for 
a short time joined the Novembergruppe 
(November group) in Berlin 

Felixmuller enjoyed a period of consid- 
erable success in the 1920s and early 1930s 
He designed costumes and stage sets for 
Friedrich Wolf's drama Das hist du (That is 
you) for the Staatstheater Dresden A cata- 
logue of his graphic work was published in 
1919, and he subsequently published a num- 
ber of portfolios of graphics His work 
was exhibited in Dresden, Hannover, and 
Hamburg, among other cities, and he won 
prestigious prizes for his paintings in 1920, 
1928, and 1931 In the mid-1920s his early, 
ecstatic Expressionism, with its strong, 
socially committed themes, underwent 
moderation, leading to a romantic realism 

In 1933 forty of his Expressionist works 
were branded "degenerate" by their inclu- 
sion in the Spiegelbdder des Verfalls in dtr Kunsl 
(Images of decadence in art) exhibition in 
Dresden Faced with this defamation, he 
moved to Berlin, but shortly thereafter he 
was also dismissed from the Verein Berliner 
Kiinstler (Society of Berlin artists) He was 
represented by six works in Entartete Kunst 
in Munich in 1937 four paintings, Mann 
irn't Kind (Man with child), Das Paar (The 
couple), Stadtmenscb (Urban man), and 
a self-portrait, a woodcut, Ersif Scbritte 
(First steps, fig 211), and a pen draw- 
ing, RjCDolution/Nachtlicber Bergarbeiterslmk 
(Revolution/Miners' strike at night) A total 
of 151 of his works were confiscated, and 
many of them were destroyed by the Nazis ' 

During the Second World War Felix- 
muller was drafted, taken prisoner by the 
Russians, and finally returned to Berlin in 
1945 An exhibition of forty of his works was 
shown in that year in the museum in Alten- 
burg He published more portfolios of 

woodcuts, designed the stage sets for Wolf's 
Wie Ti ere des Waldes (Like animals in the for- 
est), and in 1949 was appointed professor at 
the Martin-Luther-Universitat in Halle, a 
post he held until 1962 Other exhibitions in 
Altenburg, Bologna, Leipzig, and Rome pre- 
ceded a major retrospective in the former 
Nationalgalerie in Berlin in 1973 and in 
Dresden in 1975 He received a gold medal 
at the fourth International Graphic Biennale 
in Florence in 1974 7 (P G) 


1 Felixmuller's papers are preserved in the archives 
of the Cermamsches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg 
Many ol his graphic works are in the Kupfer- 
stichkabinett, Berlin, Kunstmuseum Dusseldorf, and 
Staatltches Lmdenau-Museum, Altenburg 

2 See C H Herzog, ed , Conrad Frlmnulln 
[.fdnidm 1912-1976 (Tubingen Ernst Wasmuth, 1977); 
Cerhart Sdhn, ed, Conrad Fthxmuttn Von dm. uba ,h« 
(Dusseldorf Edition CS, 1977), Conrad Fc/rxmiil/tr Wtrki 
mid Dokumtntt (Nuremberg Archiv fur bildende Kunst, 
Cermanisches Nationalmuseum Niirnberg, 1981), 
Dieter Cleisberg, Conrad FdixmuiUr Ltbtn nnd Wrrk 
(Dresden VEB Verlag der Kunst, 1982), Peter Barth, 
Conrad Fdixmulltr Dit dmdntr Jahrt. ml-im lexh cat, 
Dusseldorf Galerie Remmert und Barth, 1987), Sbhn, 
ed , Conrad Fflixmullrr Das drapbiscbt Wtrk (912-1977, 

2d ed (Dusseldorf Edition CS, 1987), and Conrad 
Fffrnniilltr Conaldr. Afuartllt. Zncbnuno/m. Drucigrapbik. 
Stulfilurra lexh cat edited by Christian Rathke, 
Schleswig Schleswig-Holsteinisches Landesmuseum, 
Schloss Cottorf, 1990) 

Otto Freundlich 

Xaver Fuhr 

Work in Enlartete Kunst mil KmJ Man with child) 


i III on canvas B5 « 65 cm B! k 25 - in 

Acquired in 1922 In' (he Ruhmeshalle Barmen 


Room 4 NS inventory no 16015 

Lot atlon unknown 

Born II t 
Stolpi Pomerank 

Died 1943 



Dos Ami [Tie couple) 
GliicHicifElx Happy marriage) 
c 1920 

Painting medium unknown, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1924 bv the Stadtmuseum Dresden 
Room ( il NS inventory no 16170 
Location unknown 

Rnvlwtipn rVacbllicbff Bergarbtiterslmk 

Resolution Miners strike at night 

Pen and ink. 64 5 x 5(1 2 cm 1 25V. x 19V. i 
Acquired bv the Nationalgalene, Berlin 
Room C2, NS inventory no 16312 

StUnlbUim Sell-portrait 


Oil on canvas, c 70 x 45 cm (27 'A x 17V, in I 

Acquired in 1925 by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room 3. NS inventory no 15979 

Location unknown 

Sfddlmoiscri i Urban man 


Oil on canvas, 75 x 95 cm (29'/. x 37% in I 

Acquired in 1924 bv the Staatsgalene Stuttgart 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15983 

Location unknown 

f rslr Scfcnllr I First steps) 

Aluiirr unJ Kmi i Mother and child) 


Woodcut, 36 x 1 1 5 cm ( I4V» x 4'/) in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Sohn 170 

Acquired in 1919 by the Kuplerstichkabinett, Dre 

Room G2. NS inventory no 16354 

Location unknown, this print Ludwig and Rosy 

Fischer Collection 

Ftilltif 2U 

Work in Enlartete Kunst 

Drr ntue MoucB l The new man ) 


Plaster cast, height 139 cm (54 V. in 

Acquired in 1930 by the Museum fti 

( .ewerbe Hamburg 

Ground floor lobby NS inventory r 

Location unknown 1 Small head) 

W 16 

Plaster, height 32 cm (12% 
Acquired in 1930 by the Mu 
Gewerbe, Hamburg 
Room 3, NS inventory no I 

The summer of 1927 was a turning point in 
the career of Xaver Fuhr The director of the 
Kunsthalle Mannheim, C'.ustav Hartlaub, 
who had bought some of the artists water- 
colors in 1920, helped convince the city of 
Mannheim to provide a studio to Fuhr as 
well as a monthly stipend This was to 
enable the painter to function only as an 
artist, to prevent his having to continue 
working in a Daimler-Benz factory, a job 
he took after his military service in the 
field artillery in the First World War 

Recognition quickly came his way An 
exhibition including lour of Fuhr's works at 
the Berlin Akademie in the fall of 1927 
received positive reviews in the Dculscbc 
Allgemeint Ztitung and drew such favorable 
attention to the young artist that in 1928 he 
had exhibitions in four other German cities 
and participated in three more exhibitions 
in Berlin In October 1928 he was given 
a solo exhibition in the Calerie Neumann- 
Nierendorf in Berlin, an important center 
of avant-garde activities, again to positive 
reviews The Kunsthaus Schaller, a gallery 
in Stuttgart, presented an overview of Fuhr's 
work in April 1930, and he received an 
award from the Preussische Kunstakademic 
(Prussian academy of art) later in the year 
Two of his paintings, litrt/kircht (Mountain 
church) and Gilltlrye, were accepted tor the 
thirtieth Carnegie Art International in 1931 
and he received the Villa Romana prize for 
his painting Prozrssion (Procession) In 1932 
the city of Frankfurt awarded Fuhr its 
annual art prize, recognizing the graphic 
qualities of his work 

Despite this recognition, Fuhr's per- 
sonal financial situation was very bad 
because of the economic problems in Ger- 
many He came from an extremely poor 
lower-middle-class family who could provide 
no financial help, and he was evicted from 
his city-provided atelier because he was 
unable to pay a monthly contribution of ten 
reichsmarks toward its upkeep Although the 
city of Mannheim forgave Fuhr's nonpay- 
ment of taxes in January 1933, he never 
forgot his eviction and refused to exhibit 
in Mannheim again 

In April 1933 the newly named National 
Socialist director of the academy and 
museum in Karlsruhe, Hans Adolf Buhler, 
opened an exhibition entitled Regicrungskunst 
(918—33 (Government art 1918-33) showing 
works by "degenerate Bolshevists," including 
Fuhr Mannheim also included Fuhr's work 

among the "degenerate" art in the exhibition 
Kulturbolschewistische Bilder (Images of cultural 
Bolshevism), which opened the same month, 
but, ironically, one of his still lifes was dis- 
played in a Musterkabinetl (model gallery) of 
"good" art to be emulated Early in 1934 
the city leaders advised the Kunsthalle to 
remove all works by Fuhr from view This 
ambivalent attitude toward the artist con- 
tinued for some time Fuhr turned to Franz 
Lenk, an artist and member of the executive 
committee of the Reichskammer der bil- 
denden Ktinste (Reich chamber of visual 
arts), who was also represented by the 
dealer Nierendorf "I ask you to help me 
[protect myself] against invisible obstruc- 
tionists and slanderers to arrange to have 
my works reinstalled at Mannheim, since I 
do not appreciate undeserved disciplinary 
action "' Lenk responded that a decision in 
Fuhr's case would be made soon but that 

those concerned were overburdened In the 
meantime the Kestner-Gesellschaft in Han- 
nover opened a Fuhr exhibition consisting 
of twelve paintings and twenty-five water- 
colors It ran until 1935 and was well 
received, as was another exhibition of his 
work at the Galene von der Heyde in Berlin 
in April 1935 Finally in January 1936, the 
mayor of Mannheim informed Fuhr that the 
Kunsthalle was being allowed to rehang his 
pictures, only to rescind permission a few 
days later when county officials asked the 
mayor to wait until they consulted with the 
regional government in Baden 

Announcements appeared in the local 
press that Fuhr was not a member of the 
Reichskammer and was therefore forbidden 
to work as an artist The Gestapo arrived at 
varying times during the day and night in 
order to attempt to surprise him at work; 
the officials searched for paintings and 
checked to see if his brushes were wet 
Fuhr built a shelter in the cellar where he 
executed watercolors so as to avoid the 
smell of oil paint 

Fuhr did not have enough food or heat 
because of his financial problems, which 
were now exacerbated by the National 
Socialists, and he became physically and 
emotionally ill Since he was not actually 
forbidden to exhibit, however, the Galene 
Nierendorf Gallery included his work in 
group and solo exhibitions in 1936 and 1937, 
respectively Favorable reviews remarking 
on the artist's continuing development were 
forthcoming, with the exception of criticism 
in the Volkiscber Beobachter, the National 
Socialist newspaper, which found Fuhr in 
profound disagreement with the artistic 
ideology of the time 2 

Although Fuhr was vilified in Enfurtfle 
Kunst in July 1937 by the inclusion of his oil 
Caji-Terrasse (Cafe terrace, fig 212), which 
had been acquired by the Nationalgalerie in 
1929 for nine hundred reichsmarks, ' Joseph 
Nierendorf included his work in an exhibi- 
tion in Berlin that month When Nieren- 
dorf was stopped, he sent Fuhr's works to 
his brother Karl in New York The dealer 
Gunther Franke also continued to represent 

Ludwig Gies 

Werner Gilles 

Fuhr in Munich Suddenly in 1940, tor no 
apparent reason the artist was informed 
th.u Ik- was admitted to the Reichskammer 
and could again work openly only tci be 
denounced to the secret police in i l M2 tor 
having made comments ol .1 political nature 
critical ol the government ' Influential 

Friends interceded, hut his home was 
bombed, and he moved to Nabburg, 
where he remained until 1950 

After the war I uhr's work was again 
in demand and was exhibited in all of the 
maior Cicrman cities In 1946 the artist 
accepted a professorial position at the 
Munich Akademie and in 1949 was the sub- 
ject of a monograph by Adolt Behne Fuhr 
moved to Regensburg in 1950 but continued 
to commute to the Akademie in Munich 
until I9()(> An exhibition on the occasion 
ol his seventieth birthday was a critical and 
financial success, and the Nationalgalerie 
in rierlin purchased Der Grosse Platz (The 
large square, 19641 for sixteen thousand 
reichsmarks s The last exhibition before 
Fuhr's death took place at the Museen 
der Stadt Regensburg in September 1973 
in honor of his seventy-fifth birthday 
(D C) 



Ditd ('"" 

( olognt 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Kruzijfxui (Crucified ( Christ 
Exhibited as Cferislus ( hrist 

c 1921 

Wood, dimensions unknown 

Lubcck Cathedral, acquired in 1922 by the Museum 

fur Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, Lubeck ion deposit by 

the artist! 

"Sonnwatd" Pbatttastiscbtr Voijrl 

1 'Sonnwend'' fantastic bird 

Inhibited as Pbantastiscbtt GrMoV i fantastic creature) 

Watercolor, 48 x 63 cm (187. x 24'. in 

Acquired by the Nationalgalerie Berlin 

Room C2, NS inventory no 1631 1 

Location unknown 

Room I, NS 1 
Probably destroyed 



1 Axel Hubertus Ziemcke, Xaivr Fuhr fS98-t973 
(,nn>ildt und Aqtuirtllr Recklinghausen Aurel Bongers, 
I9H4 24 

2 Ibid, 26 

1 Mario-Andreas von Luttichau, 'Rekonstruktion 

der Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst,'" in Peter-Klaus 
Schuster, ed , Dif "Kmststadt" Muncrm mi 
NttUonahoZMltmm und Enttutett Kunst (Munich Prestel, 
1987), 154 

4 Zienicke, X,iwr Fuhr. 30 

5 Ibid, 38 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Cajt-Tmassr ( Cafe terrace ) 

c 1928 

Oil on canvas, 68 x 78 cm (26'i x 311 1 in 

Acquired in 1929 by the Nationalgalerie Berln 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16095 

Private collection 

Figure 212 

Otto Gleichmann 

Rudolph Grossmann George Grosz 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in "Entartete Kunst" 

Dit Brant (The bride) 


Painting, medium unknown, dimensions unknown 

Acquired in 1925 by the Kunsthalle Mannheim 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16185 

Location unknown 

Geslij/lm im Fmai (Figures outdoors) 

Etching, dimensions unknown 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildende 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16438 

Location unknown 

The fame of George Grosz rests largely on 
his satirical drawings published in a series 
of portfolios and books during the Weimar 
years by the radical Malik Verlag, headed 
by his friend Wieland Herzfelde The series 
included Das Gesicht der herrscbendm Klasse 
(The face of the ruling class), 1919, £ccf 
Homo, 1922, Spiesserspiegel (Mirror of the 
bourgeoisie), 1924, and liber Alles die Liebe 
(Love above all), 1931 These works were 
exhibited by the Hans Goltz and Alfred 
Flechtheim galleries in Berlin 

Grosz's work attracted both admirers 
and detractors In 1920 the artist was 
arrested and hned five thousand reichsmarks 
for attacking the army in his portfolio Go!l 
mil uhs (God with us) Again in 1923, after 
publication of £ccf Homo, he was brought 
into court, this time on a charge of defam- 
ing public morals, and fined six thousand 
reichsmarks, while twenty-four plates were 
confiscated from the unsold copies of the 
portfolio ' In 1928 two images in the port- 
folio Hmtergnwd (Background), Grosz's 
illustrations for laroslav Hasek's play Schwejk, 
were deemed offensive one plate depicted 
a German pastor balancing a cross on his 
nose, the other the crucified Christ in a gas 
mask Grosz and Herzfelde were found 
guilty of blasphemy and sacrilege The fine 
was two thousand reichsmarks each, but 
during the next year the state court in Berlin 
reversed the conviction, stating that the 
artist had "made himself the spokesman 
of millions who disavow war, by showing 
how the Christian church had served an 
unseemly cause that it should not have 
supported " 3 

( .ins.- considered himsell a propagan 
ilisi .it the social revolution I le not only 
depicted victims ol the catastrophe ol the 

I list Win Kl W'.u tin.- disabled crippled, 
and mutilated — he also portrayed the col- 
lapse ol capitalist society and its values I lis 
wartime line drawings him to be a 
mastei ol caricature In a 1925 portfolio ol 
(Mints < irosz ridiculed I litlei by dressing 
him in a bearskin a swastika tattooed on his 
lett arm Until 1927 he also painted large 
allegorical paintings that focused on the 
plight ol Germany l ount Harry Kessler, a 
leading intellectual and collector, called 
these "modern history pictures"' 

Crosz was called by some the "bright- 
red art executioner," 4 and indeed his political 
radicalism was well known He had joined 
the German Communist party in 1922 
Although a trip to Russia later that year dis- 
illusioned him, he continued to work with 
Malik Verlag Feeling out of step with Rus 
sia's politics, Crosz resigned from the party 
in 1923, but the next year he became a 
leader of Berlin's Rote Cruppe (Red group), 
an organization of revolutionary Communist 
artists that prefigured the Assoziation revo- 
lutionarer bildender Kiinstler Deutschlands 
(ASSO, Association of revolutionary visual 
artists of Germany) 

By 1929 the political climate in Ger- 
many had shifted to the right, and, at best, 
Grosz's work was considered anachronistic 
The periodical Kunst und Kiinstkr (Art 
and artists) commented, on the tenth 
anniversary exhibition of the founding ot the 
Novembergruppe i November group I "Dix's 
Barrikadt [Barricade] and Grosz's Winter- 
miirchen [Winter tale] are now curiosities that 
only have a place in a wax museum, com- 
memorating the revolutionary time One 
doesn't make art with conviction alone"" 
In a somewhat more positive light, Grosz 
was described as a historical figure in the 
periodical Eulmspitiitl in 1931 "No other 
German artist so consciously used art as a 
weapon in the fight of the German workers 
during 1919 to 1923 as did George Grosz 
He is one of the first artists in Germany 
who consciously placed art in the service of 


Figure 214 

Crosz, Am Kauai (At the canal), 1915/16 

Figure 215 

Crosz, Erttmtrung an Nni' York l Memory ol New York 


society His drawings are worthwhile not 
only in the present but also are documents 
of proletarian-revolutionary art" 6 These 
comments were more indicative of the maga- 
zine's editorial stance than the tenor of the 
times, however More in keeping with popu- 
lar sentiment, Deutsche Kunst Mini Dekomtion 
(German art and decoration) described 
Crosz as one-sided and pathological, "too 
obstinate, too fanatical, too hostile to be 
a descendent of Daumier" Although 
according to the magazine's art writer 
he was a master of form, his social point 
of view was wrongly chosen 7 

Crosz's reputation as a political activist 
and deflator of German greatness was no 
secret Menacing portents and premonitions 
of disaster began to haunt him A studio 
assistant appeared in a brown shirt one day 
and warned him to be careful, a threatening 
note calling him a Jew was found beside his 
easel A nightmare he recounted in his auto- 
biography ended with a friend shouting at 
him, "Why don't you go to America?"* 
When in the spring of 1932 a cable arrived 
from the Art Students League in New York, 
inviting him to teach there during the sum- 
mer, he accepted immediately After a short 
return to Germany where he was advised 
that his apartment and studio had been 
searched by the Gestapo, who were looking 
for him, the artist emigrated in January 1933 
He became an American citizen in 1938 

In the meantime Grosz was among 
the defamed artists whose works had been 
included in two Scbandausstcllungen (abomina- 
tion exhibitions) in Mannheim and Stuttgart 
in 1933 In a letter of July 21, 1933, Grosz 
wrote that he was secretly pleased and 
proud about this turn of events, because his 
inclusion in these exhibitions substantiated 
the fact that his art had a purpose, that it 
was true 9 The polemical articles about 
modern art, "art on the edge of insanity" 
as the official Nazi newspaper, the VoWiischtr 
Beobacbter called it, also regularly included 
Grosz, with particular attention paid to his 
portraiture A portrait of Max Hermann- 
Neisse (fig 213), later to appear in the exhi- 
bition Entartete Kunst, was singled out for the 

Figure 216 

Crosz, Metropolis, 1916-17 

Figure 217 

Figure 218 

Figure 219 

Crosz, Slras 

mbild (Street scene), 

Grosz, Kajfcehaus (Coffee house), 

Crosz, Caji, 1915/16 



"degenerate loathsomeness ol the subject '" 
A total "i 285 ol ( irosz's works were cd 
lected from German institutions five 
paintings two watercolors and thir- 
teen graphk works win- included in 
Enl.irfrtr Kunsi 

I ,kis.- participated in an anti Axis dem- 
onstration in New York in l l MO and revealed 
his reac tion to the I iihrer in an interview 
with Rundfunk Radio in 1958 When Hitler 
came, the iecling came over me like that ot 
a boxer, I telt as it I had lost All our efforts 
were for nothing 

Crosz returned to Germany perma- 
nently in 1958, somewhat disillusioned with 
his American interlude He had wanted a 
new beginning and had tried to deny his 
political and artistic past, but he was appre- 
ciated in America primarily as a satirist, and 
the work from the period after the First 
World War was perceived as his best The 
biting commentary that marked this early 
work was that of a misanthropic pessimist, 
not what he had become an optimist 
infatuated with the United States Crosz 
was unable to understand the American 
psyche to the degree that he had the Ger- 
man, and he returned to his homeland in 
an attempt to regain the momentum he had 
lost He died in Berlin in an accident six 
weeks after his return D G 


1 Eva Ingersoll Catling, George Grosz Work m ( M 

(exh cat. Huntington N Y Heckscher Museum, 
1977), 9 

3 fohn I H Raur Grow Gro,z New York 

Macmillan, 19541, 22 

3 Catling, George Grosz, 7 

4 Verboien. verjoUl KunsUlileMur m 3 Rncb (exh cat 
by Barbara Lepper, Duisburg Wilhelm-Lehmbruck- 
Museum 1983 1, 94 

5 Catling, Groror Grosz, 174 

6 Ibid, 176 

7 Ibid, 174 

8 Baur, Grorof Grosz, 22 

9 George Crosz, letter to Felix J Weil, July 21, 
1933, published in Uwe M Schneede, Grar^ Grosz 
Do- Kunsllrr m inner Gfsrl/sc/w/l I Cologne DuMont, 
ls>X4 H)2 

10 Armin Zweite, "Franz Hotmann und die 
Stadtische Calerie 1937, " in Peter Klaus Schuster, 
ed , Die "Kmabtadt" Munthen 1937 Nationd/sozwlismus 
unj "Entflrtrtt Kunst 1 Munich Prestel, 1987), 274 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Afcoftnim Adventurei 

Painting medium unknown dimensions unknown 
V quired In 1921 by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 
Room 3, NS inventory no 15973 
By exchange to Bochmei luly \6 1940. 
location unknown 


Blulr ih die Grontadt 1 View ot the big 1 itj 

Exhibited as GnrssiVuil I (Jig city) 


Oil on canvas, 102 x 105 cm 1407. x 41% in 

Acquired in 1924 from the Kunsthalle Mannheim 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16194, Fischer lot 42 

Thvssen-Korncmisza Collection, Lugano, Switzerland 

Figure 216 

DrrBoxrr (The boxer) 

c 1920 

Painting, medium unknown, c 120 x 90 cm 

(47% x 35 V. in 

Donated in 1923 to the Schlesisches Museum der 

bildenden Kunst, Breslau 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16066 

Location unknown 

BiUms Max Herrruinn-Neisse 

1 Portrait of Max Hermann-Neissel 


Oil on canvas, 100 x 101 5 cm 1 39V. x 41 

Acquired in 1925 by the Kunsthalle Mar 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16195 

Stadtische Kunsthalle Mannheim, 1950 

Figure 2,3 

Menschen I Mankind' 
Watercolor, dimensions unknown 
Acquired by the Stadtmuseum Dresde 
Room Cl, NS inventory no 16257 
Location unknown 

7r<j/>czfcunst/rr (Trapeze artists 1 

Exhibited as Da Scillimzer (The rope dancer) 


Etching. 168 x 12 I cm (6% x 4% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Duckers E 16 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Dresden 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16365 

Location unknown, this print The Art Institute ot 

Chicago, Print and Drawing Club 

Fi^urr 22r 

G<JM0ttH I'l Jem SuiUbad 
(After (he chalytx at 


I ithograph («'< x 3D cm (7'A x 7 . in 

( atabgue raisonne Duckers I 27 

Acquired in 1929 by the Kupferstichkabinett, Dresden 

Room ( .2, NS invent irj no 16* 64 

Peter M Crosz Collection 

Fiourr 222 


Am Kjiwl 1 At the canal) 
Hauler am Katul t louses on the canal) 
Exhibited as Am (Co, | Along the quji 
Plate 3 irom the Frstr George Grosz-Mappe 
lust George Crosz portfolio) 

Lithograph, 264 x 22 2 cm 1 107. x 8% in ) 
Catalogue raisonne Duckers M I s 
Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett Berlin 
Room C2, NS inventory no 16394 
Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 
Museum of Art, The Robert Core Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies, M 82 288 71c 
Figure 2M 


Plate 10 from the Klrmr Grosz Mappe 

(Little Grosz portfolio, 


Lithograph, 195 x 13 cm 177. x 5V. in 

Catalogue raisonne Duckers M II, 10 

Acquired by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16363 

Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies. M 82 28872) 

Fiijurr 21" 

Fniwerung an Mu' York i Memory of New York) 

Crosstab in USA (Big city in the USA) 

Plate I from the Frstr George Grosz-Mappe 

(First George Grosz portfolio) 


Lithograph, 378 x 296 cm ( 147. x 1 1 . in 

Catalogue raisonne Duckers M I, I 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16392 

Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Core Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, M 82 28871a 

Figure 21s 

Kajjeebaus (Coffee house) 

ZecbgeUyfe im Cafcbaus (Drinking spree in the cafe) 

Plate 4 from the Kkint Gro^z Mappe 

( Little Crosz portfolio) 


Lithograph, 21 8 x 138 cm (8 5 A x 5V« in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Duckers M II, 4 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16396 

Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Core Rifkind Center fo 

German Expressionist Studies, M82 288 72d 

Figure 2*8 

Strassmbild (Street scene) 

Strassenbild mil Mond (Street scene with moon) 

Plate 3 from the Kldnc Grosz Mappt 

(Little Crosz portfolio) 


Lithograph, 234 x 14 cm (9% x 5'h in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Duckers M II, 3 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16395 

Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Core Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, M 82 28872c 

Figure 2(7 

Figure 220 

Grosz, Texasbtldfiir meinen Freund Cbingachgook (Texas 

picture for my friend Chmgachgook), 1915/16 

Figure 221 

Grosz, Trapczkiinstltr (Trapeze artists), 1914 

TexasbildfUr meinen Freund Cbintfacbtfook 

(Texas picture for my friend Chingachgook) 


Plate 2 from the Erste George Grosz-Mappe 

(First George Crosz portfolio) 


Lithograph, 269 x 271 cm (10% x I0V» in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Duckers M I, 2 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16393 

Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, M 82 288 71b 

Figure 220 

Germanenkopjt (Teutonic Heads) 


Etching, 33 x 53 cm (13 x 207« in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Duckers E 58 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16397 

Location unknown 

Figure 222 

Grosz, Gejangene (Prisoners), 1915 

Figure 223 

Grosz, "Maul bulten und writer dicnm" ("Shut up and do your duty"), 1927 

Hans Grundig 

Rudolf Haizmann 



Lithograph <n" \ 26.5 cm I I5M \ 10 In 

I ii itogw raisonm I Kit ken i 6*0? 

Acquired b) the Kupferstichkabineti Dresden 

R i * ..' Ns Inventory no 16428 

I .k. iin in unknown otto i pi im 1 1 nisi 

Arbahlo\t i Unemployed ' 

Slrdssmszoir mil Kruppel i Street scene with cripples) 


Lithograph, 22 x 175 cm (8% x 6 - in 

( atalogue raisonne Duckers I 67 

Acquired by the Schlesischcs Museum der bildenden 

Kunst Hrcslau 

Room C.I, NS inventory no 16269 

Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, purchased with funds 

provided bv Anna King Arnold, Museum Acquisition 

Fund, and deaccession funds, 831 85i 

Bom (893 


(he J (963 


Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Knabe mil gebrochmm Arm (Boy with broke 
c 1928 

Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1929 by the Stadtmuseum Di 
Room Gl, NS inventory no 16167 
Location unknown 

/ i:iw 1 igure 


Marble, dimensions unk 

Acquired by the Museu 
r famburg 

Room 3, NS inventory i 
Probably destroyed 

i tur Kunst und Cewcrbe, 

"AIjm/ bttlten unJ writer Jirtirw ' 

( "Shut up and do your duty") 

Der GekmtzujU (Crucified 

Plate 10 from the portfolio Hintergrund (Background] 


Etching, 15 2 x 181 cm (6 x 7% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Duckers M V!, 10 

Acquired bv the Kupferstichkabmett, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16413 

Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, purchased with funds 

provided by Anna Bing Arnold. Museum Acquisition 

Fund, and deaccession funds. 83179) 

Figure 223 

Two unidentified works 

Possibly watercolor, dimensions unknown 

Original location unknown 

Room Gl, NS inventory nos 16264 and 16265 

Location unknown 

Ah i Nude i 

Print, medium unknown, dimensions unknown 

C atalogue raisonne Duckers E32-34, E73-74 

Acquired by the Kupferstichkabmett, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16298 


BiMNr 22896// (Image no 22896/1) 

Etching, dimensions unknown 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildende 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room Gl, NS inventory no 16260 


Unidentified print exhibited as Zwei Afoe i.Two nudes) 

Etching, dimensions unknown 

Acquired bv the Kupferstichkabmett, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16406 

Location unknown 

Raoul Hausmann 



Born (886 
Vienna, Austria 

Died 1971 
Limoges, France 

In 1900 Raoul Hausmann came to Berlin, 
where he studied painting and sculpture His 
first artistic ties were to Expressionist artists 
and writers in 1912 he joined Der Sturm 
(The storm), in 1916 he became a regular 
contributor to the journal Die Aktion 
(Action), and a year later he joined the 
Expressionistische Arbeitsgemeinschaft 
Dresden (Expressionist working group 
of Dresden) 

Hausmann opposed the First World 
War from its outbreak and in 1917 took part 
in the illegal distribution of the so-called 
Lichnowsky Brochure, which blamed the 
Germans for the war This undertaking 
marked his earliest collaboration with Franz 
Jung, who was then living with Titus Tautz, 
one of the organizers of the Lichnowsky 
project During the next few years Haus- 
mann became increasingly involved with the 
circle of anarchist intellectuals who edited 
and contributed to the journal Freif Strasse 
(Free street), including Jung and Otto Cross ' 

In April of 1918 Hausmann attended the 
first "Dada evening," when Richard Huelsen- 
beck read the German Dadaist manifesto 
Hausmann joined the group and with this 
act aligned himself with the Dadaists' con- 
demnation of the Expressionists Although 
he had previously affiliated himself with 
them, he now accused the Expressionists of 
being middle-class Philistines whose work 
lacked social meaning and had become 
a luxury item in a capitalist art market 
Following the 1920 Crosse Internationale 
Dada Messf (Great international Dada fair) 
Hausmann became even more critical of 
Expressionism in June of 1921 he signed an 
open letter in Der Qegner (The opponent) to 
the Novembergruppe (November group) 

decrying the failure of these Expressionists 
to live up to their alleged revolutionary 
goals This letter was later cited in 
Wolfgang Willrich's 1937 Sauberung des 
Kunsttempels (Cleansing of the temple of art) 
as evidence of the signatories' consummate 
Bolshevist commitment 3 

By late 1919 the Berlin Dadaists were 
themselves polarized into two groups 
While Johannes Baader, Hausmann, Hannah 
Hoch, and others opposed official party 
affiliation, the Communist sympathies 
of George Grosz, John Heartfield, and 
Wieland Herzfelde resulted in their pro- 
duction of socially engaged artworks that 
empathized with the proletariat Despite 
Hausmann's reluctance to join the Commun- 
ist party he continued in 1919 and 1920 to 
publish explicitly political essays in the 
journal Die Erde (The earth) attacking the 
majority Socialist government Although his 
political orientation had originally been 
inspired by the anarchist tradition of Mikh- 
ail Bakunin and Max Stirner, as early as 1916 
he began to focus on psychosexual issues 
rather than on class struggle ' His idea of 
revolution was greatly influenced in that 
year by Otto Gross's essay Vom Konjlikt des 
Eignen und Fremden (On the conflict between 
what is one's own and what is strange to one- 
self), which he had read in Freie Strasse 4 
In the June 15, 1919, issue of Die Erde 
Hausmann published an essay "Zur 
Weltrevolution" (On the world revolution), 
in which he called for the liberation of 
women He argued for the "development of 
a feminine [weiblicb] society which would 
lead to a new promiscuity and, in connec- 
tion with that, to Mother Right" (as opposed 
to the characteristic male features of pater- 
nal family right) 5 With these views he 
began to move away from his Dada convic- 
tions, and within a year he was holding 
anti-Dada soirees with Kurt Schwitters 

June 15, 1919, was also the date of the 
first issue of Hausmann's journal Der Dada, 
a short-lived publication of three numbers 
In the second issue, published in December 
of the same year, Hausmann's lead article 
emphasized the need for social revolution 



Preis 1 Mark 

dada siegff 

C^/h /'/'/"'/" fiet. 

Figure 224 

Hausmann, title page of Dfr Dada, no 2, 

December 1919 

Figure 225 

Grosz, Hausmann, and Heartheld, title page of 

Drr Dada, no 3, April 1920 

Guido Hebert 

Vuu s.iv .111 is in dangei how SO? Art 
doesn't exisl any longei It is dead We 

ilu not want to know about spun or art 

We want to ordei economics and sexuality 
rationally We wish the world to be 
Stirred and stirring, unrest instead ol rest ' 
I lausmann joined the progressive art- 
ists group Kommune ( ommune) in 1922 

and in October exhibited in the /ritrriiiilion<ilr 
Aussttllung revolutionam Kiinstler (International 
exhibition ol revolutionary artists) In 1926 
he started work on a novel, Hylr, and a few 
years later began exploring the medium of 

At the National Socialist party con- 
vention in 1934 Hitler promised that both 
political and aesthetic revolutions had come 
to an end in Germany' He identified the 
saboteurs of art" who posed a moral danger 
to German culture as the "Cubists, Futurists 
and Dadaists * When the EntiirMf Kunst 
exhibition opened a few years later, 
Hausmann who had only one work appro- 
priated bv Adolf Ziegler's committee, was 
represented by the title page of the second 
issue of Drr Diiiiii (fig 224) and the first 
sheet of the third issue (fig 225) of the jour- 
nal These were tacked up on a partition on 
which the installers had created their own 
"Dada" collage of paint, modernist artworks, 
and slogans, surmounted by George Grosz's 
words "Take Dada seriously' It's worth it " 

Hausmann left Germany in March of 
1933 Little is known of his political stance in 
exile He went first to Ibiza, where he 
remained until the outbreak of the Spanish 
Civil War in 1936, and then to Amsterdam 
Zurich, and later to Prague He arrived in 
Paris in 1938 and fled to Peyrat-le-Chateau 
in the south of France in 1939 In 1944 he 
moved to Limoges, where he resided until 
his death in 1971 P K ! 


1 Hanne Berglus Das Lacbm Daiai Dicbtrlhm 
Dadaislm mi ibn Afar'otrm (Ciessen Anabas 1989 i ' ! 

2 Wolfgang Willi uli SmbtruHj dn KunsllmptU: Eini 
kiiHSlpolilisclH Kampjscbrifi :m CamiuHj iwtscber Kumt m 
Crista mrdiscbti Art (Munich I I Lehmann, 1937), 43 

J Walter I Shnderc and Martin Re< tor; Link- 
radikalimu! mi Ltlrralur UittmHchmja znr Gacbicbtt ia 
rozulislrsdxir Li'lcralur in in Weimam Rtpublib i Reinbek 
Rowohlr, 1974), vol 1, 249 

■1 Timothy O Benson, R,loul Hiimmmn ,mj Hrrlm 

Dada (Ann Arbor UMI Research Press, 1987), 69 

5 R.ioul Hausmann, "Zur Wcltrevolution," Dit hit 
12 i lune 15, 1919) 170 

6 Raoul Hausmann, "Der deutsche Spiesser argert 
sich ," in Drr Dada 2 (December 1919) (I) 

7 Berthold Hinz, Art m the Third Rnc/l, trans 
Robert and Rita Kimber (New York Pantheon, 
1979), 35 

8 Hildegard Brenner, Dit Knnsrjiolirilr da 
Nationalsozialisnm (Reinbek Rowohli, 1963), 82 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Title page of Drr Dada, no 2 

December 1919 

Lithograph, 29 x 23 cm 111% x 9 in ) 

Published by Malik Verlag, Berlin 

Room 3, NS Inventory no unrecorded 

Location unknown, this copy Getty Center for the 

History of Art and the Humanities, Resource 


Fi^urr 22< 

(with George Crosz and John Heartfield) 

Title page of Drr Dada, no 3 

April 1920 

Lithograph, 29 x 23 cm i 1 1% x 9 in ) 

Published by Malik Verlag, Berlin 

Room 3, NS inventory no unrecorded 

Location unknown, this copy Getty Center for the 

History of Art and the Humanities, Resource 


Figure 225 

Bom i i "on 

Drolb ia\t 


Work in Entartete Kunst 

Biidtlil A1nm Bmdtr Portrait my brother 
Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1925 by the Stadtmuscum Dresden 
Room Cl, NS inventory no 16165 

Location unknown 

SrHKlfciUms (Self-portrait) 

Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1925 by the Stadtmuseum Dresde 
Room Gl, NS inventory no 16172 
Location unknown 

Erich Heckel 

Born (883 

Died 1970 

For eight years in Dresden, and then in 
Berlin, the artists' group known as Die 
Brucke (The bridge), founded in 1905 by 
Erich Heckel with Fritz Bleyl, Ernst Ludwig 
Kirchner, and Karl Schmidt- Rottluff, spon- 
sored exhibitions and provided a rallying 
point for artists of the avant-garde Heckel 
was an architectural student in Dresden 
when he and his friend Schmidt-Rottluff, 
whom he had met as a schoolboy in Chem- 
nitz, organized Die Brucke, soon to include 
Emil Nolde and Max Pechstein and in 1910 
Otto Mueller Heckel's participation in the 
group's activities shaped his artistic style 
and launched his career as a painter 

Heckel's first solo exhibition was held 
in 1913 at Fritz Gurlitt's gallery in Berlin 
Two paintings from that year, Die Genesende 
(The convalescent), a triptych bought by 
the Museum Folkwang in Essen and now 
in the Busch-Reisinger Museum at Harvard 
University and Glasernen Tat; (Classy 
day) are among his most famous He had 
earlier been hired along with his colleague 
Kirchner to paint the chapel in Cologne 
erected by the wealthy collector Karl Ernst 
Osthaus to hold windows commissioned 
from the stained-glass artist jan Thorn- 
Prikker By the time he volunteered for Red 
Cross duty in 1914, Heckel had become a 
well-known and respected artist 

Heckel's unit in the First World War 
was under the command of Dr Walter 
Kaesbach, an art historian whom he had 
met in 1912 Kaesbach prescribed a work 
schedule for his charges of twenty-four 
hours on duty and twenty-four hours off, 
which allowed Heckel to continue to pro- 
duce paintings, watercolors, and graphics 
during the war His work did not depict 

scenes of war, however the landscapes 
and seascapes dating from this period are 
a summary of the context rather than the 
content of his experiences 

Heckel was sent to Flanders with 
Kaesbach's group in 1915 There in 
Roeselare he met Max Beckmann, who was 
serving as a medical orderly at the front 
Heckel encountered James Ensor at his next 
assignment, Ostend, where he decorated a 
room that was used as temporary quarters 
for sick and wounded soldiers and painted 
the Madonna von Oslende (Ostend Madonna) 
on a tarpaulin for a sailors' Christmas party 
(This work was among the first to be 
acquired in 1919 by the Nationalgalerie in 
Berlin for its modern section, the Neue 
Abteilung ) In 1916 Heckel began to contrib- 
ute to Paul Cassirer's pacifist review Der 
Bildermann (The picture man) and many oth- 
ers of the short-lived periodicals published 
before and after the war, including the left- 
leaning Der Sturm (The storm), Die Aktwn 
(Action), and Die role Erde (The red earth) 

After the war Heckel returned to 
Berlin and spent the following years travel- 
ing throughout Germany and to England, 
France, Italy, and Scandinavia He joined the 
Novembergruppe (November group) and 
the Arbeitsrat fur Kunst (Workers' council 
for art) in 1919, but his art at this time did 
not overtly testify to his dedication to the 
revolutionary cause ' In 1914, in response to 
a survey by the journal Kunst und Kiinstler 
(Art and artists), Heckel had said, "The 
unconscious and the involuntary are the 
sources of artistic power" 2 A direct, pro- 
grammatic approach was not in keeping 
with his mode of expression It has been said 
that, as was the case in so much postwar 
art, Heckel created a spiritualized apocalyp- 
tic atmosphere in his work,' that his figural 
images of the early 1920s were visions — 
people like marionettes, without expression 4 

In the early 1930s Heckel's figures took 
on an ornamental character, and there was 
not much change in his work after the Nazis 
came to power, except for his abandonment 
of circus themes and still lifes before the end 
of the decade He was slow to realize the 

implications of Adolf Hitler's art-related pol- 
icies As late as August 1934 Ernst Barlach, 
Ludwig Mies van der Rohe, Nolde, and oth- 
ers signed a appeal to support Hitler, with 
the hope that they might be able to con- 
tinue to work in peace, if not with honor 5 
Heckel also signed, despite a recent ugly 
confrontation at a lecture given by Paul 
Schultze-Naumburg, in which the writer 
stated that all Expressionists were Jews 
When Heckel objected, two members of the 
SA (Sturmabteilung, storm troop) made it 
clear that there was to be no disagreement 6 

Painters and critics who were not pro- 
ponents of the approved wlkisch (popular 
national) art continued to argue that works 
by Heckel (and Barlach and Kirchner) were 
truly German and had even been prophetic 
of the increasing power of the National 
Socialists The poet Gottfried Benn pub- 
lished an article in November 1933 in 
Deutsche Zukunft (German future) wherein he 
called German Expressionism the "last great 
resurgence of art in Europe" and declared 
that the "antiliberal and irrational aspects 
of such art qualified modern painters and 
sculptors to contribute to the National 
Socialist cultural program " 7 

There was for a time a certain 
ambivalence in the treatment of Heckel by 
the National Socialist authorities one of his 
paintings was removed in 1935 from a 
Munich exhibition of contemporary art 
from Berlin, yet in 1936 he was inducted 
into the Reichskammer der bildenden 
Kiinste (Reich chamber of fine arts) without 
applying for membership, upon the dissolu- 
tion of the union {Wirtschaftsvcrband) to 
which he belonged Soon thereafter, in 1937 
Heckel was declared "decadent" and was 
forbidden to exhibit, and 729 of his works in 
public institutions were impounded because 
he "destroyed the sense of race "* 

Paul Ortwin Rave, then a curator at the 
Nationalgalerie, was assigned to accompany 
Adolf Ziegler's commission on its visit of 
July 7, 1937, to the Neue Abteilung in the 
Kronprinzenpalais for the purpose of 
confiscating works for the Entartele Kunst 
exhibition "Discussion especially about 

uds by the 

shop 191 

[Hcckel's] picture Syh." he noted, "criticized 
by [commission member Hans Schweitzer] 
for its lack of aerial perspective, Ziegler 
deemed it not suspicious enough but did not 
like the painting technique in FIhssI.iI mil 
JWfmfoi (River valley with bathers] Com- 
ments [were made] regarding a Heckel 
painting seized the previous day in Cologne, 
Goleborg, which had been bought in 1935 
for RM 5000, to the shame of the director 
there " 9 

In all, seven oils, four watercolors, and 
two graphics by Heckel were displayed in 
Enliirlflf KumsI Among those seized were two 
that purportedly glorified idiots, cretins, and 
paralytics at the expense of healthy Aryans 
Bern Vorkim (Reading aloudi, exhibited as 
Untcrbaltunt) (Conversation', and SilZfwifr 
Mann Seated man) Also drawing indignant 
onlookers was the nude Madcben mil Rose 
(Girl with rose), exhibited as Ruhemies 
Madchat 'Girl resting', labeled to show that 
it had been purchased with "the taxes of the 

German working people" by the Landes- 
museum in Hannover in 1923 for one 
million marks "' 

Heckel led a quiet existence in various 
rural locations from 1932 to 1939, from 1940 
to 1942 he lived in Austria In January 1944 
his atelier in Berlin, in which he had worked 
since 1919, was destroyed by bombs, and 
many works, especially drawings, were lost 
He became Otto Dix's neighbor in Hem- 
menhoten on Lake Constance before the 
end of the war and encountered Kaesbach 
again, who had lived there since 1933 In 
1949 Heckel became professor of visual arts 
at the Kunstakademie (Academy of art i in 
Karlsruhe, where he remained until 1955 

Heckel and Schmidt- Rottluff were the 
longest surviving members of Die Briicke 
and were instrumental in founding the 
Briicke-Museum in Berlin Before his death 
Heckel gave many of his own works as well 
as portfolios prepared by the group to the 
fledgling institution (D G ) 


1 Biographical information can be found especially 
in Paul Vogt, EnJi HtM (Recklinghausen Aurel 
Bongers, 19651 and Emli HrcM 1883-1970 Gemalit 
Aifiumllc, Ztidmmiga mi GrupMticxh cat edited 

by Zdenek Felix, Essen Museum Folkwang 1983 

2 Ida Katherine Rigby "Ah Mi Kilnsllerl" War— 

RavlutlOM — Wamar GrrmilH Ex/irrssiomst Prmh Draumuj] 
Poslrrs, mi Pmoiicaii from the Robert Corf Rtflmi Fomia- 
tion [each cat, San Diego Umvcrsitv Gallery San 
Diego State University 1983 B0 

3 Erich Hickrl (Museum Folkwang J ~ 

4 Theda Shapiro, Painttn and Politics Tht Euwptm 
Aoant Garit (New York Elsevier, 1976), 88 

5 Remhard Merker, Die hlirndrx Kumit in 
NalioiKilsozmlismus Kulturiimlodie, Kutturpolitik. 
KMurproiltklion (Cologne DuMont, 1983), 56 

6 Vogt, Ericfc HiM. «6 

7 Henrv Grosshans, Hitler mi llir Artists : New York 
Holmes and Meier, 1983), 73 

a Vogt Ericfc HicM, 87 

9 Paul Ortwm Rave, Kumliikuilur im Dnllm Rmr>. 
rev ed , ed Uwe M Schnecdc ' Berlin Argon, 
1987), 143 

10 Vogt, Ericfc Hrckil. 87 

Wilhelm Heckrott 

Work in Entarlete Kunsl 

Madcbrn mit Rose iCirl with rose) 

Rubmdes Miidcben (Cirl resting! 


Oil on canvas, c 76 x 90 cm (297s x 35% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1909/7 

Acquired in 1923 by the Landesmuseum, Hannover 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15996 

Location unknown 

Gebolz am Meer ( Woods by the sea) 


Tempera on canvas, 72 5 x 80 cm (28'/a x 31V: in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1913/57 

Acquired by the kunsthalle Bremen 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16142 

Karl Ernst Osthaus-Museum, Hagen, Sammlung Berg 

Figure 227 


Landscbafi mil Muble (Landscape with mill) 


Painting, medium unknown, 81 x 94 cm (31% x 37 in I 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1913/35 

Acquired (donation" 1 ) in 1923 by the Landesmuseum, 


Room 5, NS inventory no 16109 

Location unknown 

Brim Vorksai (Reading aloud) 
Untcrbaltunt) ( Conversation ) 

Oil on canvas, 95 x 80 cm (37% x 31'A i 
Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1914/4 
Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Mu 
und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16047 
Private collection, Germany 

Flamische Femilit (Flemish family) 


Oil on canvas, 110 x 77 cm (43% x 30% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1916/4 

Acquired by the Stadtische Calene, Frankfurt 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16027 

Location unknown 

Barbimlubc (Barbershop! 

Brim Frisatr (At the hairdresser's) 


Oil on canvas, 95 2 x 71 8 cm (37'A x 28% 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1912/25 

Acquired in 1926 by the Stadtisches Museu 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16222 

Staatliche Calerie Moritzburg Halle, 1948 

Figure 226 

Work in "Entartete Kunst" 

Maicnkonigin (May queen) 


Oil on canvas, dimensions unk 

Acquired in 1920 by the Stadt 

Room I, NS inventory no 15942 

Location unknown 

Selbslportrat (Self-portrait) 

Exhibited as Kopj (Head) 


Ink and opaque color, 461 x 339 cm (18'/h x 13% in ! 

Acquired in 1927 by the Kupferstichkabmett, Dresden 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16315 

Location unknown 

Zwet Akte ipw Atflifr (Two nudes in the studio) 

Watercolor, dimensions unknown 

Acquired in 1920 by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16169 

Location unknown 

Sttzender Mann (Seated man! 


Oil on canvas, 1 10 x 70 cm (43 'A x 27% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1913/24 

Acquired in 1920 by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16049 

Location unknown 

Badende am Meer ( Bather by the see) 


Oil on canvas,- c 90 x 55 cm (35% x 21 % ir 

Catalogue raisonne Vogt 1913/25 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16017 

Location unknown 

Jacoba van 

Hans Siebert 
von Heister 

I In [ lutch paintei and graphic artist lacoba 

van I Iccmxkcrck studied in The Hague, in 
Hilversum at the I aren School and with 
F Hart Nibbng for a vear she worked 
in the Atelier Eugene Carriere in Paris and 
exhibited in Amsterdam, Brussels, London, 
and Pans A meeting with Rudoll Sterner, 
lounder ot the Anthroposophical Society, 
was ol great importance lor her, Sterner' s 
Ihcosophv kosicrucianism, and other 
occult concepts were important sources 
(or abstract artists Another, less exotic 
influence was Paul Scheerbart's book 
G/dsarcoitfklur (Glass architecture), which 
inspired her to design stained-glass windows 

Heemskerck became well known in 
Germany while remaining nearly unrecog- 
nized in her native land Her woodcuts and 
linocuts appeared regularly in the journal 
Drr Sturm The storm) after she had been 
discovered by the editor, Herwarth 
VCalden ' She was represented in the Erslrr 
deutschcr Herbshalon (First German autumn 
salon ol 1913, and in 1914 the Galerie Der 
Sturm exhibited her work with that of 
Marianne von Werefkin, followed by a ret- 

rospective in 1916 I leemskert k received a 
total ol ten exhibitions at I )ee Sturm, more 
than any othei aitist, and Walden even 
tried to organize an art school for her, the 
Sturmschlile fur I lolland "Sturm" school 
for Holland), in the Netherlands 

Heemskerck was represented in 
the famous 1926 exhibition of the newly 
founded Internationale Veremigung der 
I xpressionisten, I uturisten, Kubisten, und 
Konstruktfvisten International association of 
Expressionists, Futurists, Gubists, and Gon- 
structivists) in Berlin Since she was not 
German (and since she had died fourteen 
years earlier), her inclusion in Enlarkk Kunst 
was probably due to her association with 
Der Sturm and Impressionism in general 
her abstract linocut of about 1921, Kompost- 
tion (Composition, fig 228), was included in 
the Bauhaus portfolio Neue europaiscbe Grufik 
Deutsche Kiinstlcr (New European graphics 
German artists), which was displayed in 
Entarlete Kumt ! (PC) 


1 Adolf Behne published a review of Heemskerck's 
work under the title "Biologic und Kubismus" I Biology 
and Cubism) in Drr Sturm 6 (1911-12), September 1-2 

2 See also Lothar Schrever lacoba van Hrrmskmfc 
Sturm Bilderbuch no 7 (Berlin Der Sturm, 1924), A B 
Loosies-Terpstra, Moderne Kunsl in NtdtrLind iooo-1914 

i Utrecht H Dekker & Cumbert, 1959), "Zwanzig 
lahre vergessen Gesamtschau von Hollands erster 
Kubistm in Amsterdam," Fuinkfutlcr RuudNitati, February 
27, I960, A H Huussen, Ir, and Herbert Henkels, 
lacoba van Hrrmsfemlc i87t>-i«J2i Kunstatares van bet Expres- 
sioKSmc I he Hague Haags Cemeentemuseum, 1983 ) 

Horn ISSS 

Died (967 


Work in Entarlete Kunst 

Wab I Woman i 


Print, dimensions unknown 

Acquired in 1922 by the Stadtischc Kun 


Room G2, NS inventory no 16408 

Location unknown 


Figure 228 

Heemskerck Kompositum C ompositn 

Work in Entarlete Kunst" 

Kompoution (Composition) 

Exhibited as Abstraktrs btho (Abstract lithol 

Plate 6 from Bauhaus Portfolio III 

c 1921 

Linoleum cut, 299 x 40 2 cm (I IV. x 15% in 

Catalogue raisonne Wmgler 111/6 

Acquired bv the Schlossmuseum, Breslau 1 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16422 

Location unknown, this print Fiorella Urbinati 

Gallery I Los Angeles onlv 1 , The Art Institute oi 

Chicago, gift of Philip Pinsof [( lucago only) 

Fi^urr 228 


Oswald Herzog 

Werner Heuser 

Heinrich Hoerle 

Born (895 

Work in 'Entartete Kunst 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 

Das kb (The ego) 


Alabaster, height 115 cm I 45 % in ) 

Acquired in 1932 by the Nationalgale 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16238 

Probably destroyed 

Taufr (Baptism) 


Oil on canvas, 100 x 80 cm (39 ! /„ x 31'/, in ) 

Acquired in 1919 by the Stadtische Kunstsa 


Room 7, NS inventory no 14167 

Location unknown 


Mdancholit (Melancholy) 

c 1918 

Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 

Acquired in 1929 by the Kunsthalle Mannheim 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15989 

Probably destroyed 

Das Paar (The couple) 

Possibly Pwlelat (Proletarians) 


Print, medium unknown, dimensions unknown 

Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtische Kunstsammlungen 


Room G2, NS inventory no 16294 


Karl Hof er 

Bom la '8 


Dili 1953 
Berlin I lofci was .1 professor at the Berlin 

Akademie when the National Socialists came 
to power in 1933 He had been a harsh critic 
of Hitlers cultural policy since the end of 
the 1920s and took issue with the party's 
plan to create an "art for everyone " Hofer 
attacked the officially sanctioned neo- 
Biedermeier style, winch he called "the ulti- 
mate in inferiority and imitation "' On July 
13, 1933, a letter from the artist appeared in 
the / kutsclbc Alltfememc Zettuni), presenting his 
view that there was no need for a Kulturkampj 
(cultural battle! In his view Hitler's appar- 
ent love for art and the small percentage of 
Jews among the visual artists, who seemingly 
were the primary targets, made the plan 
superfluous 2 Hofer accused the National 
Socialists of promoting an art that was 
pure kitsch "The masses and kitsch go 
together Every strong, new expression 
of the human spirit is misunderstood by 
the surrounding populace Today the 
eternal levelers are again at work " In 
response, an article by Waldemar Wunsthc 
entitled "Karl Hofer und die neue Kunst" 
( Karl Hofer and the new art) in the National 
Socialist periodical Deutsche Kulturwacht 
(German cultural sentinel) accused Hofer 
of being elitist and anti-Volfe (people), 
whereas the National Socialists claimed they 
looked to "the Vblk's innate sense for good 
art " Wunsche described the works of Hofer 
and his friends as not "truly revolutionary 
and thereby creative and futuristic but 
rather decadent — [belonging] to an 
overwrought past If they are not under- 
stood, it is not because of narrow- 
mindedness, reaction, or lack of true under- 
standing for art, but because of a healthy 
regard tor life that rejects everything that 

I iKUrc 224 

Hofer ScMa/raA Moisdu 

(People sleeping 1919 

tries to destroy the life of the nation " The 
article also criticized Hofer for ignoring the 
threat posed to German art by Jewish critics 
like Julius Meier-Graefe and Jewish dealers 
like Paul Cassirer and Alfred Flechtheim ' 

Hofer was clearly under attack On 
April 1, 1933, a large poster had appeared at 
the academy describing him as a member of 
the destructive Marxist-Jewish element and 
urging students to boycott his classes 4 
Hofer responded in the periodical An<)rifj 
(Attack) to the rhetorical question, "How 
much longer will the Akademie continue to 
dance to the pipe of the lew Hofer" with 
"I have never piped, and regrettably have 
never seen the Akademie dance, and am no 
lew'"' In 1934 Hofer lost his professorship 
and was forbidden to work and exhibit 
by the Prussian minister of education, 
Bernhard Rust 

Hofer's objections to the policies of 
German fascism, which he described as 
"idealism gone astray [and] the bourgeoisie 
gone off the rails, '' were among the most 
vociferous The dealer Giinther Franke 
wrote later that "politically Hofer had spo- 
ken out so loudly against the regime that it 
was a wonder he did not come under the 
wheel " 7 Hofer himself, in his book Aus Lebcn 
und Kunst (Of life and art), 1952, admitted, 
"I was not very careful in what I said, and 
today it appears to me to be a miracle that 
I'm still alive"" Hofer remained in Berlin 
during the National Socialist rule, experi- 
encing an existential alienation coupled 
with the psychological violence inflicted by 
the government 

In spring 1933 Hofer was still allowed 
to exhibit, and his paintings appeared in 
the Berliner Sezession (Berlin secession 
along with works by Lyonel Feininger, Paul 
Klee, Ernst Nay and Oskar Schlemmer In 
the foreword of the catalogue their works 

were described as having a German spirit 11 
Although Hofer's paintings were not as bold 
in form and color as those of the other Ger- 
man artists represented, shortly after the 
exhibition the National Socialists began to 
confiscate them from public and private 
institutions, until ultimately 313 had been 
seized Eight paintings appeared in Entartete 
Kuttst in 1937 His Sttzender Akt auj blauem 
Kissett (Seated nude on blue cushion), confis- 
cated from Max Perl's gallery in 1935, was 
hung in Room 3 near the slogans "An insult 
to German womanhood" and "The ideal — 
cretin and whore " 

Early influences on Hofer had included 
Hans von Marees and the classical art he 
saw in abundance during his residence in 
Rome from 1903 to 1908 He then moved to 
Paris, where he was influenced by the work 
of Paul Cezanne (and was interned as an 
enemy alien when he lingered too long in 
France in 1914) After the war Hofer lived in 
Berlin, taught at the Akademie from 1919 to 
1933, and became chairman of the Freie 
Sezession (Free secession) He was inducted 
into the Preussische Akademie der Kiinste 
(Prussian academy of arts) in 1923 but was 
dismissed in 1938, after having been made an 
inactive member Ironically that summer 
Hofer was awarded first prize by the Car- 
negie Institute at its International Exhibition 
in Pittsburgh, receiving foreign recognition 
while being denounced in his own country 
Nine of his pictures impounded by the 
National Socialists were sent to the Galerie 
Fischer sale in Lucerne in June 1939 Those 
that failed to sell at auction were sold 
for approximately fifty reichsmarks each 
in 1941 l0 

On March 1, 1943, Hofer's studio was 
bombed and over 150 paintings and many 
drawings and writings were destroyed His 
apartment, where he resumed painting, was 
destroyed the following November Hofer 
had photographed many of the lost works 
and repainted as many as fifteen of them, 
including Scbuhirze Zimmer (Black rooms), 
originally painted in 1928 This work, a 
nightmarish image of a naked man beating a 
drum, with other figures scattered through 

bare, labyrinthine rooms, has often been 
described as a premonition of the catastro- 
phe to come in Germany The dealer Karl 
Buchholz, one of those entrusted by the 
Nazis with the sale of "degenerate" art, 
continued to make clandestine sales of 
Hofer's symbolic, disturbing pictures to 
old patrons, and the artist said that ironically 
he "never sold so much as at that time"" 

At the end of the Second World War 
Hofer received a professorship at the Berlin 
Hochschule fur bildenden Kunste (College 
of fine arts), which he set about rebuilding, 
and became president of the West Berlin 
Kunstakademie (Academy of art) He was 
a founding member of the Kulturbund 
zur demokratischen Erneuerung (Cultural 
federation for democratic renewal) and 
hoped for cooperation with the Germans in 
the Soviet-occupied zone By 1948, however, 
as the Communist agitation against "formal- 
ism" intensified, a fierce campaign was 
launched against Hofer in the Eastern zone 
The German artists showed their faith in 
him by electing him president of the new 
Deutscher Kunstlerbund (League of German 
artists), founded in 1950 But as the propo- 
nent of a realistic style, although he himself 
had turned to abstraction briefly in 1930 
to 1931, Hofer disputed with artists such 
as abstractionist Willi Baumeister over 
the power of representational art A sharp 
encounter in 1955 with Baumeister and Will 
Grohmann accelerated the controversy and 
Nay and Fritz Winter resigned from the 
Kunstlerbund in protest at Hofer's behavior 
Until his death a short time later, Hofer 
continued to denounce non-objective art 
as the reflection of the soulless premises 
of contemporary life l3 (D G ) 


1 Werner Haftmann, Banned and Persecuted Dictator- 
ship of Art under Hitler, trans Eileen Martin (Cologne 
DuMont, 1986), 253 

2 Reinhard Merker, Die bilimim Kunste im 
Milionalsozwlismus Kullurideoloilie, Kullurpolilik, 
Kulturproduktion (Cologne DuMont, 1983), 132 

3 Ida Katherine Rigby Karl Hojt, (New York 
Garland, 1976), 205, and Joseph Wulf, Dii bddmdm 
Kunste m Dnllftt kticb Erne Dokummlatwn (Frankfurt/ 
Berlin/Vienna Ullstein, 1983), 48 

4 Rigby Karl Hojn, 205 

5 Wulf, Dtt bddmdm Kumtt, 48 

6 Haftmann, Banned and Ptrstcuttd, 253 

7 Rigby Karl Hofer, 232 

8 Wulf, Dif bddmdm Kunste, 48 

9 Paul Ortwin Rave, Kunstdiktatur im Dntloi Rricb, 
rev ed, ed Uwe M Schneede (Berlin Argon, 
1987), 56 

10 Rave, Kunstdiktatur, 129 

1 1 Rigby Karl Hofer, 215 

12 Haftmann, Bannid and Persecuted, 259 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 

Schlajmde Mmscbm (People sleeping) 


Oil on canvas, 58 x 81 cm (227, x 317. in ) 

Acquired in 1922 by the Ruhmeshalle, 


Room 4, NS inventory no 16018 

Von der Heydt-Museum, Wuppertal, 1987 


Der erwacbmde Gtiangme (The awakening prisoner) 


Oil on canvas, 82 5 x 123 cm (32'/ 3 x 48V, in ) 

Acquired in 1924 by the Staatsgalene Stuttgart 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16020 

Collection Hans Ranft, Italy 1974 

Freundmnm (Friends) 


Oil on canvas, 100 x 81 cm (39V, x 317, in ) 

Acquired in 1924 by the Hamburger Kunsthalle 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16045? 

Hamburger Kunsthalle, 1947 

Fi^urr 230 

Tiscbgesellschaft (Group at a table) 


Oil on canvas, 120 x 116 cm (47 14 x 45V, in ) 

Acquired in 1924 by the Ruhmeshalle, 


Room 4, NS inventory no 16030 

Location unknown 

Friends 1923 24 

Figure 231 

Hofer, Zu'fi Frtundt I Two friends). 1926 

Zuyi Freundt 'Two friends l 


Oil on canvas 100 \ 70 cm > 39% x 27'h in ) 

Acquired in 1928 by the Stadttsche Calerie, Frankfurt 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16037 

Stadelsches Kunstmstitut, Frankfurt am Main, 1966 

Figm 23t 


Sulltbcn mil Gmust (Still life with vegetables! 

Oil on canvas, 43 x 67 cm 1 167, x 26% in i 

Acquired by exchange in 1935 by the Nations 


Room 6, NS inventory no 16156 

On commission to Boehmer, exchanged 1940 

location unknown 

SttzcndtT Akt auf blaum Kissnt 

'Seated nude on blue cushion 


Oil «>n canvas dimensions unknown 

Acquired in 1936 by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

'on deposit from 1935 confiscation from Max Perl) 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15987 

Location unknown 

Mond und Sonne (Moon and sun I 
Print, medium unknown, dimensions unknown 
Acquired by the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin 
Room G2, NS inventory no 16403 
Location unknown 

InsuUmn (Island girl) 

Painting medium unknown, dimensions unknown 

Donated in 1932 to the Schlesisches Museum der 

bildenden Kunst Breslau 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16032 

On commission to Boehmer, location unknown 

Eugen Hoffmann 

Johannes Itten 

Work in 'Entartete Kunst 

Ad<m uml Eihi (Adam and Eve) 

Exhibited as Jouj mi Potipbai 

l Joseph and Potiphan by Chnstoph Voll 

Wood, dimensions unknown 

Donated to the Stadtsmuseum Dresden 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16233 


Maichat mil Uauim Hilar (Girl with blue hair) 
Plaster, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1919 by the Stadtmuseum Dresdc 
Room 3, NS inventory no 16242 
Location unknown 

Wribhchrr Akt (Female nude I 
Wood, dimensions unknown 
Acquired by the Stadtmuseum Dn 
Room 3, NS inventory no 16243 
Location unknown 

Nackln W«b\ Female nude) 

Etching, dimensions unknown 

Acquired by the Kupterstichkabinett, Dresden 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16256 

Location unknown 


Died 1967 

Zurich, Switzerland 

Nine works by Johannes Itten were con- 
fiscated from Cerman public collections, 
and two of his lithographs (figs 232-33) 
appeared in the Entartete Kunsl exhibition Yet 
Itten's Swiss nationality should have made 
his work exempt from appropriation by the 
Ziegler committee and inclusion in the 
exhibition Curiously despite his "degener- 
ate" status after 1933 and the fact that he 
was a foreigner and not a member of the 
Nazi party Itten was allowed to remain in 
his academic post in Krefeld until 1937 

Itten began his career as an educator 
and received a diploma in 1912 as a second- 
ary school teacher In 1913 he decided to 
become a student of the painter Adolph 
Holzel and with this changed his vocation to 
painting Although he had briefly attended 
the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Geneva in 1909 
and 1912, he was bored with the academic 
instruction he received there Holzel's pro- 
gressive methods caught his attention and 
shaped his future approach to teaching 

Itten had his first one-man show at the 
Calerie Der Sturm in Berlin in 1916 Later 
that year he moved to Vienna and opened a 
private art school In February of 1919 Wal- 
ter Gropius, acting upon a suggestion from 
Alma Mahler, who had met Itten in 1917, 
invited the artist to become a member of 
the Bauhaus faculty Itten arrived in Weimar 
in October of the same year and brought 
fifteen of his Viennese students with him 
Shortly thereafter he accepted responsi- 
bility for the stained-glass workshop at the 
Bauhaus until Paul Klee took it over in 1922 

Itten's main pedagogic concern, however, 
was the conception and leadership of his 
Vorkurs (preliminary course) Two essential 
features of the course were inspired by 
Holzel's methods the incorporation of 
various breathing and gymnastic techniques 
and a design theory based upon contrasts ' 
Itten's interest in the Persian philosophy of 
Mazdaznan also played an important role in 
his approach to teaching meditation and 
yoga were intended to help the students free 
their innate creativity Although Itten's ideas 
attracted a number of students, they did 
not find widespread acceptance among 
the school's faculty He resigned from the 
Bauhaus on October 4, 1923, partly because 
he disagreed with Gropius's intention to 
reorganize the school's curriculum with the 
aim of unifying art and technology 

In 1926 Itten formed the Moderne 
Kunstschule (Modern art school) in Berlin, 
where he continued to train his students 
(several of whom had originally studied 
with him at the Bauhaus) to "awaken their 
slumbering talent for art and to intensify 
individual originality " : Itten's former col- 
league Georg Muche, who had assisted 
him with the Vorkurs in Weimar, joined the 
Moderne Kunstschule in 1928 following his 
own departure from the Bauhaus In Decem- 
ber of 1931 Itten also became director of 
the newly founded Hohere Fachschule fur 
Textil-Flachenkunst (Technical college for 
textile art) in Krefeld, and after the school 
opened on January 12, 1932, he began 
to spend alternate weeks in Krefeld and Ber- 
lin When the National Socialists came to 
power in 1933, three of Itten's instructors in 
Berlin — Max Bronstein, Lucia Moholy and 
Gyula Pap — were pressured to leave the 
Moderne Kunstschule ' Itten was forced to 
close the Berlin school by Easter of 1934, 
when the National Socialists decreed that 
a Swiss national could not hold two aca- 
demic posts in Germany 

Figure 233 

Itten Hate do wax 

c 1921 

i Manna I \ hmse ol the whu 


Figure 233 

Itten. Spruch Htrzm itt btbt Proverb Hearts of love), 

c 192! 

In an effort to demonstrate his accom- 
plishments at Krefeld, Itten organized the 
textile school's first exhibition in 1934 Iron- 
ically although Itten had opposed Gropius's 
program to unite art and industry in 1923, 
he was now forced to make this practical 
aim the basis of his own program at Krefeld 
He later wrote to Gropius on November 14, 
1937 "The success of my Krefeld work is 
undisputed Industry confirms that our 
school work brings them what they need 
All of the matriculated students are active in 
industry and many of them are unusually 
successful If I were not Swiss and a for- 
mer Bauhaus member, the government and 
industry would undoubtedly expand my 

work on a broader basis into an academy 
ol textile and fashion industry But my 
opponents are a well-organized superior 
force, so that on March I, 1938, I will must 
probably pack up as a degenerate and alien 
Swiss " 4 Itten hoped that Gropius would 
help him to establish a "Bauhaus and Textile 
Institute in America On January 4, 1938, he 
again wrote to Gropius about the possibility 
and introduced the idea of emigration A 
few months later he wrote to his future wife, 
Anneliese Schlosser, that he was learning 
English from phonograph records since he 
lacked the funds to attend a Berlitz school s 

Meanwhile, Itten's provisional two-year 
contract at the Krefeld school had expired 
in 1934, and although he remained in his 
position for another three years, he was 
repeatedly criticized Not only was he 
accused of harboring Gommunists, but 
he was threatened with replacement if he 
did not become a German national Itten 
refused to take up German citizenship and 
finally resigned on November 26, 1937 6 
The school closed temporarily on March 31, 
1938, it reopened later in the year under the 
directorship of Itten's former colleague, 
Muche, who was a German citizen 

Itten went to the Netherlands late 
in 1937, where he taught composition and 
color courses in Amsterdam at the Stedelijk 
Museum and in several other cities In July 
1938 he applied for the directorship of the 
Kunstgewerbeschule (School of applied arts) 
and Kunstgewerbemuseum in Zurich He 
was appointed on November 24 and held 
the position until 1953 The basic tenets of 
his Bauhaus Vorkurs informed his pedagogic 
method Despite the deprivations of war he 
was able to mount a varied exhibition pro- 
gram at the museum In 1943 Itten began 
to direct the textile school of Zurich's silk 
industry a post he retained until 1960 In 
1949 he was contracted to expand and lead 
the Rietberg Museum for non- European art 
The museum opened on May 24, 1952, and 
Itten served as its director until his retire- 
ment on March 31, 1956 

Itten's book KhmsI <Jer Farbe (The art of 
color) was published in 1961 A year later 

he began to write a condensed version of 
his Vorkurs lectures which had appeared 
in a small edition in 1930 but had been 
banned following the National Socialists 
use to power I he second edition finally 
appeared in 1980, thirteen years after Itten's 
death !l'K 


1 Marcel Franciscono, WaUtr Crop™ axd tht ( ration 
o/ ifcr Bnulwus in Wtinur TJir Utah <mJ Artistic Tbtonts o/ 
lis FounJmt} Ytats (Llrbana University of Illinois Press, 

1971 1, 194, 198-99 

2 lohanncs lltcn Design unJ Form Tbt Risk Count at 
tbt Bauhaus, trans lohn Maass ( London Thames and 
Hudson, 19641, 9 

3 Magadalena Droste, Aus dtr llltnsibult Brrlm (926- 
iojj lexh cat, Baden Galerie im Trudelhaus, 1984), 6 

4 lohannes Itten, letter to Walter Gropius, Novem- 
ber 14, 1937, published in Willy Rotzler, ed , lobannts 
/lire Wake mi Scan/ten I Zurich Orell Fussli, 1978), 85 

5 lohannes Itten, letter to Anneliese Schlosser, 
March 3, 1938, published in Rotzler, Johanna Illtn, 87 

6 Rotzler, lohannts Inn. 404 n 182, 429 

Work in Enf arfete Kunst 

Halts its wtissm Manna l House of the white man 

Plate 4 from Bauhaus Portfolio I 

c 1921 

Lithograph, 25 2 x 24 2 cm 197, x 9 'A in I 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 1/4 

Acquired by the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16285^ 

Location unknown, this print Fiorella Urbmati 

Gallery (Los Angeles only. The Art Institute of 

Chicago, gift of Mrs Henry C Woods, Steuben 

Memorial Fund, Emil Eitel Fund, and Harold loachim 

Purchase Fund (Chicago only 

Fijur, m 


Sprucfc Hrrzm dtr Litbt (Proverb Hearts of love 

Plate 3 from Bauhaus Portfolio I 

c 1921 

Color lithograph, 296 x 23 cm (11% x 9 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 1/3 

Acquired by the Schlossmuseum, Breslau 1 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16426 

Location unknown, this print Fiorella Urbmati 

Gallery (Los Angeles only), The Art Institute of 

Chicago, gift of Mrs Henry C Woods, Steuben 

Memorial Fund, Emil Eitel Fund, and Harold loachim 

Purchase Fund (Chicago only) 

Fldurt 233 

Alexej von Jawlensky 

Born (864 
Kuslowo Torscbok, 

Died t94i 

Alexej von Jawlensky first visited an exhibi- 
tion of paintings in 1880 at an international 
exposition in Moscow This experience pro- 
foundly affected the sixteen-year-old and 
became the turning point in his life He 
began to study drawing, and some years 
later, while still in military school and a reg- 
ular visitor to Moscow's Tretiakov Gallery 
he decided to become a painter The pas- 
sionate pursuit of art prompted Jawlensky 
to abandon his career as an officer in the 
czar's infantry regiment in Saint Petersburg 
and move to Munich He was accompanied 
by Marianne von Werefkin, the daughter 
of the commanding general of the Peter and 
Paul Fortress in Saint Petersburg Both had 
been students of llya Repin, the "Courbet 
of Russia," who was considered to be on 
the leading edge of modern Russian art 
Werefkin was far more advanced as a 
painter, her work having been shown to 
great acclaim in a number of exhibitions in 
Russia She and Jawlensky continued their 
studies at the school of Anton Azbe in 
Munich, where they met fellow Russian 
Wassily Kandinsky With Cabriele Munter, 
the three Russians founded the Neue 
Kiinstler Vereinigung (New artists associa- 
tion) in 1909, the precursor of the Blaue 
Reiter ( Blue rider I group 

Werefkin, ambitious on Jawlensky's 
behalf, gave up painting to serve as her 
companion's mentor and muse Inclined 
toward mysticism and convinced of the role 
she was destined to play in the development 
of the "new art," Werefkin was, in a sense, 
the intellectual counterpart to Kandinsky 
both complementing Jawlensky and Munter 
in their honest simplicity and deliberate 
striving Werefkin became the driving force 

in the activities of the Munich group, urging 
them to seek synthesis in art and to pursue 
the great "nothing" — abstraction 

In his travels in France in 1905 Jaw- 
lensky had met Henri Matisse, he returned 
in 1907 to work in the Frenchman's atelier 
Likening color and form in painting to mel- 
ody and rhythm in music, Jawlensky painted 
Fauve-like landscapes and figures By 1913 
the faces of his figures had become elon- 
gated and the colors more muted A subtle 
structural element — a cross — can be dis- 
cerned in the composition of these faces, 
with the eyes forming the horizontal and the 
nose the vertical line 

At the beginning of the First World 
War Jawlensky was exiled as an enemy alien 
in Switzerland, where he lived in Saint Prex 
on Lake Geneva and in Ascona The Varia- 
tional (Variations) he painted there incorpo- 
rated a refinement of the crosslike structure 
of the faces, which became more abstract 
Especially in 1917 in Ascona his depictions 
of heads assumed a mystical, introspective 
aspect, which the artist retained and 
enhanced in subsequent years by further 

Jawlensky lost his Russian citizenship 
after the war Deciding to become a Ger- 
man citizen, he moved to Wiesbaden in 
1921, where a large exhibition of his work 
had been organized by his representative, 
Galka Scheyer, whom he had met in 1916 
At her suggestion Jawlensky made six litho- 
graphs of abstract heads, which were 
published by the Nassauisches Landes- 
museum in Wiesbaden, and another for the 
fourth Bauhaus portfolio, all of which were 
destined to appear in the Enlarlele Kunsl 
exhibition (figs 234-40) Jawlensky pre- 
ferred to work in color, consequently his 
oeuvre includes few graphic works Only 
one etching, Kopf (Head) of 1923, is known 
to exist "The artist must say with his art 
through form and color what is godlike in 
him," 1 Jawlensky said 

In 1924 Scheyer undertook to promote 
modern German artistic ideas abroad and 
took to the United States works by Lyonel 
Feininger, Jawlensky Kandinsky and Paul 



L ) 

«- v_ 

Figure 234 

Jawlensky Kofi/ (Head), ' 

Klee, now organized as the "Blue Four," so 
named as a reference to Der Blaue Reiter 
and because blue was regarded as a spiritual 
color Rather than forming a tightly struc- 
tured official association, the Blue Four only 
intended to exhibit together and "to express 
the spiritually based friendship of the four 
artists," according to Klee : Scheyer gave 
lectures and presented exhibitions across 
the United States, meeting with moderate 
success, particularly in California Unfor- 
tunately the works that Jawlensky had 
entrusted to Scheyer were auctioned as 
enemy possessions in the United States 
after the Second World War 

Jawlensky's health began to deteriorate 
in 1929 Crippling arthritis hampered his 
ability to work in order to paint he would 
hold the brush in both hands and move his 
entire upper body In this way he produced 
the Meditationen (Meditations), the dark and 
glowing heads that are regarded as his finest 
works These final examples of his series 
were known only to a circle of close friends 
because the National Socialists deprived him 
of the right to exhibit in 1933 and forbade 
his work to leave Germany In spring 1933 
Franz Hofmann, art critic for the National 
Socialist Vblkischer Beobacbter, declared works 
by Jawlensky (as well as Max Beckmann, 
Marc Chagall, and George Grosz) to be 
"artistically absolutely worthless In the 
future nothing is more important than the 
protection of the German people from 
these examples of spiritual poison " 3 To the 
National Socialists modern art was syn- 
onymous with Bolshevism, even if, in this 
case, the artist was a pious Russian aris- 

i. According to National Socialist 
doctrine the WUjudtnlum (Jewish world 
kingdom) included the Soviet Union where 
an inferioi (that iv non Nordk I race floui 
ished Said I litlei in 1942 "Vi'c will mold the 
best ol the Slavs to the shape that suits us 
and we will isolate the rest of them in their 
own pig sties and anyone who talks about 
cherishing the local inhabitant and civilizing 
him goes straight ott into a concentration 
camp 1 "' 

lawlensky's lithographs of heads were 
among seventy-two of his works gathered by 
the National Socialists from German 
museums The six lithographs of heads and 
two oil paintings were displayed in Entartctt 
KiimsI in Room 2 on the ground floor with 
works by fieekmann, Otto Dix, Erich 
Heckel Ernst Eudwig Kirchner, Oskar 
Kokoschka. Emil Nolde, and Karl Schmidt 
Rottluff They had been impounded because 
they were the work of a foreigner (despite 
his German citizenship) and a "Bolshevist" 
(despite his apolitical stance) The unnatural 
forms of the figures and the strident use of 
color in the oil paintings, as well as the sim- 
plicity of the graphic works, were charac- 
teristic of degenerate art as defined in 1937 
bv Hitler and Hernhard Rust, minister of 
education 5 All art that did not adapt to the 
trivial naturalism favored by the party or did 
not relate thematically to the ideology of the 
National Socialists was "unclean" and did not 
belong in the "art temples" of the Reich 

In 1938 lawlensky was forced to stop 
working because of illness brought on by 
financial hardships (Werefkin died that 
year, having been estranged from lawlensky 
for many years ) Because of the Nazi inter- 
diction against his exhibiting he was forced 
to turn to friends, including Emil and Ada 
Nolde, for assistance He endured embar- 
rassment about his financial difficulties 
and despair about his inability to work 
until his death in 1941 at age seventy- 
seven i D G I 

I igures 235-40 

Jawlensky Kdpjr (Heads), 1922 


1 Clemens Weiler, Almi lawlmky (Cologne 
DuMont Schauberg, 1959), 103 

2 Ibid 119 

3 Armin Zweite, "Franz Hofmann und die 
Stadtische Galene 1937," in Peter-Klaus Schuster, 
ed , Die "Kunststadt" Mmcbcn mi Nalionahozialismus 
und "Enlarltlr Kunsl" (Munich Prestel, 1987), 274 

4 Adoll Hitler, luncheon conversation, August 6, 
1942, published in Hitlrrs Tabli Talk 1941-1944 Oxford 
Oxford University Press, 1988), 617 

5 Verbolm. rer/olrjl KumMuilur m i Rncli lexh cat 
by Barbara Lepper, Duisburg Wilhelm-Lehmbruck- 
Museum, 1983 27 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 

SizAianerin mil i/runmi Scbal 

(Sicilian girl with green shawl) 


Oil on canvas, 53 5 x 48 5 cm 1 21V. x 19'/« in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Weiler 108 

Acquired in 1922 by the Kunsthalle Mannheim 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16216 

On commission to Buchholz, location unknown 

KmJ mit arunrr HaUkttlr ' Child with green necklace 

Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 

Acquired by the Sthlesisches Museum der bildenden 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16217 

On commission to Buchholz, location unknown 

Kbpfti Heads) 

Exhibited as Srcfes Kofi/t (Six heads 

Portfolio of six prints 


Lithographs, various dimensions 

Acquired by the Schlossmuseum, Brcslau? 

Room C2, NS inventory no 16427 

Destroyed, this portfolio Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, M82 288l03a-f 

Fljurrs JJ5-<0 

Kofi/ 1 Head) 

Plate 7 from Bauhaus Portfolio IV 

c 1922 

Lithograph, 178 x 12 3 cm (7 x 4 v. in 

Catalogue raisonne Wtngler IV/7 

Acquired by the Wallraf Richartz-Museum, Cologne 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16282 

Location unknown, this print Fiorella 

Urbinatt Gallery 

Fi^urr 234 

Eric Johanson 

Hans Jurgen 

Wassily Kandinsky 

Bom (896 

Died 1979 

Lbrbruna Gard, Sweden 

Born <908 
Wollsteitt, Posen 

Death dale 

Born IS66 
Moscow, Russia 

Died 1944 



Work in Entartete Kunst 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 

Fiibnk (Factory) 

Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtmuseun 
Room Cl, NS inventory no 16161 
Location unknown 

Hyatie ( Hyena) 

Painting, medium unknown, dii 

Acquired in 1936 by the Wallraf-Richar 


Room 6, NS inventory no unrecorded 

Location unknown 

Wassily Kandinsky studied law and eco- 
nomics at the University of Moscow 
between 1886 and 1893 During 1889 and 
1890 he also published several articles in 
Ethnoijraficheskoe Obozreni ( Ethnographic 
review) In 1896 he changed fields and 
moved to Munich to study painting, which 
had always interested him Five years later 
he founded the Phalanx exhibition society 
and art school where he taught drawing and 
painting In 1909 he was a cofounder of the 
Neue Kunstlerveremigung Miinchen (New 
Munich artists' association) Two years later 
he formulated a program, with Franz Marc, 
for Der Blaue Reiter (The blue rider) exhi- 
bition group that, like their conceptual- 
ization of the Almanach des Blauen Rfiters 
(The blue rider almanac), was informed by 
Kandinsky's early ethnographic interests 

By January of 1910 Kandinsky had 
completed his manuscript liber das Geislit/e in 
der Kunst (On the spiritual in art) and had 
begun to paint his first abstract composi- 
tions His nonrepresentational style was 
influenced by his study of Theosophy and 
by Symbolist and Jugendstil trends and 
emerged in reaction to the materialistic cul- 
ture of Europe on the brink of the First 
World War ' Although Kandinsky's polit- 
ical stance remains unassessed, his early 
abstraction did have Utopian goals inasmuch 
as he hoped it would help to heal the "crack 
in the inner soul of mankind" and bring 
about the "epoch of the great spiritual." 

Kandinsky's aesthetic objectives were 
eagerly received by some, but at an early 
date they were also attacked by divergent 
factions of the art world In the March 1913 
issue of the Hamburger FremdenblaU a par- 
ticularly vicious critic assailed the "horrible 

smeai ol colors and tangle ol lines ol 
iln works "the monumental arrogance "I 
the paintei and the gall of the Sturm gang 
who have sponsored this exhibit and who 
proclaim iin^ barbaric painting to be .1 rev 
elation ol .1 nev» art ol the Future J These 
accusations were reactivated in the Etttartett 
fviipist exhibition where Kandinsky's abstract 
paintings were treated as a mass of incom 
prehensible smudges by the omission 
ol titles and, in two cases, by being hung 

The outbreak of the I irst World War 
necessitated that Kandmsky as an enemy 
alien, return to Russia, a move that he made 
reluctantly "lor the sixteen years [sic] that 
I have lived in Germany I have devoted 
myself to the German Kitiistfrbni [artistic 
life] How should I suddenly feel like a for- 
eignei ' Kandinsky's Russian ancestry and 
participation in that country's art scene, 
particularly between 1917 and 1921, when 
he directed the theater and film sections of 
the Peoples C ommissanat tor Enlighten- 
ment and assisted Rodchenko with the 
purchase and distribution of artworks for 
the Museums of Painterly Culture, were 
later interpreted by the National Socialists 
as evidence of his Communist leanings A 
painting from this period that was included 
in the Entartett Kunst exhibition, Zweierlei 
Rot (Two kinds of red!, now lost, was deni- 
grated as a carrier of Bolshevist radicalism 
Goebbelss seemingly arbitrary designation 
of 1910 as the terminus ante quern for works 
that could be confiscated from German 
public collections may have been partially 
determined by such semiabstract paintings 
as Kandinsky's Improvisation Nr 10 (fig 241 1, 
included in the second exhibition of the 
Neue Kunstlervereinigung Munchen in 1910 
and later included in Eiiliirlrlr Kunst 

In reality Kandinsky's intuitive 
approach to painting, in which color and 
form were meant to appeal to the viewer's 
inner self, garnered a cool reception from 
younger and more strident members of the 
Russian avant-garde after the revolution s 
Although he developed a program of ped- 

Figure 241 

kandmsky Improvisation Nr 10 1 Improvisation no 111 1910 

agogical reform for the Institute of Artistic 
Culture in June of 1920, Kandmsky was 
opposed to "any general state academic 
direction whatsoever "'' His presumably 
apolitical stance, and particularly his refusal 
to become a member of the Gommunist 
party resulted, according to his wife, Nina, 
in his being passed over for the presidency 
of the Russian Academy of Artistic Sciences 
in October of 1921 7 In March 1922 Walter 
CJropius invited Kandinsky to join the staff 
of the Bauhaus These circumstances in tan- 
dem with the restive political atmosphere in 
Russia suggest that Kandinsky's acceptance 
of the appointment, at fifty-six years of age, 
was an eager one 

In I92H the Kandinskys became Ger- 
man citizens Early in January of 1932 
Kandinsky began to question the stability 
of his position in the uncertain political 
atmosphere of Germany" By June he wrote 
to his American dealer, Galka Scheyer 
"Things also appear to be bad for the Bau- 
haus the new government (in Anhalt) is 
no friend of the Bauhaus, something that 
probably could end in a closing " l) Kan- 
dinsky was right, a decree was passed in 

August of 1932 closing the Bauhaus in Des- 
sau, effective October I In December 
Kandinsky moved to Berlin, where the 
Bauhaus had reopened, only to be closed 
for the last time on July 20, 1933 His loy- 
alty to the school was later decried on the 
walls of the Enl.irMf KmhsI exhibition — 
which opened almost four years to the day 
of the closing of the Bauhaus — with the 
phrase, "Kandinsky teacher at the Com- 
munist Bauhaus in Dessau" 

Kandinsky was well aware of the 
National Socialists' attitude toward him in 
1933 and of the danger of remaining in Ger- 
many as revealed in a letter he wrote to 
Scheyer on October 7, 1933 "The Fuhrer 
recently said the modern' artists are either 
swindlers ( money 1 ) — in that case they 
belong in prison — or overly convinced 
fanatics (ideal 1 ) — in that case they belong 
in a mental asylum In Germany my 
position is especially bad, because I have 
three qualities, of which each one alone is 
bad II former Russian, 21 abstractionist, 
3) former Bauhaus instructor until the last 
day of its existence"" 1 Under these cir- 
cumstances Kandinsky was forced to leave 


Germany a second time and emigrated to 
Pans late in December of 1933 

Many avant-garde artists, including 
Kandinsky believed that Hitler's National 
Socialist regime would be short-lived Soon 
after his emigration he wrote to his biogra- 
pher Will Grohmann "We are not leaving 
Germany for good — I couldn't do that, my 
roots are too deep in German soil "" Kan- 
dinsky's political attitude appears to have 
been naive Not only did he initially defer 
judgment on the National Socialists, but 
early in 1933 he advised Willi Baumeister 
to join Alfred Rosenberg's Kampfbund 
furdeutsche Kultur (Combat league for 
German culture) Kandinsky blamed the 
increasing politicization of aesthetics on 
journalistic reportage and felt that Bau- 
meister was the right person and the 
Kampfbund was the appropriate forum 
for clearing the "fog" through "more intel- 
ligent, calmer, and objective clarifications" 
than those offered in the press '■ As late as 
1935 Kandinsky asked his nephew, who was 
then traveling to Berlin, to approach the 
government and explain that "the reasons I 
have not been in Germany for almost two 
years now have nothing to do with politics 
but only with art "" 

Despite the presence of an active emi- 
gre art colony in Paris, Kandinsky chose 
not to ally himself with activities of the 
Freie Kunstlerbund (Free artists league), 
though efforts were made to draw him 
into the group ' 4 His sympathy toward the 
Italian Futurists alienated him from many 
members of the Parisian avant-garde, par- 
ticularly the Surrealists, whose anti-Futurist 
sentiments and alleged revolutionary politi- 
cal orientation sharply contrasted with 
Kandinsky's stance, 15 he nevertheless main- 
tained his friendship with Andre Breton 

Kandinsky had to sell his work in 
order to support himself, his letter of Octo- 
ber 7, 1933, to Scheyer revealed this in no 
uncertain terms Fortunately he had a close 
relationship with the distinguished editor 
and gallery owner Christian Zervos, who 

Figure 242 

Kandinsky Komposilion "Rube " (Composition "Silence"), 1928 

gave him an exhibition at his Galerie 
Cahiers d'Art in February of 1934 '^ 

When the EntarMe Kunst exhibition 
opened in July of 1937 Kandinsky was 
represented by fourteen works (a total of 
fifty-seven were confiscated from German 
museums) His previous success in Ger- 
many was denounced with the defamatory 
slogan, "Crazy at any price," painted on 
the wall near a large group of his works 

Finally late in 1937, when the Bur- 
lington Galleries' London exhibition 20tb 
Century German Art was under discussion, 
Kandinsky seems to have adopted a more 
critical attitude toward National Socialist 
cultural politics At this point he wrote a 
letter to Irmgard Burchard, one of the 
organizers of the exhibition, stating that he 
"had campaigned for the Entartete' exhibi- 
tion in many countries " l7 His use of the 
term entarlek both refers to the original 
provisional title of the proposed London 

exhibition — Batmed Art — and suggests that 
at that time he supported its progressive 
platform to some extent By mid-1938 
Kandinsky had decided to side with the 
emergent conservative line of the organiz- 
ing committee His decision to lend five 
works to the exhibition was probably not 
meant as a defiant act against National 
Socialist cultural policy he felt art issues 
should remain separate from political 
ones IS When the exhibition opened in 
July, no overt reference was made to 
the Munich Eiitnrlcle Kims! exhibition 

In 1938 Kandinsky's anti-Fascist sen- 
timents were at last publicly expressed 
when he signed a petition to support Otto 
Freundlich and helped to purchase one of 
the artist's works for donation to the Jeu de 

Paume When Kandinsky's German pass- 
porl expired in n-w the artist applied foi 
and was granted I rench naturalization 
before war was declared This saved him 
from being interned in an enemy alien 
camp, a fate that many foreign artists then 
living in Pans were not able to avoid " 
Despite the difficulties ot life under the 
Nazi occupation, at seventy-six years of 
ao,e Kandmsky had a one-man show, albeit 
a clandestine one, at the Galerie Jeanne 
Bticher He died two years later, before 
the liberation of Paris (P K ) 


1 am grateful to Peg Weiss fur sharing unpublished 
material from her lorthcoming bonk, KjMtiimJry and 
Old Russu " The Artrst as Ethnographer and Shaman (New 
Haven Yale University Press), and for calling my 
attention to certain of Kandinsky's letters to Calka 
Schcyer, which will be published in Peg Weiss, ed, 
TW Blur Four A Dialogue with America Selected Correspon- 
dence of Lyonrl Femmger. Alexci iilu'Ioislry. Vastly Kandinsky 
and Paul Kler u'rifi Gallta Scheyer (Berkeley University of 
California Press, forthcoming! 

1 On lugendstil and Symbolist influences in 
Kandinsky's work see Weiss, Kandmsky in Munich, on 
his Theosophical interests see Sixten Ringbom, The 
Sounding Cosmos (Abo Abo Academi, 1970), on his 
abstraction as a reaction to materialist culture see 
Martin Damus, Ideologiekntische Anmerkungen zur 
abstrakten Kunst und ihrer Interpretation — Beispiel 
Kandmsky" in Martin Warnke, ed , Dai Kunslwerk 
ziviichen Wmenschaft und Weltanschauung iCutersloh 
Bertelsmann, 19701, and on Kandinsky's Utopian aspi- 
rations and the ethnographic interests of Marc and 
Kandmsky see Peg Weiss, "Kandmsky in Munich 
Encounters and Transformations,'' in Kandmsky in 
Munich 09S-OU lexh cat, New York Solomon R 
Guggenheim Foundation, 19821, especially 68-72 

2 Cited in Berthold Hinz, An ,n tht Third Reich, 
trans Robert and Rita Kimber (New York Pantheon, 
1979), 49 

3 See the essay in this volume by Mario-Andreas 
von Luttichau, and also his '"Deutsche Kunst' und 
'Entartete Kunst,' Die Munchner Ausstellungen 1937" 
in Peter-Klaus Schuster, ed , Dk "Kunslitadl Munchm 
(937 Ndtiondlsozulismus und ' Enlarltle Kunst'' (Munich 
Prestel, 1987), 107 Note that Luttichau incorrectly 
attributes the watercolor Ahstitg to Klee isee also page 
148), it is by Kandinsky 

4 Wassily Kandinsky letter to Herwarth Walden, 
August 2, 1914, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer 
Kulturbesitz, Sturm-Archiv ( Handscriftenabteilung), 
Nr 171, cited by Clark Poling in Kandmsky Russian 
and Bauhaus Years. t9ts-i9ij lexh cat, New York 
Solomon R Guggenheim Foundation, 1983', 13 

5 lohn Bowlt and Rose ( .ir.,1 Washton I ong The 
b)r of Vasilii Kandmsky to Russian An | Newtonvillc, 
Mass ( Incntal Research Partners 1984 U 

6 L Zhadova, " Vkhutemas Vkhutein ' Dthorativtux 
isltussloo Mossou', no II, 1970 40, cited in Bowlt and 
Fung The Life a] Vasilii Kandinsky ss 

7 Nina Kandinsky Kandinsky und ich I Munk h 
Kmdlcr, 1976), 86, cited in Poling, Kandinsky. 28 

8 Wassily Kandinsky letter to Galka Scheycr, 
lanuary 15-17, 1932, by permission of Peg Weiss 

9 Wassily Kandinsky letter to Galka Schcyer, 
lunc 3, 1932, by permission of Peg Weiss 

10 Wassily Kandinsky letter to Galka Scheyer. 
October 7, 1933, by permission of Peg Weiss 

1 1 Will Grohmann, Wassily Kandinsky Lift and Work 
(London Thames and Hudson, 1959), 221 

12 Wassily Kandinsky letter to Willi Baumeister, 
April 23, 1933, published in Gotz Adriani, ed , Bau- 
master Dokumrntr — Trxtt — Grmdliir (Tubingen DuMont 
Schauberg, 19711, 105 

13 Wassily Kandinsky letter to Aleksandr Ko|eve, 
cited in Christian Derouet, "Kandinsky in Paris 1934- 
1944," in Kandmsky m Paris t9H-t944 lexh cat, New 
York Solomon R Guggenheim Foundation, 1985), 20 

14 Helene Roussel, "Die emignerten deutschen 
Kunstler in Frankreich und der Freie Kunstlerbund," 
Exiljorschung Em Internationales lahrhuch 2 1484 191 

15 Derouet, Kandmsky in Paris, 50 

16 Kandinsky's friendship with Zervos began in 
the autumn of 1927, see Vivian Endicott Barnett et al , 
"Chronology," in Kandmsky m Paris, 256 Kandinsky 
mentioned the importance of a conversation he wanted 
to have with Zervos, presumably about moving to 
Pans, in his letter of October 7, 1933, to Galka 
Scheyer (see note 10) 

17 Cordula Frowein, "The Exhibition of 20th Cen- 
tury German Art in London 1938 Eine Antwort auf die 
Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst' in Munchen 1937" 
Exil/onaranj Em mtemalionales lahrhuch 2 (\9HA) 223 

18 Wassily Kandinsky, letter to Herbert Read, 
May 9, 1938, cited in Frowein, "The Exhibition of 
20th Century German Art," 222 

19 Derouet, Kandinsky m Pans, 21 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 

Improvisation Nr io (Improvisation no "' 

i til -.1 was, I2(i s 140cm '47', . 

( atalogUC r.irs. inne Roethel 337 
Acquired by the Landcsmuseum Hannover 
Room S, NS inventory no 16057 
Beycler Collection, Basel 
Figure 341 

Zweierlei Rot (Two kinds ol red 


Oil on canvas, 79 x 99 cm 31'/i x 11 in 

Catalogue raisunne Roethel 516 

Acquired in 1928 by the Nationalgalene Berln 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15977 

Location unknown 

Afcscft/uss (Termination) 


Watercolor, 33 5 x 484 cm 13% x 19 in 

Acquired in 1929 by the Stadtisches Museum fur Kunst 

und Kunstgewerbe Montzburgl, Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16078 

Private collection 

Fiijurr 241 

Dynamische Studie I Dynamic study) 


Watercolor. 23 x 28 cm (9 x 11 in 

Acquired in 1927 by the Stadtisches Museum lur Kunst 

und Kunstgewerbe 'Montzburg Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16080 

In exchange to Fohn, December 12, 1939, location 


Ahstieg i Descent) 


Watercolor, 48 x 32 cm 1187. x 12' ■ in 

Acquired in 1929 by the Stadtisches Museum fur Kunst 

und Kunstgewerbe ( Montzburg i, Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16077 

K Nakayama 

Fio>rr 24b 


Dir Kreuzform I The cross form i 


Oil on canvas, 52 5 x 42 cm (20V. x 16' - in 

Catalogue raisonne Roethel 797 

Acquired in 1927 by the Ruhmeshalle WuppcrtaL 


Room Gl, NS inventory no 16190 

Westfalisches Landesmuseum fur Kunst und 

Kulturgeschichte, Munster 

Figure 2t* 


Figure 243 

Kandinsky Abschlms (Termination), 1924 

Figure 244 

Kandinsky Dir Krruz/o™ (The cross form), 1926 

Figure 245 

Kandinsky Zwti Komplm (Two complexes), 1928 

Figure 246 

Kandinsky Abstitg (Descent), 1925 

Figure 247 

Kandinsky Lyrisdm [Lyrical] Nil Irom Klftgt (Sounds), published 1913, 


Figure 248 

Kandtnsky Kompoulion l Composition), 1922 

Figure 249 

Kandinsky, plate 6 Irom Mappi "Klmif Wr/lrn" ("Small 
worlds" portfolio). 1922, woodcut, 273 x 23 3 cm 
( 10'i x 9'A in ) 

Figure 250 

Kandinsky, plate 9 from Mappt 'KUmt Wikm". drypou 

engraving, 238 x 197 cm (9% x 7V. in I 

Figure 251 

Kandinsky plate 3 Irom Muppt Kltmt Wrltai", 

lithograph, 278 x 23 cm 1 1 1 x 9 in I 


Hanns Katz 

Gifttfriinc Sicbel (Yellow-green crescent) 

Watercolor, c 50 x 35 cm (19% x 13 3 A in 
Acquired in 1929 by the Stadtisches Mu< 
und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 
Room 5, NS inventory no 16076 
Ex-collections Solomon R Guggenheim 
Heinz Berggruen, location unknown 

Belastung (Burden) 


Watercolor, c 50 x 35 cm (19% x 13'A ir 

Acquired in 1929 by the Stadtisches Mu 

und Kunstgewerbe (Montzburg), Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16075 

Christie's London, 1969, location unkno 

^Composition "Rube" (Composition "Silence") 


Oil on canvas, 52 x 79 cm (20'A x 31% in ) 

Catalogue ratsonne Roethel 860 

Acquired by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16073 

Debra Weese-Mayer and Robert N Mayer 

Fi^Mrf 242 

Zivet Komplcxe (Two complexes) 


Watercolor, wash, India ink, and pencil on paper, 

392 x 456 cm (15'A x 18 in ) 

Acquired in 1929 by the Stadtisches Museum fur Kun 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg!, Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16079 

The Hilla von Rebay Foundation 

F,gu,e 2« 

Unidentified watercolor, probably Na<:h nchls 

(To the right) 


Watercolor, 248 x 51 cm (9V< x 20'/e in ) 

Acquired in 1929 by the Stadtisches Museum 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16080 

Private collection. New Jersey 

Kltingt (Sounds) 

Volume of poems with fifty-six woodcuts 

1911-12, published by Piper Verlag, Munich, 1913 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildenden 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16484 

Location unknown, this volume Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, The Robert Core Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, purchased with funds 

provided by Anna Bing Arnold, Museum Acquisition 

Fund, and deaccession funds, 8311021-56 

Fltjurt 247 

Kompositiott (Composition) 

Plate 8 from Bauhaus Portfolio IV 


Color lithograph, 274 x 244 cm (lOV-i x 9V« in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler IV/8 

Acquired by the Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16281? 

Location unknown, this print Fiorella Urbmati 


Fi^urf 2« 


Mappt "Kleinr Wdln" ("Small worlds" portfolio) 

Portfolio of twelve prints 


Color lithograph, color woodcut, drypoint engraving, 

various dimensions 

Catalogue raisonne Roethel 164-75 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Museum der bildenden 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room Gl, NS inventory no 16271 

Destroyed, these prints plates 3 and 9 Collection of 

the Grunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, University 

of California, Los Angeles, from the Fred Grunwald 

Collection, plate 6 Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, gift of the Graphic Arts Council in memory of 

Albert Cahn (Los Angeles only), The Art Institute of 

Chicago (Chicago only) 

Figures 249-51 

Mappt "Klmir WWtrn" ("Small worlds" portfolio) 

Portfolio of twelve prints 


Color lithograph, color woodcut, drypoint eng 

various dimensions 

Catalogue raisonne Roethel 164-75 

Acquired by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room Gl, NS inventory no 16272 

Location unknown 

Abslrakl Nr 23796 (Abstract no 2379 

Lithograph '', dimensions unknown 

Acquired by the Schlesisches Musei 

Kunst, Breslau 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16439 


Born (892 

Dild 1940 
South Africa 

Painter Hanns Katz was one of the few Jew- 
ish artists whose work was included in the 
1937 Entartete Kunst exhibition in Munich 
Very little is known of his life He studied at 
the Staatliche Akademie der bildende Kunst 
(State academy of fine art) in Karlsruhe 
under Wilhelm Triibner and also briefly in 
Paris with Henri Matisse He pursued stud- 
ies in natural sciences and philosophy at the 
universities of Berlin, Heidelberg, Munich, 
and Wurzburg 

During the First World War, unlike 
many of his German contemporaries, Katz 
was a conscientious objector He supported 
the causes of the workers and was often 
criticized for his beliefs After the war Katz 
served as cabinet minister in the short-lived 
Communist government of Hungary 

Figure 252 

Katz, MamUcba BiWim (Male portrait), 1919/29 

Ernst Ludwig Kirchner 

although he shortly thereafter became dis- 
illusioned with Communism The murder 
oi In-, Friend ( iustav I andauei prompted 
KatI to execute .1 striking portrait ol the 

p.u ihst writei 

Katz supported himself as a house 
paintei and decorator, although he con- 
tinued to pursue his own painting career 
as well I lis \Mnk was little known After 
moving to Frankfurt in 1920 with his wife, 
he had a tew small exhibitions During the 
1920s Katz made two trips to North Africa 
and taught art at Marburg University He 
was a member ol the liidischer Kulturbund 
(Jewish cultural league) and worked in the 
Studio fur bildende Kunst (Studio for fine 
art), which was established and maintained 
by the Kulturbund 

After the death of his first wife in 1932, 
Katz married again and with his new wife 
emigrated to South Africa in 1936 He 
continued to paint in oil and watercolor, 
inspired by the South African landscape, 
until his death from cancer in 1940 ' 
(S B) 


Albert Werth, "Ha 
( 1987) 

i Ludwig Katz, Linlrrn ?8, 

Work in Entartete Kunst BiMms (Male portrait) 

hWitiUxis m] Rol ( Portrait of a gentleman in red) 

Exhibited as BiWrm I Portrait 


Oil on canvas, 65 x 495 cm 125V. x 19'/; in i 

Donated in 1921 to the Kunsthalle Karlsruhe 

Room 2, NS inventory no 15948 

Kunsthalle in Emden. Stidung Henri Nannen, 1987 

Figure 252 

Bom 1880 

Died 1938 



Lrnst l.udwig kirchner's suicide in 1938 
was one of the most haunting repercussions 
of the destructive forces unleashed by the 
Nazis against modern art and artists Rec- 
ognized as one of the founders of German 
Expressionism and one of the most gifted 
members of Die Briicke (The bridge), he 
was a prominent target for the enemies of 
modernism He was dismissed from the 
Preussischer Akademie der Kunste (Prussian 
academy of art) in Berlin, 639 of his works 
were confiscated in the campaigns of 
1937-38, and 32 were included in the 
Eti/iirtflf Kunst exhibition 

Kirchner entered the Technische 
Hochschule (Technical college) in Dresden 
in 1901 to study architecture In 1903-4 
he studied painting in Munich, attending 
art classes at the school of Wilhelm von 
Debschitz and Hermann Obrist His visits 
to the museums and exhibitions in Munich 
and a short stay in Nuremberg, where he 
saw Albrecht Durer's original woodblocks, 
made him decide to become a painter 
After his return to Dresden he formed 
Die Brucke on June 7, 1905, with his new 
friends Fritz Bleyl, Erich Heckel, and Karl 
Schmidt-Rottluff Theirs was a polemical 
program, calling on all youth to fight for 
greater artistic freedom against the older, 
well-established powers 

In November 1905 Die Brucke 
exhibited thetr work — watercolors, draw- 
ings, and woodcuts — for the first time as a 
group at the Calerie P H Beyer & Sohn in 
Leipzig They worked together in rented 
storefront studios and sought other artistic 
companions as well as supporters, called 
"passive members" Emil Nolde joined the 
group for a short time, among the other 


SliHrkn. (Still hie I4R I9H7 

artists who joined were Cuno Amiet, 
Axel Gallen-Kallela, Otto Mueller, and 
Max Pechstein 

The idealism and enthusiasm of 
Kirchner and the other young Brucke artists 
can be measured by their extraordinary 
production The rapid development of their 
personal styles was partly a result of their 
frenetic activity, including life drawing 
and painting at the Moritzburg lakes near 
Dresden, at the island of lehmarn, and in 
their studios, as well as the production of 
woodcuts, lithographs, and an incredible 
number of drawings In his search for an 
increasingly simplified form of expression, 
Kirchner was strongly influenced, as were 
his colleagues, by the art of the Oceanic 
and African peoples When the group 
relocated to Berlin in 1910-11, Kirchner's 
response to the confrontation with the 
metropolis resulted in the bold works that 
epitomize the hectic life in Berlin 

: scene), 1913/14 

Die Brucke continued to exhibit as a 
group in the major German cities (Berlin, 
Darmstadt, Dresden, Dusseldorf, Ham- 
burg, and Leipzig) and in traveling 
exhibitions to smaller communities The 
group's fifth annual graphics portfolio 
(1910) was devoted to Kirchner's work In 
1912 Die Brucke was invited to participate 
in the Sonderbund exhibition in Cologne, 
where Heckel, Kirchner, and Schmidt- 
Rottluff were also commissioned to create a 
chapel In that year they also exhibited in 
Moscow and Prague, at the second Blaue 
Reiter (Blue rider) show in Munich, and in 
Berlin at the Calerie Gurlitt Kirchner was 
regarded as the leader of the group, but 

when in 1913 it was suggested that he com- 
pose a history of Die Brucke, the others 
took offense at his egocentric account, 
and the group broke up 

At the outbreak of the First World War 
Kirchner volunteered for the army but he 
could not stand the discipline and constant 
subordination He suffered a nervous break- 
down and was temporarily furloughed and 
moved to a sanatorium, where he was able 
to complete several important paintings and 
the color woodcuts to illustrate Chamisso's 
story of Peter Schlemihl ( 1916) A growing 
dependency on Veronal (sleeping pills), 
morphine, and alcohol did not hinder him 
from painting frescoes for the Konigstein 
Sanatorium and a number of other works 

In 1917 Kirchner moved to Switzer- 
land, where he was supported by the 
collector Dr Carl Hagemann, the archi- 
tect Henri van de Velde, and the family 
of his physician, Dr Spengler He slowly 
recovered, while continuing to work on 
paintings and woodcuts His works were 
exhibited in Switzerland and Germany 
In 1921 he had fifty works on view at the 
Kronprinzenpalais (Nationalgalerie) in 
Berlin, which were praised by critics and 
established his reputation as the leading 
Expressionist In 1925-26 he made his first 
long trip back to Germany He stayed for a 
while in Dresden with his biographer, Will 
Grohmann, and visited the dancer Mary 
Wigman His intense work on paintings, 

woodcuts ,irul sculpture expanded to 
include designs lor the we.ivei 1 ise ( luyei 

and, more importantly Iot the decoration 
of the great hall ol thi- Museum Folkwang 
111 I ssen, work never to be completed, since 
the Nazis seized the museum in 1933 
From 1936 onward Kirchnei was 
increasingly disturbed by news of the Nazis' 
attack on modern art, occupation ol Aus- 
tria, and ban on the exhibition ol bis work 
in Germany The stress of these circum 
stances and the onset of illness led him to 
destroy all of his woodblocks and some of 
his sculpture and in burn many of his other 
works On June 15, 1938, he took his own 
life 1 (P C 


1 Donald E Cordon, Entsf Lwiwiii Kinkier, rml mm 
bifeckn Katalog amllictVci Gemildt (Munich Prestel, 
1968 Roman Norbert Ketterer, cd , £ L Kircbm 

Ztkhnmfn mi \\i-\t\U Stuttgart Belser, 1979), with 
bibliography bv Mans Bolliger, Lucius C.nsebach et 
al, £ntsl LuJu'ii) Kirclmtr, ISBO-<938 (cxh cat, Berlin 
Nationalgalcne 14791, Fherhard W Kornfeld, £™st 
LuJu'U Kirdmn Nadaddmiaig smirs L«W (Bern 
Kornfeld, 19791, Anncmane and Wolf- Dieter Dube, 
£ L Kirdma /X,s gmptmebe Wrrk. 2d ed , 2 vols 
Munich Prestel. 19801, Karl Heinz Cabler, £ L 
Kir^hnrr Za^hnunilm. Ptnlrllr. Aqiuirrlle, 2 vols (exh 
cat, Aschaffenburg Museum dcr Stadt, 1980) 

Work in Entartete Kunst" 

Oi<Mr( Bather 


Wood, height 100 cm (39% in I 

Acquired in 1930 by the Museum tu 

Gewerbe. Hamburg 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16246 

Location unknown 

Figure 256 

Kirchner, Rususcbr TaiOtm (Russian dancer), 1909/26 

Russisrfv Tatatrm I Russian dancer) 


Oil on canvas, 92 x 79 cm (36% x 31% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 75 

Acquired in 1929 by the Schlesisches Museum der 

bildenden Kunst, Breslau 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16043 

Private collection, on permanent loan to the 

Kunsthallc Bielefeld, 1959 

Fl^urf 256 

Dos Bosttll (The bosquet) 

PLlz in Dtrsdcn (Square in Dresden) 


Oil on canvas, 120 x 150 cm (47V. x 59 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 198 

Acquired by the WallrafRichartz-Museum, Cologn 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16137, Fischer lot 62 

Collection Zschokke, Basel 

Aujitr Slrassr (On the street) 

Exhibited as Simssrnrcfef (Street corner) 


Pen, brush and ink, 54 x 384 cm (21% x I5'A in ) 

Acquired in 1925 by the Kupferstichkabmett, Dresden 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16316 

Location unknown 



Oil on canvas, 120 x 90 cm (47% x 35% i 
Catalogue raisonne Gordon 362 
Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Esse 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16041 
Museum Ludwig, Cologne 

FlQurt 254 

GAbl Tdnzcriti (Yellow dancer) 

Frau mil Qrhobtnm Rock (Woman with llftec 


Oil on canvas, c 150 x 70 cm (59 x 27 'A 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 304 

Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Musi 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15985 

Location unknown 

Sich ktimmaidtr Ah (Nude combing her hair) 


Oil on canvas, 125 x 90 cm (49% x 35V. in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Gordon 361 

Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Museun 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15993 

Bruckc-Museum, Berl.n 

Fi^urr 257 

Figure 257 
Kirchner, Sich hit 

Tiict Ah (Nude combing her hair), 1913 

StiUm (Still life) 

Fruchtt mil Glasam (Fruit and glasses) 

1913 (1907) 

Oil on canvas* 100 5 x 74 5 cm (39V. x 29V, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Gordon 269 

Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Museum lur Ku 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16116 

Marlborough International Fine Art 

Fi^urr 253 

Figure 258 

Kirchner, lm Cajtgarta 'In the cafe garden), 1914 

i i 

I III invas, 120 Ha 

( atalogw ra m I h i Ii 

a. 'i M it. 19 10 I", ili' Na algal i « Bi Hin 

R ii i N! iv no I'i'n I 

I rM '.In -Hin "I Modern An, New York | I 

Fmutt ;k 

Abscbiii Parting 

Boll I Hugo (Botho and Hugo 


Oil on canvas 110 x 90 cm 47 . ■ 

( atalogue raisonm! < rordon I !<S 

Acquired m 1924 by the Staatsgalerie Stuttgan 

Room i NS inventory no 15998 

I in .UK iii unknown 

BiUnis ( hbat \Mrmmn ' Portrait "I Oslcar Schlemmeri 


I Li .mvas, 69 x 58 cm (27% x 22 ii 

C atalogue raisonne ( iordon 416 
Acquired bv the Museum Folkwang, Essen 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16025 
Hessisches Landesmuseum Darmstadt 
Fii/urr 159 

Gra| I fmmi (Graf and friend) 

1 \lnhiu-d as Vclter und Sahn ' I .llhcr and sun 

Oil on canvas, 125 x 90 cm (49% x 35V, in 
Catalogue raisonne Cordon 42s 
Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Muscui 
und Kunstgewerbe Montzburg), Halle 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16039 
Private collection 

Figure 259 

Kirchner, Bildms ( )sfc.jr SiMrmmrr I Por 

Schlemmeri, 1914 

Figure 260 

Kirchner, KflrtcnsfiieWrr Knnbr (Boy playing cards 


lm Cafitfarten 1 In the cafe garden 

Diimni lm Cafe (Ladies at the cafe) 


Oil on canvas, 705 x 76 cm 27 . s 24 . ,„ 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 374 

Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Museui 

und Kunstgewerbe (Montzburg), Halle 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15992, Fischer lo 

Brucke-Museum, Berlin 

Figure 258 

lur kunsl 

Kartenspielender Knabe ( Boy playing cards) 



Oil on canvas, 693 x 62 3 cm i27'/« x 247i in l 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 418 

Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Museum fur 

und Kunstgewerbe (Montzburg), Halle 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16028 

Bayensche Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Munich, 

Staatsgalerie moderner Kunst, Munich 

Fyurr 260 


Figure 261 

Kirchncr, D„ roi™ Tihaerimm (The red dancers), 1914 

Figure 262 

Kirchner, Tanzpaat (Dancing couple), 1914 

Figure 263 

Kirchner, Bfllmfeo/ in Kotiysltin (Railroad station i 

Konigsteinl, 1917 

Figure 264 

Kirchner, SilbslbiUim ah (Self-portrait i 

/)ir roten TaHZtrimtn I ' 


I -,l mm , i ,..., 96 I 

( atalogue raisonnl < iordon 391 

Acquired in I92H In the Nationalgakric Beriil 

Room C,2 NS inventory no 16230 

Private collection 

Figurt 26 1 

Vanzpaai I i )ancing couple) 


Oil on canv.iv 4| x 65 cm 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 389 

Acquired in I92*> bv the Museum folkwang, Essen 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15997 

Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Fujurr 262 

Nackttr Maim i Male nude ( 


Watercolor, 150 x 91 cm ? (59 x 387. in | 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Esse 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16419 

Location unknown 

Scbmitd twit H.1401 (Blacksmith of Hagen) 


Wood, height 32 cm 1 12V. in ) 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Ground-floor lobby NS inventory no 15053 

Location unknown 

Sdbsthildttts ah SoUal 1 Self-portrait as soldier 

Exhibited as Si' mil Oirnr 1 Soldier with whore 


Oil on canvas, 692 x 61 cm (27% x 24 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 435 

Acquired by the Stadtische Calerie, Frankfurt 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15999 

Allen Memorial Art Museum, Oberlin College, 

Oberlin, Ohio, Charles F Olney Fund, 1950 

Figure 264 

Batmbofin Konigstcin (Railroad station in Kdnigstein) 


Oil on canvas, 94 x 94 cm 137 x 37 in 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 476 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16094 

Deutsche Bank AC 

Fii/urr 26! 

Fmu dn Kiimllrrs (The artists wife) 

Exhibited as Dit Gollin da Kiinsltm (The artist's wife) 


Oil on ca 



Room 4, NS 

is, 705 x 605 cm (27% x 23"/. in ) 
iisonne Cordon 500 
1919 by the Stadtische Calene, Frankfu 

Private collection, Switzerland 
Fyurf 266 

fllicfe ims Tobtl l View into the ravine! 


Oil on canvas, 121 x 90 cm (47V, x 35V. in 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 595 

Acquired in 1937 by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16104 

Kunsthalle Bielefeld 

Figure 267 

Wmltrhchr Mondlwdscbafl 

(Winter landscape in moonlight) 

Exhibited as Gebirgslanttschajt i Mountain landscape) 


Oil on canvas, 120 x 121 cm (47% x 47V. in ) 

Acquired in 1923 by the Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum, 


Room 5, NS inventory no 161 14 

The Detroit Institute of Arts, gift of Curt Valentin , 

memory of the artist on the occasion of Dr Willian 

Valentiner's sixtieth birthday 1940 

Fi^r, 265 

Httucnmuihlzcit (Farmers' meal) 


Oil on canvas, 133 x 166 cm (52% x 65V* in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Cordon 644 

Acquired m 1924 by the Hamburger Kunsthalle 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16006 

Private collection, Germany 

Figure 268 

Kranker in der Nacbt (Sick man at night) 
Der Kranke (The sick man) 

Oil on canvas; 90 5 x 100 cm (357s x 3 
Catalogue raisonne Cordon 683 
Acquired in 1930 by the Landesmuseum, H, 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16024 
Sprengel Museum Hannover 

Fi^Hrp 269 

Figure 265 

Kirchner, Wmterhch Mondlandscbajl (Winter landscape i 

nlight), 1919 

Figure 266 

Kirchner, Fnm des Kumtkrs (The artist 

Figure 267 

Kirchner, B/.cfe im Tobel (V.c 

into the ravine), 1919/20 

Kirchnet BmmmaMzril Farmers meal 1920 

Figure 269 

Kirchncr, Ku«ktr m Jrr N,icr>t (Sick man at night i. 1920 1 1922) 

Figure 270 

Kirchner, Din Wohnzmmtr (The living room), 1923 

Dai Paar (The couple) 


Wood, height 170 cm (66% in ) 

Acquired in 1930 by the Museum fu 

Gewerbe, Hamburg 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16236? 

Location unknown 

Din WohnztmmtT (The living room) 


Oil on canvas, 90 x 150 cm (35% x 59 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Gordon 731 

Acquired in 1924 by the Museum ftir Kunst 

Kulturgeschichte, Ltibeck 

Room Gl, NS inventory no 16192 

Hamburger Kunsthalle, 1957 

Fi^urr 270 

Di< Mtistfr dir Briicke (The masters of Die Brucke) 


Oil on canvas, 168 x 126 cm (66'/« x 49% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Gordon 855 

Acquired in 1928 by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16040 

Museum Ludwig, Cologne 

figure 116 

Stranenizerit (Street scene) 


Oil on canvas, 119 x 100 cm (46% x 39% in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Gordon 848 

Acquired in 1926 by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16013 

Private collection, Switzerland 

Btrjlandichajl (Mountain landscape) 
Watercolor, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1920 by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 
Room Gl, NS inventory no 16168 
Location unknown 

SitzmdiFrau (Seated 
Watercolor, dimensions i 
Acquired by the Museun 
Room G2, NS inventory 
Location unknown 


Folkwang, Essen 
no 16420 

Llnidentihed print exhibited as 
Do Kumllrn jimgslt Tochler htm Tata 
(The artist's youngest daughter dancing) 
Medium unknown, dimensions unknown 
Acquired by the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 
Room G2, NS inventory no 16300 
Location unknown 

Paul Klee 

Horn IS7U 

Alum bcnfrw but 

Died IMO 

Allirilllo, Sll'll.'irl.iii,/ 

Adult Ziegler and his arts committee chose 
seventeen wurks by Paul Klee tor inclusion 
in the Entartctt Kunsi exhibition in 1937 The 
chronological brackets encompassing the 
works displayed in the exhibition begin 
with the lirst year of Klee's commercial 
success, 1919, and continue through the 
1920s, the period during which he received 
his greatest acclaim, as a Bauhaus master 
Yet Klee's carefully concealed personal 
stance visa-vis political events in Germany 
buth before and after 1933, makes it difficult 
to assess his reaction to National Sucialist 
cultural pulitics 

I )unng the first years uf his career 
Klee learned that the alliance between the 
practice of politics and the production of 
mudernist art was at best an uneasy une, 
which had personal and economic ramifica- 
tions ' His decision tu develup a nonrefer- 
ential abstract style in 1915 and his life-long 
cultivation of an image as an artist with- 
drawn from worldly affairs — first pictor- 
ially furmulated in 1919 with Vtrsunkenbttt 
(Absorption)— grew out of his respunse 
to the hirst World War and the November 
Revolution in Germany Irunically Klee's 
abstraction and his posture of removal 
were later cited by the National Socialists 
as evidence of his mental derangement 

In Munich Klee had affiliated himself 
since 1911 with the prestigious Blaue Reiter 
(Blue nden group, though his sales did not 
pick up until the May 1919 exhibition of the 
Neue Munchner Sezessiun I New Munich 
secession) 3 Klee had been dismissed from 
the Bavarian flying school at Gersthofen 

three months earlier and was interested 

when the student ( Kkar Schlemmer seni 

him a letter in lune about the prospei t of a 

teaching position .u the Stuttgart Akademie 
der bildenden Kiinste (Academy ol fine 
arts I lespite an active campaign by 
Schlemmer and his fellow students at the 
Akademie, Klee's appointment never mate- 
rialized, partially for reasons that have 
an uncanny resemblance to charges the 
National Socialists leveled against him four- 
teen years later the childlike appearance 
of his work ' 

Nineteen hundred and twenty marked 
the hrst high point of Klee's artistic career 
a large exhibition was mounted at the 
Hans Goltz Galerie Neue Kunst in Munich, 
two monographs were published, and on 

November 25 he was invited to join the 

: ,t,ilt ot the newly created Bauhaus 
I lie I nl the seventeen works included in 
thi / nlartcte Kunsl exhibition — Wohm? 
Where to , tig 271), Rhythmm der Fenster 
Rhythm of the windows), and l)tr Andltr 
["he angler, fig 272) — date I rum this year 
Partially because the Bauhaus was 
never far removed from political contro- 
versy Klee was eager by 193(1 to leave his 
post His decision to |om the (acuity at the 
I Hisseldorf Kunstakademie 'Academy of art) 
in October 1931 may also have been moti- 
vated by a desire to affiliate himself with 
a traditional institution, one that offered 
a more secure economic future ' 

In 1933, two months after the National 
Socialists ruse to power, Klee's house in 

Figure 271 

Klee, WW.." 1 (Whereto?), 1920 

Figure 272 

Klee, Drr Atylir (The angle 

Diisseldorf was searched by party members 
and his letters to his wife, Lily were tem- 
porarily confiscated One month later Klee, 
who had been publicly accused of being a 
Galician Jew, was instructed to produce 
papers documenting his Aryan heritage On 
May 1 he received notice that as a "degen- 
erate" artist he was suspended from his 
position at the Akademie, effective imme- 
diately, on September 22 the "suspension" 
was converted into a formal termination, 
and on December 23 Klee and his wife 
emigrated to his childhood home in Bern 

In Switzerland Klee was free from 
censorship but not from the charge that he 
was a "degenerate" artist, an accusation to 
which the conservative art establishment 
reacted adversely 5 By the end of 1933 Klee's 
market had all but dried up in Cermany 
This led him to contact the dealer Daniel- 

Henry Kahnweiler in Paris, with whom he 
signed a contract During the next years, 
despite careful strategies, his economic 
situation became quite desperate In June 
of 1936 Lily Klee wrote to Calka Scheyer 
"This year in France, as well as in Switzer- 
land, the crisis has had an impact as never 
before It is also the result of the terribly 
uncertain political situation in Europe 
Nobody wants to spend Artists are 
the first to suffer" To compound matters, 
Klee's health began to deteriorate in 
November 1935, and by 1936 his illness 
had become worse The condition was later 
diagnosed as scleroderma, an incurable dis- 
ease affecting the skin and internal organs 

A little more than a year later the 
Entartele KhhsI exhibition opened in Munich 
Sumpflcgentk (Swamp legend, fig 273) hung 
prominently with contemporary works 
by the Dada artists George Crosz, Raoul 
Hausmann, and Kurt Schwitters Klee's affil- 
iation with the anarchist Dada group, which 
had begun in 1917 and continued through 
1919, was not one of clear political endorse- 
ment In another section of the exhibition 
Klee's autobiographical statement, "I can- 
not be grasped in the here and now, for I 
live just as well with the dead as with 
the unborn," was reproduced on a wall 
between two of his watercolors This quota- 
tion, part of a longer text drafted by Klee 
for Leopold Zahn's 1920 monograph, fur- 
thered Klee's self-styled image as an artist 
unconcerned with political fluctuations In 
Entartele KhmsI, however, the lines were used 
to suggest Klee's psychological instability 
Klee's work was ridiculed as "confusion" 
and "disorder" on the basis of its "primitive" 
appearance The lithograph Die Heilige vom 
mnern Lichl (The saint of the inner light, 
fig 275), created for a Bauhaus portfolio in 
1921, was compared in the exhibition guide 
(p 383) to a work by a mental patient, 
which was proclaimed less distorted and 
more comprehensible than Klee's 

The National Socialists' equation of 
Klee's art with work produced by schizo- 

phrenics and non-European cultures was 
not without reference Klee was intrigued 
by the current debate over the primordial 
origins of art and had raised the issue in 
a review of 191 1 7 Eleven years later Hans 
Pnnzhorn argued for similar connections 
in his Bildnerei der Genteskmnken (Image- 
making by the mentally ill) Klee acquired 
the book soon after its publication and 
enthusiastically characterized it to Lothar 
Schreyer as "outstanding" 8 Prinzhorn's 
book was a clinical analysis of children's 
creative activity, ethnic artifacts, and 
schizophrenic patients work and the bases 
on which they could be compared to mod- 
ernist artworks Fifteen years later the 
National Socialists distorted Prinzhorn's 
analogies to suggest the incompetence of 
Klee and his colleagues In erasing the 
distinction between the concept Bildnerei 
(image-making) and the word KhhsI (art), 9 
the National Socialists reduced avant-garde 
creative activity to demented tinkering 

Dr Adolf Dresler's Deutsche KhhsI und 
entartete "KhhsI," published a year after the 
opening of Enliirlele KhhsI, further promoted 
this line of thought The enclosure of the 
word KhhsI in quotation marks called into 
question the very identification of "degener- 
ate" art as art Klee's abstract style was 
unfavorably compared to conventional 
representational images produced by 
officially sanctioned artists One work was 
ridiculed with the statement, "Our image 
shows a typical example of this idiotic art, 
a fisherman by Paul Klee", another was 
derided as "Not the collage of a very 
untalented child, but — Paul Klee Trees."' 

Throughout his career Klee developed 
and refined a childlike style, seen, for 
example, in Die Zwitscbermaschine (The twit- 
tering machine, fig 117), Rechnender Gras 
(Old man adding, fig 276), and Hoffman- 
neske Szene (Hoffmannesque scene, fig 277) 
In 1919, when Klee's opponents had crit- 
icized his style for lacking "the strong will 
for structure and for pictorial construction," 
they refrained from political accusations, 
despite a contemporaneous attempt to link 
Klee's modernist art with the initiative for 

Figure 271 

klrc Sumpjlegmdt Swamp legend), 1919 




Figure 274 

Klce, Das Vokalluck in Kammtrsatigcrm Rosa Si/tw iThe vocal fabric ol the chamber 

singer Rosa Silberi. 1922 


«-.- ^V t5| 



;Z~~*^A£* "• 




BE U "??E5 

wm k ** 




n&- _ 


- -^^ 


*jp 5?7+*tv 






^"" '' 

Figure 276 

Klce, Rtchnatder Creis (Old man adding 1929 

Figure 277 

Klee, Hoffrntinncskr Stent ' Hoftmannesque scene , 1921 

Figure 275 
Klee Die HdUgc i 
light), W2I 

i Lulu (The saint of the i 

a "revolutionary" pedagogic program advo- 
cated by some of Klee's supporters at the 
Stuttgart Akademie " By 1934 the contro- 
versy surrounding childlike art had become 
a highly charged political issue Following 
the closing of Entartete Kumt in Munich an 
audience developed in the United States for 
the works of the banned artists, due partly 
to the public's desire to counteract any 
aspect of Fascist politics Klee had contacts 
in both California and New York, and 
between November 1937 and March 1940 
he had ten museum and gallery exhibitions 
in Cambridge, Chicago, Los Angeles, New 
York, and San Francisco Klee's sales picked 
up as he began to build his reputation in 
America In the meantime, the National 
Socialists had rounded up 102 works by 
Klee, a number that testified to the degree 
of his commercial success in Germany 
Despite Klee's patent avoidance of 
politically engaged art, between February 
and October 1933 he created a cycle of 
more than two hundred drawings in which 
he claimed to have chronicled the National 
Socialist revolution n These drawings and 
several circumstances of the last two years 
of his life may represent enterprises fueled 
by Klee's carefully concealed anti -Fascist 
sentiment On April 20, 1938, the Freie 
Kiinstlerbund (Free artists league) was 
formed in Paris, and Paul Klee was one 
of many artists contacted That year the 
group participated in the organization of 
2Qlh Century German Art at the Burlington 
Galleries in London Klee was represented 
by fifteen works in this exhibition, orig- 
inally intended as a direct response to 
Entarkte Kunst " Several months later, 
between November 4 and 18, the Freie 
Kiinstlerbund mounted their own first large 
collective exhibition, Freie Deutsche Kunst 
(Free German art), in the Maison de la 

Figure 278 

Klee, Gfisltrzimmtr mil itr boben Ture (Ntue Fassung) (Ghost 

chamber with the tall door [new version]), 1925 

Culture in Paris Two paintings by Klee 
appeared in this show, which united 
extremely diverse aesthetic styles in 
an unmistakably anti-Fascist front M 

During the last years of his life Klee 
applied several times for Swiss citizenship, 
which was constantly delayed because of 
his "degenerate" status " His continued 
application suggests his desire to sever all 
connections to Fascist Germany Klee died 
a week before the case was scheduled for 
final review 

Klee's response to political pressures 
that affected his personal life and profes- 
sional career is difficult to assess, given the 
image of aloofness he perpetuated His 
composure extended even to his deterio- 
rating physical condition In 1939, the last 
full year of his life, Klee produced more 
works than ever before This suggests that, 
however naively Klee postulated creative 
artistic virility as a philosophical victory 
over both his own diseased physique and a 
distanced, degenerate political body he 
knew that neither would endure as long as 
his work and his reputation as an artist 
(P K) 

No Its 

1 O K Werckmeister, The Making o] Paul Kites 
Carter. (914-1920 (Chicago University of Chicago 
Press, 1988), 186-87 

2 Ibid , 187, Wolfgang Kersten, "Paul Klees 
Beziehung zum blauen Reiter," in Dtr Blaue Reittr 
(exh cat, Bern Kunstmuseum Bern, 1986), 261-73 

3 Werckmeister, The Making oj Paul Kite's Girttr, 

4 OK Werckmeister, "From Revolution to Exile," 
in Paul Kltt, ed Carolyn Lancher (exh cat, New 
York Museum of Modern Art, 1987), 47 

5 OK Werckmeister, Paul Kltt in Exile, (933-1940 
(Tokyo Fuji Television Gallery 1985), 41 

6 Lily Klee, letter to Galka Scheyer, June 28, 
1936, Galka Scheyer Correspondence, KI936-6, cited 
in Werckmeister, Paul Kltt m Exile, 31 

7 Paul Klee in Dit Alpen 6 ( 1912) 302, reprinted 
in Ami Kltt, Schrijten Rtzmsionni und Aujsatzt. ed 
Christian Geelhaar (Cologne Dumont, 1976), 97-98 
H Lothar Schreyer Entweruiiam an Sturm una 
Baubaui (Munich List, 1966), 91 

9 Sander Oilman, "The Mad Man as Artist 
Medicine, History and Degenerate Art," Journal of 
Contemporary History 20 (1985) 594, Gilman translates 
BiloWti as "artistry" 

10 Adolf Dresler, Dtulscbt Kunsl and entartete "Kutisl" 
(Munich Deutscher Volksverlag, 1938), 62, 66 

11 Heinnch Altherr, letter to Oskar Schlemmer, 
November 8, 1919, Oskar-Schlemmer-Archiv, 
Staatsgalene Stuttgart, cited in Werckmeister, TTie 
Making oj Paul Klee's Carter, 218 On the "revolutionary" 
art program at the Akademie, see ibid, 214 

12 Alexander Zschokke, "Begegnung mit Paul 
Klee," Du, October 1948, 74-76 Jiirgen Glaesemer, 
Paul Kltt Handzeicbnungen II. 1921-1936, (exh cat, Bern 
Kunstmuseum, 1984), 337, claims that there are 150 
drawings, Werckmeister, Paul Klee in Exilt, 109, states 
there are about 200 

13 Cordula Frowein, "The Exhibition of 20th Cen- 
tury German Art in London 1938 Eine Antwort auf 
die Ausstellung 'Entartete Kunst' in Munchen 1937," 
Exil/orsctjuii,) Em Internationales Jahrbucb 2 (1984) 216 

14 Inka Graeve, "Freie Deutsche Kunst, Paris 1938," 
in Stationen dtr Moderne Die bedeulenden Kunstsammluntjen 
des 20. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland (exh cat , Berlin 
Berlinische Galerie, 1988), 344 Concerning the 
anti-Fascist orientation of the exhibition see Helene 
Roussel, "Die emigrierten deutschen Kunstler in 
Frankreich und der Freie Kiinstlerbund," Exil/orscfcuiu/ 
Em Internationales Jahrbucb 2 (1984) 194 

15 Werckmeister, Paul Klee in Exile, 40-41 

Work in Entartete Kunsl 

Sum^/Irjr»rJr Swamp legend 

■ n cm 18! v K'A In 

Mis I tssltzky Kuppcrs cm loan to the 

Landesmuseum, f lannover 
Room i, NS inventor) no 15975 

st.ijus^ he s ..ilci it- mi t enba( hhaus Munk !i 

Fi j«if ; ■ i 


Rhylhinui aVr fnislrr Rhythm of the windows I 


Oil on canvas, 52 5 x 42 cm (20% x KVi in.) 

Acquired in 1924 hv the Staatsgalene Stuttgart 

Room C.2, NS inventory no 16212 

Ex-collection Goulandns 

UWm,- Wh. 

'undo (uirloi Young garden 


Oil on paper, 22 8 x 292 cm '9 x UK in 

Acquired by the Stadtische Calene, Franklurt 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16215 

Museo Civico, Locarno 

Fitfurr J7« 


Drr Amjler The angler 


Vvatercolor transfer drawing and pen and ink on 

paper mounted on cardboard, 476 x 31 2 cm 

IS', n. I2K in 
Acquired by the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 
Room G2, NS inventory no 16308 
The Museum ol Modern Art, New York, lohn S 
Newberry Collection 
Figure 272 

AtonJ ubrr Jit Sladt ( Moon over the city ) 


fainting medium unknown, 395 x 52 2 cm 

( \5'h x 20'/> in ) 

Acquired in 1923 by the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16213 

On commission to Buchholz, sold 1939, 

location unknown 

Da ,i,iUoi f Futfc i The gold. 

Figure 280 

Klee, Urn it* Fmb (Around the fish), 1926 

Dai Voiutltucb itr KtlmmrrsanJaiM Rosd Stlber 

I he vocal fabric of the chamber singer Rosa Silberi 

Watercolor and plaster on muslin mounted on 
cardboard, 51 5 x 41 7 cm 120'/. x 16V. in I 
Acquired in 1923 by the Nationalgalerie, Berlin 
Room G2, NS inventory no 16231 
The Museum of Modern Art, New York, gift of 
Mr and Mrs Stanley Resor 

Fijuif 271 

Cesar Klein 

■maschtttt (The twittering mach 
and pen 

id ink on oil transfer dr 
cardboard, 64 1 x 48 3 i 

Dit Zunlscfci 



on paper n 

125% x 19 in I 

Acquired by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no unrecorded 

The Museum of Modern Art, New York, purcha 

F/JKK .17 

GristtrZroimtr mil drr Mto. Tm, (Nruf fesWH0j 

(Ghost chamber with the tall door [new version]) 


Sprayed and brushed watercolor and transferred 

printing ink on paper bordered with gouache and ink, 

48 7x294cm(l9'/«x IIV» in I 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Room G2, NS inventory no unrecorded 

The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 

The Berggruen Klee Collection, 1987 

Figure 278 


Dtr^oUmr Fiscfc (The golden fish I 


Oil on canvas, 47 x 68 cm (18'A x 26V< in ) 

Acquired in 1926 by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16138 

Hamburger Kunsthalle 

Figure 279 

Wmtergartn (Winter garden I 


Watercolor, 37 x 30 cm (14% x I IV. in ) 

Acquired in 1928 by the Stadtisches Museum fur Kunst 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16214 

Fohn Collection, 1939, destroyed 

Die HtM mm irnimi Licbl (The saint of the inner light) 

Plate 5 from Bauhaus Portfolio I 


Color lithograph, 31 1 x 175 cm (12'A x 67, in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 1/5 

Acquired by the Wallraf-Richarrz-Museum, Cologne 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16283? 

Location unknown, this print Fiorella Urbmati 

Gallery (Los Angeles only), The Art Institute of 

Chicago, gift of Mrs Henry C Woods, Steuben 

Memorial Fund, Emil Eitel Fund, and Harold Joachim 

Purchase Fund (Chicago only) 

Fidurt 275 

Hofjnurninkr Szmr I Hof fmannesque scene) 

Plate 6 from Bauhaus Portfolio I 


Color lithograph, 31 7 x 23 cm (I2'A x 9 in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 1/6 

Acquired by the Schlossmuseum, Breslau? 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16424 

Location unknown, this print Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art, museum purchase (Los Angeles only I, 

The Art Institute of Chicago, gift of Mrs Henry 

C Woods, Steuben Memorial Fund, Emil Eitel Fund, 

and Harold Joachim Purchase Fund (Chicago only) 

Fi^urr 277 

Born 1876 

Died (954 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Drr Nror Vodil (The new bird) 

Pfeonix (Phoenix) 


Lithograph, dimensions unknc 

Room I, NS inventory no uni 

Location unknown 


Woodcut, dimensions unknown 

Illustration from Theodor Daubler, Cfsar Klnn, Junge 

Kunst 5, Leipzig Klinkhart & Biermann, 1919 

Room I, NS inventory no unrecorded 

Location unknown 

i adding) 

R,ch«mia Cms (Old i 


Etching, 297 x 237 cm (ll'A x 9% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Kornfeld 104/1 2 

Original collection unknown 

Room G2, NS inventory no unrecorded 

Location unknown, this print The Art Institute of 

Chicago, Buckingham Fund, A Kunstadter Family 

Foundation Fund, and Frances S Schaffner Principal 


Urn dm Fiscfc (Around the fish) 


Oil on canvas, 467 x 638 cm (18% x 25'/« i 

Acquired in 1926 by the Stadtmuseum and 

Gemaldegalene, Dresden 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15982 

The Museum of Modern Art, New York, 

Abby Aldnch Rockefeller Fund 

Figurt 280 

Drr Gnsl J« Don X (The spirit of Don X) 
Exhibited as a work by Wassily Kandinsky 

Watercolor, c 50 x 35 cm (19V. x 13V« in ) 
Acquired in 1930 by the Stadtisches Museum fu 
und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 
Room 5, NS inventory no 16074 
Location unknown 


Paul Kleinschmidt 

Oskar Kokoschka 

Bom 181 I 

liublitz I'omerama 

Died cm" 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Dwll m Nord i .iU 1 Kiel Jt the North Cafe) 


Oil on canvas 120 x 90cm (471s x J5 iin 

Acquired by the Staatsgalcne Stuttgart 

Room 1 NS inventory no 15988 

Location unknown 

Klnnt ZirfcusrntrriM i Small circus rider) 


( Ml on t anvas, 138 x 76 cm (54V. x 297. in ) 

Acquired in 1930 by the Nationalgaleric, Berlii 

Room 3, NS inventory no 15991 

Location unknown 

SliIMm (Still life) 


Oil on canvas, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1929 by the Kunsthalle Mannheu 
Room Cl, NS inventory no 16187 
Location unknown 

Bom 1886 

Pocblant, Austria 

Died i "ho 

1'i/lfwfMif, Switzerland 

The National Socialists confiscated 417 
works by Oskar Kokoschka from German 
public institutions, and 9 paintings, a port- 
folio of 6 drawings, a watercolor, and a 
poster were exhibited at the Munich Entar- 
tete Kunst exhibition of 1937 The Nazis' 
hatred for this Austrian painter, graphic art- 
ist, writer, playwright, and humanist was no 
doubt fueled by his concept of himself as 
"the scourge of the Philistines "' 

After studies at the Vienna 
Kunstgewerbeschule (School of applied 
arts) from 1905 to 1909, Kokoschka worked 
freelance for the Wiener Werkstatten creat- 
ing postcards, fans, and other decorative 
objects and for the Cabaret Fledermaus, 
giving the dominant art-nouveau style of 
Vienna a special form He began a series 
of clairvoyant portraits, such as Alter Herr 
(Old man, fig 281) of 1907, which was 
shown in fiiliirtrtc Kunst, and in 1908 his 
illustrated love poem, Die tniumenden Knaben 
(The dreaming boys), dedicated to Gustav 
Klimt, was published Influenced by a 
meeting with the architect Adolf Loos, 
Kokoschka broke with the decorative 
patterns he had used in his art and discon- 
tinued his participation In the Cabaret 
Fledermaus, which had staged his plays 
Mbrder, Hoffnung der Frauen ( Murder, hope of 
women) and Sp/iuix und Strobmann (Sphinx 
and strawman) during the international art 
exhibition held in Vienna in 1909 

After a stay in Switzerland, Kokoschka 
began his collaboration with Herwarth 
Walden's journal Der Sturm (The storm), in 
which were published a number of his por- 
trait drawings and an illustrated version 
of Mbrder In 1910 the Galerie Paul Cassirer 
in Herlin offered him a contract and his 

Mrst one-man exhibition I he following 
year Kokoschka returned to Vienna and 
accepted a teaching assistantship at the 
Kunstgewerbeschule, but when an exhibi- 
tion of his work in the Hagenbund was 
severely criticized, he resigned his post 
and traveled to Italy with Alma Mahler, 
the widow of the composer Meanwhile 
his work was exhibited at the Galerie I )er 
Sturm in Merlin and in the Sonderbund in 
Cologne, and the first monograph on his 
work was published in Leipzig in 1913, writ- 
ten by Kurt Wolff, with a foreword by Paul 
Stefan In 1914 the artist painted a memorial 
to his severed relationship with Mahler in 
Die Windsbmul (The tempest, literally, "The 
bride of the wind", fig 37), later confis- 
cated from the Hamburger Kunsthalle and 
prominently exhibited in Entartete Kunst 

Kokoschka volunteered for army 
duty when war broke out, he was severely 
wounded While he was recovering at the 
Sanatorium Weisser Hirsch in Dresden, 
his portfolios Bacbkantatt ( Bach cantata, 
figs 32-36) and Der aefesselte Kolumbus (The 
fettered Columbus), the latter illustrat- 
ing another of his plays, were published 
by Gurlitt in Berlin, and the Galerie Der 
Sturm showed a large collection of his 
works He established a close friendship 
with the physician Fritz Neuberger and the 
actress Kathe Richter, both whom he por- 
trayed in the Die Ausivanderer iThe emigrants, 
fig 284) Another painting, Die Freunde (The 
friends, fig 285), depicted Neuberger and 
Richter with the playwright Walter Hasen- 
clever and the poet Ivar van Lticken 

After the war Kokoschka continued to 
receive recognition as a multifaceted talent 
In 1919, when the artist was appointed pro- 
fessor at the Dresden Akademie, Paul 
Westheim published a comprehensive 
monograph and Hans Tietze an important 
article in the Zeitschnft fur bddende Kunst 
(Journal of fine art), Paul Hindemith com- 
posed music for Mbrder, Hoffnund der Frauen 
(first performance, Frankfurt, 1921) Besides 
comprehensive exhibitions in Dresden, 
Hannover, and Munich, the artist partici- 
pated in the Venice Biennale in 1922 

In 1924 Kokoschka left Dresden and 
his professorship and began nearly ten 
years of continuous travels through Europe 
and North Africa, during this time his work 
was shown in London and Paris as well as 
in Germany The political developments in 
Germany after 1933 prompted Kokoschka 
to move to Prague, where he met Olda Pal- 
kovska, who would later become his wife 
He painted a portrait of Czech president 
Tomas Masaryk and began to work on his 
drama Commius, based on the writings of 
the famous Czech humanist and educator 

The first of Kokoschka's works to be 
confiscated by the Nazis was a volume of 
drawings edited by Ernst Rathenau The 
artist's reaction to the display of his work 
in EtiUirlete Kunst was to paint a self-portrait 
that he titled Bildnts ernes entartetai Kiinstlers 
(Portrait of a degenerate artist) 

When Nazi troops occupied Czech- 
oslovakia in 1938, Kokoschka and Olda 
escaped, penniless, to England, where 
he became active in emigre organizations 
In 1943 he became president of the Freie 
Deutsche Kulturbund (Free German cul- 
tural league), he donated his substantial 
honorarium for a portrait of the Soviet 
ambassador to England, Ivan Maisky to 
a Stalingrad hospital fund for the care 
of wounded Soviet and German soldiers 

In 1947 Kokoschka became a British 
citizen and traveled to Basel to see a large 
retrospective of his work, and he was 
honored by the Venice Biennale with an 
exhibition of sixteen works He subse- 
quently had several large exhibitions in the 
United States (he lectured in Boston in 
1949), another was held, ironically at the 
Haus der Kunst in Munich in 1950 (the 
site of the Nazi-approved Grosse Deulscbe 
Kunstausstellung [Great German art exhibi- 
tion] in 1937) In 1953 he opened a Schule 
des Sehens (School of vision) in Salzburg, 
which he directed until 1962, when he 
moved to Villeneuve in Switzerland He 
was greatly honored throughout Germany 
and Austria and continued to paint, design 
opera sets (including sets for Mozart's Die 

Figure 281 

Kokoschka, Alter Hm (Old i 

Ziiuberflote [The magic flute]), and publish 
portfolios of his graphics, as well as his 

Although Kokoschka refused to accept 
the label of Expressionist, his works echo in 
all their variety the artistic spirit of the first 
seventy years of this century 2 (R G ) 


1 Hans Maria Wingler, OsJwr Kokoschka Das Week 
des Malers (Salzburg Calerie Welz, 1956), 50 

2 For Kokoschka's writings see Mem Lebeti 
(Munich Bruckmann, 1971) and Das schrijlhche Werk, 
ed Heinz Spielmann, 4 vols (Hamburg Christian, 
1973-76), for his oeuvre see Wingler, Oskar Kokoschka 
Das Werk, and Ernst Rathenau, Oskar Kokoschka. Hatli- 
zeichnungen, 5 vols (Berlin Ernst Rathenau, 1935-77), 
Wilhelm Arntz, Oskar Kokoschka Aus senior. Scbafjen 
1907-1950 (Munich Prestel, 1950), Wolfgang Curlitt, 
Oskar Kokoschka (exh cat, Lmz Neue Calerie der 
Stadt, 1951, Wingler, Oskar Kokoschka Em LehmshU m 
zeilgenossiscben Dokutnetjten (Munich Prestel, 1956), idem 
and Friednch Welz, Oskar Kokoschka Das graphische 
Werk, 2 vols (Salzburg Calerie Welz, nd [1975-81]) 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Alter Here (Old man) 

c 1907 

Oil on canvas, 705 x 62 5 cm (27'/< x 24% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 4 

Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Museum fur Kunst 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16044 

Neue Calerie der Stadt Linz, Wolfgang-Curlitt 

Museum, Linz 

Figure 381 

BiUm's da Herzogm i>o» Montesquieu 

(Portrait of the duchess of Montesquiou-Fezensac) 


Oil on canvas, 95 x 50 cm (37V. x 197« in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 33 

Acquired in 1926 by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16033, Fischer lot 65 

Cincinnati Art Museum, bequest of Paul E Ceier 

Figure (28 

BlUxil! Itlin./r. lolll.!!! ..I k.irl 1 tllngCI 


i hi on canvas 86 \ 56 cm !3'Ax 22 In.) 

i italogw raisonne Winglei 63 

J by ilu W.iMl.i Richaro Museum ( ologne 
Room € MS inventory no 16136 
5caatliche Kunsthalle Karisruhe 

I i.;un iu 

/K'li>rmtoil.inJvJu|l ttr cnxi 
I uhIm ape in th< I tofomites fie t roci 
I ill on canvas 78 5 k I20\3 cm » - s 47*A in 

i. i.iiMXHK Wingler 8! 
Acquired in l l »is bv the Neue Staatsgalerie, Munich 
Room 6 NS inventory no 16134 
Leopold Collection, Vienna 
Fhtutr :s< 

Dir WmdsbrMt iThe tempest! 


Oil on canvas INI x 220 cm (7IK x 86' - in 

I atalogue raisonne Winglet 46 

Acquired in 1924 hv the Hamburger Kunsthalle 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16021 
Kunstmuseum Basel, 1939 
f-'iJurr 17 

Die Auwandtrtr l The emigrants) 


Oil on canvas, 94 x 145 cm ( 37 x 57'/. in.) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 113 

Acquired in 1926 by the Stadtisches Museum Fiir Kuns 

und Kunstgewerbe (Moritzburg), Halle 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16022 

Staatsgalerie moderner Kunst, Munich, 1964 

Figurt J8j 

Dir Frtuitdt l The friends 


Oil on canvas, 102 x 151 cm 140'/. x 59'A in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 114 

Acquired in 1919 by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

Room G2, NS inventory no 16229 

Neue Calene der Stadt Lmz, Wollgang-Gurlitt 

Museum, Lmz 

Fuurr US 

Figure 282 

Kokoschka, Bi/Jmis K.irl Ellmgrr (Portrait of Karl Etlmgerl, 1912 



v ■•*■■ 



Figure 283 

Kokoschka, DolomiloiluiiiJsc/w/l Ire crou i Landscape in the Dolomites Tre Croci] 1913 

Dir Hndm (The heathens) 


Oil on canvas, 75 x 125 cm (29'h x 49'/< 

Catalogue raisonne Wingler 113 

Acquired in 1920 by the Stadtmuseum i 

Gemaldegalene, Dresden 

Room 4, NS inventory no 16019 

Museum Ludwig, Cologne 

Fyurt 28S 

Montt Carlo 


Oil on canvas, 73 x 100 cm (28 ! A x 39% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Wmgler 191 

Acquired in c 1926 by the Stadtische Calene, 


Room 5, NS inventory no 16125, Fischer lot 70 

Musee d'Art moderne, Liege, 1939 

Fi^urt 287 

Lif^oidfS Miliichen Usaid (Reclining girl reading) 
Watercolor, 49 x 68 3 cm 1 19% x 267. in ) 
Acquired in 1921 by the Kuplerstichkabinett, Dresden 
Room G2, NS inventory no 16346 
Location unknown 

Sturmphktl (Poster for Drr Slurm) 

SeltslbiUnis (Self-portrait) 


Color lithograph, 67 x 44 7 cm (26% x 17% in ) 

C atalogue raisonne Wingler 32 

Acquired by the Stadtsmuseum Dresden 

Room Cl, NS inventory no 16458 

Location unknown, this poster The Robert Con 

Rifkmd Collection, Beverly Hills, California 

Fl0Wt 288 

O Ewigkcil — Ju Dmmcnmrt, Bacbkanlali 

(O eternity — thou thundering word, Bach cantata) 

Plates 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, and possibly another, unidentified 

plate from the portfolio of eleven prints 

1914 (portfolio published 1916) 

Lithographs, various dimensions 

Acquired in 1926 by the Stadtisches Museum fur Kuns 

und Kunstgewerbe (Montzburg), Halle 

Room Gl, NS inventory nos 16274-79 

On commission to Boehmer, exchanged, location 

unknown, this portfolio Los Angeles County Museun 

of Art, The Robert Gore Rifkind Center for German 

Expressionist Studies, M82 288168a-k 

Figures 32-36 

Figure 284 

Kokoschka, D„ Aum'.mdmr iThe 

Figure 285 
Kokoschka, Die Frt 

nit (The friends), 1917/18 

Figure 286 

Kokobchka. Dk Hadn <The heathensi, 1918/19 


Figure 287 

kokoschka, Monte Carlo, 1925 

Figure 288 

Stumplakat I Puster tor Dfr Sturm 1910 

Otto Lange 

Wilhelm Lehmbruck 

Born (879 

Died 1944 

Work in 'Entartete Kunst 

Tscbum, tier KatzmfreunA (Tschum, the cat-lover) 
Painting, medium unknown, dimensions unknown 
Acquired in 1922 by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 
Room 4, NS inventory no 16038 
Location unknown 

The statement, "They had four years' time," 
referring to the effort expected of all Ger- 
mans to adjust to the new policies instituted 
by the National Socialists, was emblazoned 
across the east wall of Room 6 on the upper 
floor of the exhibition Entartete Kunst, thus 
implicating every artist represented in the 
room This accusation was especially ironic 
in reference to Wilhelm Lehmbruck he had 
been dead for eighteen years 

Lehmbruck committed suicide in 
1919 in Berlin, to which city he had 
returned after a lengthy stay in Zurich A 
brief stint as an orderly in a military hospital 
at the beginning of the First World War had 
so horrified him that he fled to Switzerland 
in 1916 In Zurich he had contact with sim- 
ilarly inclined pacifists and befriended the 

Figure 289 

Lehmbruck, Sillmdtr Jungting (Seated youth), 1918 

artist Karl Hofer, among others Prone 
to states of depression that bordered on 
despair, Lehmbruck was the victim of his 
own Utopian expectations that were destined 
to remain unfulfilled The new epoch that 
he and so many others expected to result 
from the war was clearly not to be The art- 
ist's profound disillusionment was caused 
particularly by his recognition of the human 
cost of Germany's defeat Reinhold Hohl 
has described him as being "dashed to the 
ground by the power of the times "' 

By the time of his death Lehmbruck 
had achieved a considerable international 
reputation His student work at the 
Dusseldorf Akademie evolved into a style 
heavily influenced by Rodin, whose sculp- 
ture he had seen at the International 
Exhibition in Dusseldorf in 1904, but he 
broke suddenly with this approach Julius 
Meier-Graefe described his own first 
encounter with Lehmbruck's Grosse Kniende 
(Large kneeling woman, fig 290) of 1911 
(on view in 1937 in Entartete Kunst). 

One day all portrait busts, all torsos retaining 
a reminiscence of (fee Greek spirit had been 
moved aside, and in the center of the atelier 
there stood a huge female creature, half- 
kneeliiu), appearing to have no end to her 
At first glance, she looked most like an awk- 
ward giant marionette. Here was an artist 
with the unheard-of luck of capturing (be com- 
posure of antique sculpture, and he gave it up 
for a single original notion, for a leap into 
the blue. . . . This slitlike phantom cut through 
the air like a steep reef and forced the viewer 
to either kneel down or to flee I chose the 
latter . Naturally, I soon came back. 2 
Lehmbruck was living in Paris at the 
time, and he had been working on the Grosse 
Kniende fitfully He hesitated to show the 
sculpture in public, finally his wife had it 
cast and entered it in the Salon d'Automne 
(Autumn salon) ' In 1912 the work was 
shown in the Cologne Sonderbund and 
Berliner Sezession (Berlin secession) exhi- 
bitions Lehmbruck was the only German 
sculptor represented at the Armory Show 
in New York in the spring of 1913, with 
the Cross? Kniende and the Grosse Stehende 

I arge standing gnl I he lattei work was 
sold fbi $1,620 bringing the highest amount 

paid tor a piec< of s< ulpture from the show 

The Gnat KmmAi evoked <m unfortunate 
comment from rheodore Roosevelt, who 

desinhed it .is obviously mammalian hut 
not especially human ' 

After Lehmbruck's death his wife pre 
sented the ' rrosse Knicnde as a permanent loan 
to the city of Munich in exchange tor an 
apartment s Another bronze cast ot the fig- 
ure, a memorial to peace, was erected in 
Duisburg in 1427 in the center of the city, 
where it received a great deal of public 
criticism and was finally removed after 
it was damaged by the irate populace 

In March 1930 two months alter 
Wilhelm I rick had assumed the position 
of minister of the interior in Thuringia, 
lehmbruck's works were among those con- 
fiscated from the museum in Weimar In 
November 1936 a sculpture by the artist was 
removed from the lubilee exhibition of the 
Preussische Akademie der Kunste I Prussian 
academy of arts) in Berlin When, on July 7, 
1937, Adolf Ziegler's committee to select 
works for Enliirlflf Kunsl arrived at the Berlin 
Nationalgalene, however, not a word was 
said about Lehmbruck's work " Three days 
after the opening, on July 22, the Grosse 
Kniende appeared in Room 6, heavily dam- 
aged during transport At some time after 
July 29 it was replaced by Lehmbruck's 
SitzoiJfr Junglint) i Young man sitting, fig 
289), also called Der Denker (The thinker), 
seized from the Kunsthalle Mannheim 7 
Although the title Der Denker recalls Rodin's 
famous work, Lehmbruck's stylistic treat- 
ment differed markedly from that of the 
French master all anecdotal detail has been 
eliminated, and the act of thinking is a 
tense, dark rumination The pure, clean line 
of the figure's attenuated form is a severe 
gesture, a harsh symbol Another cast of Der 
Denker, in a military cemetery in Duisburg, 
erected as a memorial to the fallen of the 
First World War, escaped National Socialist 
attention until 1940, when it was earmarked 
to be melted down, along with other metal 
sculptures that were not useful to the re- 

Figure 290 

Lehmbruck, (.rossr KiuntJt (Large kneeling woman), 1911 

gime The reason given was that the work 
was "politically and artistically inappropri- 
ate "This determination was later changed 
so that the sculpture could be put on the art 
market in North America, but by then the 
market was closed, and the bronze stayed in 
Duisburg In 1943 it sustained some damage 
during an air raid but was restored after 
the war* 

Approximately one hundred works by 
Lehmbruck were seized from public insti- 
tutions and taken to the central collection 
depot at Schloss Niederschonhausen in 
Berlin Some of these were on loan to the 
museums, many from the artist's wife, Anita 
Lehmbruck In a courageous battle with the 
Reich, Anita availed herself of a loophole in 
the Gesetz iiber die Einziehung von Erzeug- 
nissen entarteter Kunst (Law regarding the 
collection of examples of degenerate art) of 
May 31, 1938, a provision that existed for 
special cases of hardship Apparently she 
even appeared at the ministry with her three 
blond sons as proof of her husband's racial 

purity She was eventually successful in her 
quest to recover the works that belonged to 
her (with the provision that she should not 
use them for purposes of agitation) and to 
be recompensed for those that had been 
destroyed v 

We must conclude that it was 
Lehmbruck's tendency toward abstraction 
and the rejection of the trivial naturalism 
preferred by the National Socialists that 
earned him a place in fiil.irtflf Kunst To 
the authorities the Crosse Kniende was an idol 
of Expressionism, a rejection of bourgeois 
convention As a result of the sculpture's 
inclusion in the 1937 exhibition, the 
Museum of Modern Art in New York 
bought the stone cast that had been in 
Mannheim It became a symbol of artistic 
freedom during the war " J ( D G 

El Lissitzky 

(Lazar Markovich Lissitzky) 

Oskar Luthy 


1 Rcinhold Hohl, "Wilhelm Lehmbruck A Ger- 
man Preserve,'' in German Art w the 20tb Century Painting 
and Sculpture (905-1985 (exh cat , London Royal Acad- 
emy of Arts, 19851, 438 

2 Cited in Reinhold Heller, Tbe Art of Wilhilm 
Ukmbruck (exh car, Washington National Gallery 
of Art, 1972), 24 

3 Ibid 

4 Cited in Henry Grosshans, Hitler and thr Artists 
(New York Holmes and Meier, 1983), 42 

5 Armin Zweite, "Franz Hofmann und die Stad- 
tische Galene 1937" in Peter-Klaus Schuster, ed , Die 

Kunststadl' Muncbnt t9i7 Naltonahozialismus und "Enlarlete 
Kunst'' (Munich Prestel, 1987), 262 

6 Paul Ortwin Rave, Kunsldihalur m Dntlen Reicb, 
rev ed, ed Uwe M Schneede (Beriin Argon, 19871, 143 

7 Mario Andreas von Luttichau, "Deutsche Kunst' 
und 'Entartete Kunst' Die Munchner Ausstellungen 
1937," in Schuster, Die Kunststadl" Muncben. 108 

8 For the fate of the Duisburg Lehmbrucks see the 
essay by Andreas Huneke in this volume, and Barbara 
Lepper, "Der CestHrztr und der SilzeiiJc Jungling" in 
Wilbelm Lehmbrud (1881-19(9) (exh cat, Duisburg 
Wilhelm-Lehmbruck-Museum, 1987), 63-65 

9 Dagmar Lott, "Munchens Neue Staatsgalene 
im Dritten Reich," in Schuster, Die "Kunststadl" 
Muncben. 294 

10 The Grossr Kmendi was so described in the Bulletin 
of the Museum of Modern Art, New York, in 1942. see 
Siegfried Salzmann, Wilhilm Lebmbruck (Recklinghausen 
Aurel Bongers, nd), 25 

Born (890 
Pohhchmok, Russia 

Died 194t 
Moscow, Russia 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Abstrahe Komposition (Abstract composition) 


Oil on canvas, 60 5 x 50 cm (26'/« x 19% in ) 

Acquired in 1923 by the Landesmuseum, Hannover 

Room 5, NS inventory no 16070 

Location unknown 

Born (882 

Zollikoti, Switzerland 

Died 1945 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 


Painting, medium unknown, dimensions unknow 

Acquired in 1925 by the Stadtmuseum Dresden 

Room 1, NS inventory no 15940 

Location unknown 

Work in "Entartete Kunst 

Crosse Knitndt ( Large kneeling woman) 


Cast stone, height 178 cm (70'/a in.) 

Acquired in 1925 by the Neue Staatsgalene, Munich 

(on deposit from the Stadtische Galerie im 

Lenbachhaus, Munich, to which it was on loan) 

Room 6, NS inventory no unrecorded 

Bought by Boehmer, 1949, location unknown, 

this bronze Metropolitan Opera Association, in 

commemoration of a gift of the German government 

to Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, with the 

assistance of Gert von Gontard and the Myron and 

Anabel Taylor Foundation 

Figure 290 

Sitzentfer lunglmtt (Seated youth) 

Der Denhr (The thinker) 


Composite tinted plaster, height 105 cm (41% in ) 

Acquired in 1921 by the Kunsthalle Mannheim 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16248 

National Gallery of Art, Washington, Andrew W 

Mellon Fund, 1974 

Figure 289 

Franz Marc 

Franz Marc died at Verdun on March 4, 
1916 while serving as an artillery sergeant 
When Adolf Zicgler was reminded of this 
fact twenty-one years later in the course 
of his commissions plunder of the modern 
collection at the lierlin Nationalgaleric in 
the Kronpnnzenpalais. he matter-ot-tactlv 
responded that his "selection was deter- 
mined purely according to artistic 
viewpoints, anything residual was not his 
concern In the subsequent seconds he 
commanded that | the works in] the right 
half of the room be added to his list These 
included [ Marc's 1 Turm tier blauen Pjerde" 
[Tower of blue horses] ' 

Marc had studied theology and 
philosophy until 1899, when, following a 
year of military service, he decided to study 
art at the Munich Kunstakademie (Academy 
of art) He had his first one-man exhibition 
at Galerie Brakl in Munich in February 1910 
After seeing the second exhibition of the 
Neue Kiinstlervereinigung Munchen (New 
Munich artists association) in March 1910, 
he wrote an excited critique and by 1911 had 
joined the group and entered into a friend- 
ship with Wassily Kandmskv In April of the 
same year Kandinsky and Marc were key 
organizers of "Im Kamtf urn die Kumt" Die 
Anlworl <ju/ dm "Prolfsl deulscher Kunstler" 
'"Fighting for art" The reply to the 
"Protest by German artists"), a collection 
of seventy- five essays by curators, artists, 
writers, and collectors - This was a pro- 
gressive answer to Carl Vinnen's Em Prolesl 
deutscber KuMSllfr of 1910, signed by 134 
painters and critics, which vehemently 
attacked the acquisitions policies of German 
museum officials who were buying French 

Vogt\ (Forest interior with bird), 1912 

Figure 292 

Marc, Ebtr und Sau (Boar and sow), 19 H 

art The complaint — sparked by the eco- 
nomic problems of the more traditional 
German painters, who floundered in the 
depressed German art market — was devel- 
oped by Vinnen into a nationalistic attack 
on foreign art Although the controversy 
was limited to dissenting factions within the 
art world, the line of Vinnen's attack was a 
precursor of National Socialist cultural poli- 
tics "Why does the speculative purchase of 
foreign art pose such a serious danger? 
When alien influences seek not only to 
improve us but to bring about fundamental 
changes, our national characteristics are 
gravely threatened A people can be raised 
to the very heights only through arttsts of its own 
jiesh and blood " ' 

By December 1911 Marc and Kandinsky 
had left the Neue Kunstlervereinigung — 
after Kandinsky's submission, Kompositwn V 
(Composition V), was rejected for the 
annual exhibition — and founded Der Blaue 
Reiter (The blue rider) The group's first 
exhibition took place just a few weeks later 
at the Galene Thannhauser and excited so 
much interest that Herwarth Walden later 
arranged for it to travel throughout Ger- 
many A year later a second exhibition was 
mounted and Kandinsky and Marc edited 
the Almanacb dcs Btauen Reiters (The blue rider 
almanac), which quickly sold out One of 
the underlying principles of the Almanack 
was the juxtaposition of artworks from dif- 
ferent societies and times to demonstrate 
that the roots of modernist art movements 
could be traced to older ones, particularly 
to art from other societies Marc had first 
suggested this technique in 1911 as an easy 
means of countering Vinnen's protest 4 

Marc's interest in ethnographic art and 
his support of emerging abstract stylistic 
trends sparked another art-world contro- 
versy with the Berlin Sezessionist painter 
Max Beckmann in 1912 Marc argued for the 
quality of "new painting," which despite its 
novel compositional forms was deeply tied 
to natural appearances In reply Beckmann 
not only denounced Marc's style but his 
group's interest in folk art and raised the 
point that if old standards of artistic quality 

Figure 29? 

Marc, Dtr Mandrill (The 

were abandoned, then man "unwillingly falls 
into the field of handicrafts The laws for 
art are eternal and unchangeable" Marc 
then proposed that the value of folk art be 
reassessed and urged that judgments of 
quality be made on the basis of a work's 
"inner greatness " 5 Ethnographic artifacts, 
which Marc had carefully studied in Berlin 
in late 1910, 6 manifested such attributes, 
they were eternally valid because their real- 
ization resulted from the artisan's innate 
feeling for form 7 The issues of folk art, 
handicrafts, ethnographic artifacts, quality 
and objectivity were later infused with polit- 
ical meaning and became buzz-words of 
National Socialist cultural ideology The 
National Socialists grossly distorted the 
positions initially staked out by modernist 
artists twenty years earlier 

Marc's aesthetics were greatly 
influenced by his reading of Withelm 
Worringer's Abstraction und Einfiihlung 
(Abstraction and empathy, 1908) As early 

as 1910 he began to emphasize the role of 
color in his work in the hope of reaching the 
dematenalized inner spirit of the viewer 
During that year he wrote to August Macke, 
"Blue is the male principle, severe and spir- 
itual Yellow is the female principle, gentle, 
cheerful and sensual "" These ideas found 
expression in such works of the period as 
Waldmneres mit Vogel (Forest interior with 
bird, fig 291) and Zwei Katzen Blau und Gelb 
(Two cats, blue and yellow, fig 127), both 
later displayed in Entartete Kutist 

Tragically Marc's naive grasp of world 
power politics resulted in his eager embrace 
of the First World War, which he believed 
would ultimately rescue society from the 
stagnation of materialism This conviction 
led Marc to sign up for military service on 
August 6, 1914 On September 26 August 
Macke was killed in action, but despite the 
deep personal loss of his friend and the ter- 
rible carnage he witnessed at the front, 
Marc confidently wrote to Kandinsky on 

( K tobei 14 that the war will not be regres- 
sive tut man instead it will punt\ I urupi 

make it 'read) " A little more than a year 

later Man tOO was dead 

When the Entarttk Kunsl exhibition 
opened in Munich containing five works by 

Man '" a letter ol protest was immediately 

sent by the Deutsche! ( Iffiziersbund ( iei 
man officers Federation] to the Reichskam- 

mer der bildenden Kiinste Reich chamber 

ol visual arts expressing astonishment that 
an office! who had earned the Iron Cross 
and given his lite for his country should be 
disgraced by affiliation with this scandalous 
exhibition ' ' Indeed, during the first months 
of 1933 Marc's work had been lauded in the 
National Socialist press as an "early carrier 
of the national revolution," a total reversal 
of Marc's hope for an inner revolution of 
mankind's spirit and purge of materialist 
Europe ,: The National Socialists also made 
use of Marc's war commitment, touting 
him as an exemplary behavioral model It 
was for these reasons that, just a year before 
Enliirlrlt Kmisl took place, a major retro- 
spective of Marc's work at the Kestner- 
Gesellschah in Hannover was tolerated, as 
was an exhibition at the Galerie Nierendorf 
in Berlin It is known that high National 
Socialist officials found Marcs style person- 
ally appealing Even Ziegler, despite his 
decision to include Marc's work in Entartett 
Kunsl, believed that Marc would have 
become the greatest German painter of all 
if he had survived the war" Nevertheless, 
130 works by Marc were confiscated from 
German public collections 

As a result of the protest letter Der 
Turm der blauen Pferde was removed from the 
exhibition although lour other works by 
Marc remained on view I u and was subse- 
quently seized by Hermann Goring Despite 
rumors that the painting was later sold to 
a buyer in the United States, its location 
remains unknown It was still in the posses- 
sion of the National Socialists as late as 1945, 
when it was seen in the former Preussisches 
Abgeordnetenhaus I Prussian chamber of 
deputies) " (P K) 


1 Paul Orrwin Rave personal papers estate ol 
Paul i Mum Berlin cited In Mum \<,> 
Luttichau Deutsche Kunsi und Entartete Kunst 

in Peter-Klaus Schuster, ed Dm Kmnlstadt Mimdmi 

dismus und 'Entartete Kunsl' Munich 
Prestel 198 

2 Wassily Kandinsky/Franz Man Briejwecbsel ed 
Klaus Lankheit (Munich Pipei 1983 letters 5-6, 
10-12 15-17, 22-25 

i Carl Vinnen, Ein Protest ieulscber Kiinslla lena 
E Diedericks 1911 " I- 1 italics in original); cited 
in Peter Paret, The Berlin Secession t ambridge Mass 
Belknap 1980 IK4-85 

4 Franz Marc letter to August Macke April 12, 
19 1 1 ( ited in Andreas Hiineke, Ikr Blaur Rrrlrr Doku- 
motif fluff Oeistilfen /'ftrfiliiHJ Leipzig P Rcclam 1986 

5 The confrontation between Franz Marc and Max 
Beckmann took place in the pages ol the lournal Pan 
Mart "Die neue Malerei," Pan, no 16 (March 7, I912i 
471, Beckmann. "Cedanken uber zeitgemasse und 
unzeitgemasse Kunst," Pan no 17 .March 14 NI2 
499, Marc, "Die Konstruktiven Ideen der neuen 
Malerei," Pan, no IS (March 21, 1912) 529, idem, 
Ann Beckmann," Pan, no 19 (March 28, 1912 , the 
latter article is reprinted in Franz Man Scbriften, 

ed Klaus Lankheit (Cologne DuMont, I97H), 1(19 

6 Franz Marc, letter to August Macke, January 14, 
1911,- printed in Aiumi Alack uni Franz Marc Briejwecbsel 
( ologne DuMont, 19641, 28 

7 Marc, "Die Konstruktiven Ideen," 529 

8 Franz Marc, letter to August Macke, December 
12, 1910, cited in Frederick Levine, The Apocalyptic 
Vision New York Harper s. Row 1979), 57 

9 Franz Marc, letter to Wassily Kandmsky Octo- 
ber 24, 1914, printed in Bnejwrchiel (ed Lankheit 

10 According to Luttichau, there were originally 
hve works by Marc in the exhibition, see "Deutsche 
Kunst' und Entartete Kunst," 109 Peter-Klaus Schuster 
in Dokummtation zum HaU'onalsozialistiscbcn BtUtrsturm am 
Bestani der Staatitlakrir mojfrnfr Kumt m Muncben (Munich 
Bayenschen Staatsgemaldesammlungen, 1988), 68, 
states that there were six works in the exhibition, as 
does Dagmar Lott in 'Munchens Neue Staatsgalene 

im Dritten Reich," in Schuster, Di« "Kunststadt" 
Muncben, 294 

11 See Luttichau, '"Deutsche Kunst' und 'Entartete 
Kunst,'" 108, and his essay in this volume 

12 Bruno E Werner, "Der Aufstieg der Kunst 
Drulscfct All^rmmt Zeitmu), May 12, 1933, cited in 
Joseph Wulf, Dif bildenden Kumte in. Drillni Rncfc 

Fine ' I ranklurl Berlin. Vienna Ullstein, 
1983), 84 

13 Lott, "Munchens Neue Staatsgalene,' 294-95 

14 For the changes to Rooms 6 and 7 as they 
affected the works by Marc on view see the essay by 
Mario-Andreas von Luttichau in this volume 

15 Museum it, Gegenwart Kumt m bflcntlicbcn Samm- 
luiujen bis i^i? cxh cat, Diisseldori Kunstsammlung 
Nordrhem-Westfalen, 19S7 41 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

lienor with bird 

[was 101 ■ '"i i m J9 . . <s . m 
( atalogue raisonne Lankheit 186 

by the Stadtische Calerie Frankfurl 
Room 6, NS inventory no 16131 
Kunstmuseum Bern Slittung Olhmar-Huber 
Fitlur, 2ui 

Zuyi Kafzoi BIdN unj (,ilb Two cats, blue and ycllowj 


Oil on canvas, 74 x 98 cm (29 

(atalogue raisonne* Lankheit 182 

Acquired in 1927 by the Ruhmcshalle, Barmen/ 


Room 6, NS inventory no 16133, Fischer lot 88 

Kunstmuseum Basel, 1939 

Fijurf |27 

Efifr und Sau ( Boar and sow) 
WAdscoveim (Wild boars) 


Oil on canvas, 73 x 56 5 cm (28% x 22% in ) 

Catalogue raisonne Lankheit 202 

Acquired in 1924 by the Stadtisches Museum fUr Kunst 

und Kunstgewerbe Montzburg Halle 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16141, Fischer lot 86 

Museum Ludwig, Cologne 

Figure 202 


Der Mandrill (The mandrill) 

Oil on canvas, 91 x 131 cm (357. x 51'. in 
Catalogue raisonne Lankheii 2 is 
Acquired by the Hamburger Kunsthalle 
Room 6, NS inventory no 16132 
Staatsgalene moderner Kunst, Munich, 1964 
Fiaurf 293 

Da Turm der blaum Pferde Trie tower of blue horses) 


Oil on canvas, 200 x 130 cm (78% x 51'. in 

Catalogue raisonne Lankheit 210 

Acquired in 1919 by the Nanonalgalene Berlin 

Room 6, NS inventory no 14126 

Location unknown 

Gerhard Marcks 

The fate of the sculptor and graphic artist 
Gerhard Marcks under the Nazis is an exam- 
ple of the complexities and contradictions 
of a tyrannical art "policy" From his works 
confiscated from German public institutions 
two were selected to represent him in the 
exhibition Enliirtfle Kunst in 1937 Dtr Erzetufel 
Gabriel (The archangel Gabriel) and Stebatda 
Junge (Standing boy, fig 294), both from 
the Museum Folkwang in Essen A label 
stated that Marcks had been "singled out 
recently [for praise] by the literati," as 
if that were an additional strike against 
him There is even an account that Hitler, 
walking through the exhibition, uttered a 
particular condemnation of the two sculp- 
tures The Galerie Buchholz in Berlin had 
been planning a one-man exhibition of 
Marcks's work but was prohibited from 
opening, and the artist was informed that he 
was not ever to exhibit those works Yet 
even in 1937 an attempt was made to have 
him elected to the prestigious Preussische 
Akademie der Kiinste (Prussian academy of 
arts) — although nothing came of it — and a 
number of galleries continued to show single 
works by him within the framework of 
larger exhibitions of sculpture without inter- 
ference from the Nazis Some brave art 
historians still praised his works in their 
publications It appears that though the 
Nazis condemned all of his earlier works, 
they hesitated to enforce their threat to pro- 
hibit him from working at all Marcks even 
entered the competition for public commis- 
sions, although there was little hope that he 
could be successful But the lack of oppor- 
tunity to exhibit and thus the lack of 
publicity and criticism in the newspapers 
curtailed sales of his works 

Marcks was an outstanding teacher 
After he returned from military service in 
the First World War, he taught for a short 
time at the Kunstgewerbeschule (School of 
applied arts) in Berlin until in 1919 Walter 
Gropius appointed him one of the first three 
faculty members of the newly founded 
Bauhaus in Weimar When the Bauhaus 
moved to Dessau in 1925, the architect Paul 
Thiersch, director of the Kunstgewerbe- 
schule Burg Giebichenstein, appointed 
Marcks to head the sculpture department 
of that school When Thiersch became ill, 
Marcks filled in as director In 1933 he was 
dismissed by the Nazis for two reasons typi- 
cal of National Socialist cultural policy he 
had carried on the traditions of the Bauhaus, 
which the Nazis considered to be "Jewish- 
Bolshevist" as well as "degenerate," and 
he had come to the defense of a colleague, 
Marguerite Friedlander-Wildenhain, who 
was to be dismissed because she was Jewish 
It was this latter action that prevented his 
subsequently proposed appointment to the 
Dusseldorf Akademie In short, his sculpture 
and graphic art were "unacceptable" to the 
Nazis, as was his role as a teacher — yet they 
never prohibited him from working 

Marcks was an autodidact who in 1907, 
as a nineteen-year-old, apprenticed himself 
to the sculptor Richard Scheibe in Berlin 
Beginning with animal representations, he 
soon changed to the depiction of the human 
form, frequently nude, as his most expres- 
sive theme, he produced figures and 
portraits in both stone and bronze He 
exhibited in the Berlin Sezession, worked 
briefly for the Schwarzburg and Meissen 
porcelain factories, and made reliefs for the 
hall of machines, designed by Gropius, at 
the important 1914 Deutsche Werkbund 
exhibition in Cologne During his Bauhaus 
period, at the suggestion of colleague Lyonel 
Feininger, he began to make woodcuts the 
portfolio Das Witlandslied (The song of Wie- 
land) was printed at the Bauhaus 

Figure 294 

Marcks, Stelwi<ler Jungt (Standing boy), c 1924 

The Villa Romana prize in 1928 per- 
mitted Marcks a first and influential visit 
to Greece and an encounter with Archaic 
sculpture, which was followed by travels 
to southern France and Paris and a stay in 
Rome (the Villa Massimo prize in 1935) At 
this time he belonged, with Ernst Barlach, 
Wilhelm Lehmbruck, and Kathe Kollwitz, 
to the group of the most important modern 
German sculptors 

Marcks was greatly affected by the 
Second World War In 1943 his son died on 
the Russian front Some of his works were 
destroyed in the bombing of the bronze- 
casting firms in Berlin, one large figure 
burned in the Galerie Buchholz when it suf- 
fered damage in a bombardment His house 
and studio, containing many works, were 
leveled by bombs, and after the war he 
discovered that a number of works he had 
hidden had been destroyed and some of his 
bronzes had been melted down to provide 
metal for armaments 

Immediately after the war Marcks was 
offered professorships by the academies 
of Berlin, Dresden, Halle, Rostock, and 
Weimar, he accepted an offer from Ham- 
burg After his recovery from a severe 

Ewald Matare 

illness and exhaustion, lie began id lullill 
a number of commissions, especially for 
monuments In 1947 he completed si\ lile 
sized terra eotta figures tor the Katharinen 
kirche (Church of Saint Catherine) in 
I iibeck, a task that Ernst Barlach had 
begun in 1930-32 and which he suggested 
should be i onipleted In Man ks 

As his recognition grew, Marcks 
received a number of prizes, including the 
Stefan I.ochner medal of Cologne (where 
he moved in 1950), the Goethe medal of 
Frankfurt, and the highest medal of the 
federal Republic ol Germany; he was made 
a knight of the Order of Merit and was 
elected a member of the academies of 
Berlin, Hamburg, and Munich In 1971 
the Gerhard Marcks-Haus in Bremen was 
opened to provide a permanent exhibition 
of his work ' I P G l 


I ( liinter Busch. Gerhard Mints Das plusliscfct Wnk. 

mil Werkmachrm ion Marina Rudlojj i Frankfurt/Berlin/ 
Vienna Ullstein, 1977), Gerhard Marcks ttw-mt Bnrft 
unj Wtrh, ed Ursula Frenzel 'Nuremberg Archiv fur 
bildende Kunst im Germamschen Nationalmuseum/ 
Munich Prestel. 1988), Kurt Lammek, Gerhard March 
Dai druckaraphucbt Wtrk (Bremen Gcrhard-Marcks- 
SMftung 1989), Martina Rudlofl, cd, Gerhard March 
1889-1981 Rrlros/irJrlu* (Munich Hirmcr, I9«m 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Stehender lunar (Standing boy) 

c 1924 

Bronze, height 67 cm (26Vh in i 

Catalogue raisonne Busch 122 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang. Es 1 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16251 

Kulturhistonsches Museum, Rostock 

El^ure 294 

Halijrr t,roril Saint George) 

Drr Erzmgtl Gabriel (The archangel Gabriel) 


Cast stone or plaster, height 255 cm loir. 

Catalogue raisonne Busch 219 

Acquired by the Museum Folkwang, Essen 

Room 6, NS inventory no 16250 

Location unknown 

The sculptor and graphic artist Ewald 
Matare began his career as a painter in the 
studio of Eugen Klinkenberg in Aachen He 
soon transferred to the Akademie in Berlin 
(1907-14) where he studied with Lovis Cor- 
inth, received the Akademie's silver medal, 
and in 1914 became a master student of 
Arthur Kampf Matare became a member of 
the Novembergruppe (November group) in 
1918, executed his first sculptures in 1920, 
and had his first one-man show in 1923 at 
the I B Neumann gallery in Berlin By then 
he had developed a distinctive style, a radi- 
cally simplified yet expressive form, in his 
woodcuts (frequently using color to enhance 
the image) and especially in his sculpture 

In 1932 Dr Walter Kaesbach, director 
since 1925 of the Diisseldorf Kunstakademie 
(Academy of art), appointed Matare pro- 
fessor of sculpture at the school When the 
Nazis took power in 1933, they immediately 
fired Kaesbach, Matare, and Paul Klee, 
another of Kaesbach's appointees A famous 
war memorial that Matare had designed for 
the city of Kleve was removed The sculp- 
tor, who concentrated on religious works, 
was able to retain relative artistic freedom, 
however, since he was given commissions by 
various churches The Nazis did not dare to 
interfere with the interior forms of church 
architecture and decoration, and thus 
Matare worked undisturbed His stylized 
Expressionistic work had gained a "Roman- 
esque" quality that blended with the archi- 
tecture of the modern German churches In 
the confiscations of artworks in 1937 the 
Nazis had to content themselves with his 

secular work, such as I Jit Kalzt (The cat, fig 
295), which was exhibited in £nt<irtclf Kunst 
In 1945, at the end of the war, Matare 
was reappointed professor at the Dusscl 
dort Kunstakademie Three years later he- 
received a commission to create new bronze- 
doors for the south portal of ( ologne 
Cathedral In 1954 he created stained-glass 
windows for Aachen Cathedral and the two 
portals for the World-Peace Cathedral in 
Hiroshima He was the recipient of the 
Thorn Prikker Prize and the state prize 
of Nordrhein-Westfalen ' (P G) 


I Hans Theodor Flemming, Ewald Malarr I Munich 

Prestel, 1955), Heinz Peters, Ewald Malarr Das araphische 
Wtrk, 2 vols (Cologne Chnstoph Czwiklitzer, 1957- 
58), Eduard Trier, Ewald Malarr, 2d ed Reckling- 
hausen Aurel Bongers, 1958) 

Figure 295 

Matare, Dir K,ilzr iThe cat), 1928 

Work in Entartete Kunst 

Dir Kalzr (The cat) 


Bronze, 20 x 60 cm I 77. x 23V, in I 

Catalogue raisonne Schilling 20a 

Acquired in 1929 by the Nationalgalene, Berlin 

Room 3, NS inventory no 16247 

Kunsthalle zu Kiel, this version in wood, 1923 

Gabnele Henkel, Diisseldorf 

Fi^wrr 295 

Ludwig Meidner 

In his own time Ludwig Meidner was con- 
sidered "the hottest crater in a volcanic 
epoch "' The "strange little spirit who came 
to life only at night," 2 as George Crosz 
described him, was obsessed with catastro- 
phe and depicted cosmic chaos in his work 
To the National Socialists this destruction 
of form offended German sensibilities and 
was a hallmark of degeneracy that earned 
Meidner a place in the Entartete Kunst 

In the guide to the exhibition Meidners 
Selbstportrat (Self-portrait, fig 296) of 1912 
was featured with works by Otto Freund- 
lich and Richard Hartmann under the title, 
"Three specimens of Jewish sculpture and 
painting" (see p 379) The painting was 
one of eighty-four "degenerate" works by 
Meidner seized from public institutions 
throughout Germany and was displayed in 
the "Jewish" gallery, Room 2 on the upper 
floor of Eniartete Kumt, under the heading, 
"Revelation of the Jewish racial soul " Above 
the painting the comment, "Jewish, all too 
Jewish," introduced an out-of-context cita- 
tion from Meidners writings, ridiculing 
the bourgeois values of good character, 
uprightness, and constancy 

Meidner had been apprenticed to a 
mason at age seventeen in anticipation of 
a career as an architect and builder He 
decided instead to become a painter and 
entered the Konigliche Kunstschule (Royal 
school of art) in Breslau A brief period as a 
fashion illustrator in Berlin was followed by 

additional study in Paris in 1906, where he 
admired the work of Edouard Manet and 
befriended Amedeo Modigliani Returning 
to Berlin in 1908, he became a member of 
the artistic avant-garde, a regular at the liter- 
ary Cafe des Westens, and a participant in 
the intellectual life of the city 

The year 1912 was particularly signifi- 
cant for Meidner With Richard lanthur and 
Jakob Steinhardt he founded Die Pathetiker 
(The pathetic ones), an anti- Impressionist 
artists' group whose work was exhibited at 
Herwarth Walden's Galerie Der Sturm At 
the same time Meidner began to paint a 
series of apocalyptic scenes that shaped his 
reputation as an independent eccentric, a 
prophet whose violent landscapes prefigured 
the destruction of the First World War In 
December 1912 Meidner had the first of a 
series of ecstatic religious experiences, 
which he described as the coming of the 
Holy Spirit An escalation in hysterical 
behavior and eruptions of furious energy 
particularly during his customary nighttime 
working hours, followed these mystical 
visits Meidner would often paint until morn- 
ing "The gas lamp is the true light," he said 
"It encourages inspiration Daylight is 
too rationalistic and skeptical, and during 
the day one also does not have the courage 
to act on one's ideas and intuition " 3 

Meidners primary subjects were life 
in the city and portraits of his friends and 
acquaintances His style during the years 
1912-20 was tormented and convulsive, 
heavily influenced by Hieronymous Bosch, 
Pieter Breugel the Elder, James Ensor, and 
Vincent van Gogh Kurt Hiller, an intel- 
lectual and political activist, reviewed 
Meidners work in the November 27, 1912, 
issue of Die Aktion (Action) and suggested 
that his pictures of suffering and violence 
revealed a mixture of fear and pleasure The 
artist's predilection for catastrophic imagery 
persisted until he entered the army in 1916, 
where he served in the infantry and as a 
translator in a prisoner-of-war camp for 
French soldiers 

Meidner was given his first solo exhi- 
bition at the Galerie Paul Cassirer in Berlin 
in January 1918 After the November Rev- 
olution later that year, he became a found- 
ing member of the Arbeitsrat fur Kunst 
(Workers' council for art), an organization 
that united with councils of workers and 
soldiers in favor of a new republic, and 
the Novembergruppe (November group), 
whose members were also proponents of a 
free Germany A manifesto addressed "An 
alle Kunstler" (To all artists) was published 
by the artists in the periodicals Der Anbrucb 
(The beginning) and Das Kunstblatt (The 
art page) in January 1919, it declared 
that "socialism must be our creed 
We painters and poets [must] join in a 
holy alliance with the poor" 4 

Meidners literary activities were not 
limited to the writing of manifestos In 1918 
and 1920, respectively he published the 
books Im Nacken das Sternenmeer (Behind my 
head the sea of stars) and Septemberscbrei 
(September cry), examples of lyrical, 
expressionistic prose He wrote many 
essays, was regularly featured in the Berlin 
newspapers, and was the coeditor of the 
periodical Dos nau Piithos (The new pathos), 
whose contributors included Gottfried 
Benn, Georg Heym, Kurth Pinthus, and 
Franz Werfel Indeed, during the 1920s 
Meidner was almost better known as a 
writer than a painter The Berlin art dealer 
Fritz Gurlitt did encourage him to create 
graphic works, however, particularly on Jew- 
ish themes, which were published by the 
Verlag fur ludische Kunst und Kultur (Pub- 
lishers for Jewish art and culture) In 1929 
Meidner completed his third book, Gang in 
die Stille (Passage to silence), and in the same 
year wrote an essay for the Deutsche AWtfememe 
Zeiiunil in which he proclaimed his lewish- 
ness in the face of escalating anti-Semitism 
By 1933 his visibility in Berlin placed him 
and his family in danger of persecution, and 
he decided to move to Cologne in 1935, 
where he taught drawing at a Jewish school 

Figure 296 

Meidner, Stibstportral (Self-portrait), 1912 

Figure 297 

Meidner, untitled lithograph from the book 
Sr/>tmtr>rrscr>m (September cry I, published 1920. 
205 x 148 cm (8'/« x 57, rn i 

Meidner was painting and drawing in 
two styles now for public consumption an 
impressionistic manner reminiscent of Max 
Liebermann, contrasting sharply to his work 
as a Pathetiker, and in private a disturbingly 
soft, amorphous style He had replaced 
religious paintings, his primary subject in 
the 1930s, with self-portraits, in 1937 he 
signed one in Hebrew The self-portrait 
chosen by the organizers of Entarteti Kunst, 
however, was from an earlier period (1912) 
and demonstrated Meidner's convulsive, vig- 
orous impasto technique of that time, when 
he painted in a compulsive frenzy The 
characteristic agitated line and the slashing 
brushstrokes shaping the bulging eyes and 
deformed head signified to the National 
Socialists a mentally deranged spirit The 
defamation of this portrait, an assault on 
Meidner's spiritual and intellectual qualities, 

was also an attack on his person and his 
race Paul Schultze-Naumburg, in his influ- 
ential book Kunst und Rush (Art and race), 
1928, presented the thesis of the indi- 
visibility of the artist's corporeality and his 
work The National Socialist ideology of 
race emphasized that it was not the spirit 
that governed creativity but rather the 
immutable characteristics inherited by mem- 
bers of the race that were manifested in 
their artistic product (Additional works by 
Meidner were shown in the exhibition Der 
avige Jude |The eternal Jew] in Munich in 
November 1937) 

The outrages committed against Jews 
on November 9, 1938 — Kristallnacht — 
alarmed Meidner, and he began to plan to 
leave Germany With the help of Augustus 
lohn the artist and his family fled to England 
in 1939, where Meidner was interned on the 

Isle of Man until 1941 His efforts to support 
himself in London after his release included 
posts as a night watchman and a painter 
of portraits of the dead, modeled on 

Meidner returned to Germany in 
1952, where he steadily gained recognition, 
including a solo exhibition in Reckling- 
hausen in 1963 He received the Order 
of Merit from the Federal Republic of 
Germany became a member of the Berlin 
Akademie der bildenden Kiinste (Academy 
of fine arts), and was granted the Villa 
Romana prize in 1964 On May 14, 1966, 
Meidner died in Darmstadt, where he had 
settled three years earlier (D G ) 

Jean Metzinger 

Constantin von